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THE WORKS 



OF 



WASHINGTON IRVING 



NEW EDITION, REVISED. 



VOL. V. 
COLUMBUS AND HIS COMPANIONS. 



NEW- YORK: 
GEORGE P. PUTNAM. 

1849. 



" To declare my opinion herein, whatsotver hath heretofore been dis- 
covered by the famous traimyles of Saturnus and Hercules, with such other 
whom the antiquitie for their heroical acts honoured as Gods, seemeth but 
little and obscure, if it be compared to the victorious labours of the Span- 
yards." 

P. Martyr, decad. iii. cap. 4. Lok's translation. 



' li 



50 



f 



THE 



LIFE AND VOYAGES 



OF 



CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS 

TO WHICH ARE ADDED THOSE OF 

HIS COMPANIONS. 

BY 

W^ASHINGTON IRVING. 



Venient annii 
Ssecnla seris, quibus, Oceanus 
Vincula, rerum laxet, et ingens 
Pateat tellus, Typhisque novos 
Detegat Oibes, nee sit terns 
Ultima Tliule. 

Seneca : Medea. 



author's revised edition. 
VOL. III. 



NEW. YORK : 
GEORGE P. PUTNAM, 155 BROADWAY, 

And 142 Strand, London. 

1849. 




Enjity'W.l 



Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1848, by 

Washington Irving, 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Southern District 
of New- York. 



Leavitt, Trow & Co. 

Printers and Stereotypers, 
49 Ann-street, N.Y. 



CONTENTS. 



ALONZO DE OJEDA. 

HIS FIRST VOYAGE, IN WHICH HE WAS ACCOMPANIED BY AMERIGO VESPUCCI. 

Page 

Chap. I. — Some Account of Ojeda — of Juan de la Cosa — of Amerigo 
Vespucci — Preparations for the Voyage. — (A. D. 1499.) ... 17 

Chap. II. — Departure from Spain — Arrival on the Coast of Paria — Cus- 
toms of the Natives 22 

Chap. III. — Coasting of Terra Firma — Military Expedition of Ojeda . 25 

Chap. IV. — Discovery of the Gulf of Venezuela — Transactions there — 
Ojeda explores the Gulf — Penetrates to Maracaibo . . . .28 

Chap. V. — Prosecution of the Voyage — Return to Spain ... 32 

PEDRO A. NINO AND CHRIS. GUERRA. 
A. D. 1499 • . . 34 

VICENTE YANEZ PINZON. 
A. D. 1499 39 

DIEGO DE LEPE AND R. DE BASTIDES. 
A. D. 1500 47 

ALONZO DE OJEDA. 

SECOND VOYAGE. 

A. D. 1502 .51 



CONTENTS. 



ALONZO DE OJEDA. 

THIRD VOYAGE. Page 

Chap. I. — Ojeda applies for a Command — Has a rival candidate in Diego 

de Nicuesa — His success (1509) .59 

Chap. II. — Feud between the Rival Governors Ojeda and Nicuesa— A 

Challenge 63 

Chap. HI. — E.xploits and Disasters of Ojeda on the Coast of Carthagena 

— Fate of the veteran Juan de la Cosa 69 

Chap. IV. — Arrival of Nicuesa — Vengeance taken on the Indians . . 75 
Chap. V. — Ojeda founds the Colony of San Sebastian — Beleaguered by 

the Indians ........... 79 

Chap. VI. — Alonzo de Ojeda supposed by the Savages to have a charmed 

life — Their experiment to try the fact . 82 

Chap. VII. — Arrival of a strange Ship at San Sebastian ... 84 
Chap. VIII. — Factions in the Colony — A Convention made . . .87 
Chap. IX. — Disastrous Voyage of Ojeda in the Pirate Ship ... 88 
Chap. X. — Toilsome March of Ojeda and his Companions through the 

morasses of Cuba .......... 90 

Chap. XI. — Ojeda performs his Vow to the Virgin .... 94 

Chap. XII. — Arrival of Ojeda at Jamaica — His Reception by Juan de 

Esquibel 96 

Chap. XIII. — Arrival of Alonzo de Ojeda at San Domingo — Conclusion 

of his Story 98 

DIEGO DE NICUESA. 

Chap. I. — Nicuesa sails to the Westward — His Shipwreck and Subse- 
quent Disasters 102 

Chap. II. — Nicuesa and his men on a desolate Island . . . 105 
Chap. III. — Arrival of a Boat — Conduct of Lope de Olano . . . 107 
Chap. IV. — Nicuesa rejoins his Crews .... . 109 
Chap. V. — Sufferings of Nicuesa and his men on the Coast of the Isthmus 111 
Chap. VI. — Expedition of the Bachelor Enciso in search of the Seat of 
Government of Ojeda 115 

Chap. VII. — The Bachelor hears unwelcome tidings of his destined Juris- 
diction 119 



CONTENTS. vii 

Page 
Chap. VIII. — Crusade of the Bachelor Enciso against the Sepulchres of 

Zenu 121 

Chap. IX. — The Bachelor arrives at San Sebastian — His disasters there, 

and subsequent Exploits at Darien ...... 124 

Chap. X. — The Bachelor Enciso undertakes the Command — His downfall 127 
Chap. XI. — Perplexities at the Colony — Arrival of Colmenares . . 128 
Chap. XII. — Colmenares goes in quest of Nicuesa .... 130 

Chap. XIII. — Catastrophe of the tmfortunate Nicuesa . . . , 133 

VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA, 

DISCOVERER OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

Chap. I. — Factions at Darien — Vasco Nuiiez elevated to the Command 138 
Chap. II. — Expedition to Coyba — Vasco Nuiiez receives the daughter of a 
Cacique as hostage .......... 141 

Chap. III. — Vasco Nunez hears of a Sea beyond the Mountains . . 145 

Chap. IV. — Expedition of Vasco Nuiiez in quest of the Golden Temple of 

Dobayba 149 

Chap. V. — Disaster on the Black River — Indian plot against Darien . 155 
Chap. VI. — Further Factions in the Colony — Arrogance of Alonzo Perez 

and the Bachelor Corral 158 

Chap. VII. — Vasco Nuiiez determines to seek the Sea beyond the Moun- 
tains 163 

Chap. VIII. — Expedition in quest of the Southern Sea . . . 165 
Chap. IX. — Discovery of the Pacific Ocean ...... 169 

Chap. X. — Vasco Nunez marches to the shores of the South Sea . 172 
Chap. XI. — Adventures of Vasco Nunez on the Pacific Ocean . .177 
Chap. XII. — Further Adventures and Exploits of Vasco Nunez . . 182 
Chap. XIII. — Vasco Nuiiez sets out on his return across the Mountains — 

His contests with the Savages . 185 

Chap. XIV. — Enterprise against Tubanama, the warlike Cacique of the 
Mountains — Return to Darien ....... 188 

Chap. XV. — Transactions in Spain — Pedrarias Davila appointed to the 
command of Darien — Tidings received in Spain of the Discovery of the 
Pacific Ocean ........... 193 

Chap. XVI. — Arrival and grand Entry of Don Pedrarias Davila into 
Darien 200 



viii CONTENTS. 

Page 
Chap. XVII. — Perfidious Conduct of Don Pedrarias towards Vasco Nuiiez 203 
Chap. XVIII. — Calamities of the Spanish Cavaliers at Darien . . 207 

Chap. XIX. — Fruitless Expedition of Pedrarias 209 

Chap. XX. — Second Expedition of Vasco Nunez in quest of the Golden 

Temple of Dobayba 211 

Chap. XXI. — Letters from the King in favor of Vasco Nunez — Arrival of 

Garabito — Arrest of Vasco Nuifiez . ...... 214 

Chap. XXII. — Expedition of Morales and Pizarro to the shores of the 

Pacific Ocean — Their Visit to the Pearl Islands — Their disastrous 

Return across the Mountains 218 

Chap. XXIII. — Unfortunate Enterprises of the Officers of Pedrarias — 

Matrimonial Compact between the Governor and Vasco Nunez . 226 
Chap. XXIV. — Vasco Nunez transports ships across the Mountains to the 

Pacific Ocean 229 

Chap. XXV. — Cruise of Vasco Nunez in the Southern Sea — Rumors 

from Ada 233 

Chap. XXVI. — Reconnoitering Expedition of Garabito — Stratagem of 

Pedrarias to entrap Vasco Nunez ...... 235 

Chap. XXVII. — Vasco Nunez and the Astrologer — His return to Ada . 238 

Chap. XXVIII.— Trial of Vasco Nunez 240 

Chap. XXIX. — Execution of Vasco Nunez 244 



Valdivia and his companions 247 



MicER CoDRO, the Astrologer 260 



JUAN PONCE DE LEON, 

CONQUEROR OF POKTO RICO, AND DISCOVERER OF FLORIDA. 

Chap. I. — Reconnoitering Expedition of Juan Ponce de Leon to the Island 

ofBoriquen 262 

Chap. II. — Juan Ponce aspires to the government of Porto Rico . . 265 
Chap. III. — Juan Ponce rules with a strong hand — Exasperation of the 

Indians — Their experiment to prove whether the Spaniards were mortal 267 
Chap. IV. — Conspiracy of the Caciques — Fate of Sotomayor . . 270 
Chap. V. — War of Juan Ponce with the Cacique Aguaybana . . 274 



CONTENTS. it 

C/HAP. VI. — Juan Ponce de Leon hears of a wonderful country and mira- 
culous fountain .......... 278 

Chap. VII. — Cruise of Juan Ponce de Leon in search of the Fountain of 
Youth 281 

Chap. VIII. — Expedition of Juan Ponce against the Caribs — His Death 284 



APPENDIX. 
No. I. — Transportation of the Remains of Columbus from St. Domingo 

to the Havana 291 

No. II. — Notice of the Descendants of Columbus .... 295 

No. III.— Fernando Columbus 310 

No. IV.— Age of Columbus 312 

No. V. — Lineage of Columbus 314 

No. VI.— Birthplace of Columbus 316 

No. VII.— The Colombos 323 

No. VIII. — Expedition of John of Anjou 325 

No. IX. — Capture of the Venetian Galleys by Colombo the Younger . 327 

No. X. — Amerigo Vespucci ........ 330 

No. XI. — Martin Alonzo Pinzon 345 

No. XII. — Rumor of the Pilot said to have died in the House of Colum- 
bus 348 

No. XIII.— Martin Behem 352 

No. XIV. — Voyages of the Scandinavians . . . , . 356 

No. XV. — Circumnavigation of Africa by the Ancients . . . 361 

No. XVI.— Of the ships of Columbus 364 

No. XVII.— Route of Columbus in his first Voyage . . . 366 
No. XVIII. — Principles upon which the Sums mentioned in this Work 

have been reduced into modern Currency 366 

No. XIX. — Prester John 382 

No. XX.— Marco Polo 384 

No! XXI —The Work of Marco Polo 393 

No. XXII.— Sir John Mandeville 398 

No. XXIII.— The Zones 400 

No. XXIV.— Of the Atalantis of Plato 401 

No. XXV. — The imaginary Island of St. Brandan .... 403 
VOL. nr. 1* 



X CONTENTS. 

Page 

No. XXVI.— The Island of the Seven Cities 410 

No. XXVII. — Discovery of the Island of Madeira . . . . 411 

No. XXVIII.— Las Casas 415 

No. XXIX.— Peter Martyr 423 

No. XXX.— Oviedo 428 

No. XXXI.— Cura de Los Palacios 429 

No. XXXII. — " Navigatione del Re de Castiglia delle Isole e Paese 

Nuovamente Ritrovate." — ^" Navigatio Christophori Colombi." . . 431 

No. XXXIII.— Antonio de Herrera 432 

No. XXXIV.— Bishop Fonseca 434 

No. XXXV. — On the Situation of the Terrestrial Paradise . . 438 

No. XXXVL— Will of Columbus 444 

No. XXXVIL— Signature of Columbus 452 

No. XXXVIII.— A Visit to Palos 454 

No. XXXIX.— Manifesto of Alonzo de Ojeda .... 468 

Index 471 



INTRODUCTION. 



The first discovery of the Western Hemisphere has 
already been related by the Author in his History of 
Columbus. It is proposed by him, in the present work, 
to narrate the enterprises of certain of the companions 
and disciples of the admiral, who, enkindled by his zeal, and 
instructed by his example, sallied forth separately in the 
vast region of adventure to which he had led the way. 
Many of them sought merely to skirt the continent which 
he had partially visited ; to secure the first-fruits of the 
pearl fisheries of Paria and Cubaga ; or to explore the coast 
of Veragua, which he had represented as the Aurea Cher- 
sonesus of the ancients. Others aspired to accomplish a 
grand discovery which he had meditated toward the close 
of his career. In the course of his expeditions along the 
coast of Terra Firma, Columbus had repeatedly received 
irfformation of the existence of a vast sea to the south. 
He supposed it to be the great Indian Ocean, the region 
of the oriental spice islands, and that it must communicate 
by a strait with the Caribbean sea. His last and most 
disastrous voyage was made for the express purpose of dis- 



jdi INTRODUCTION. 

covering that imaginary strait, and making his way into 
this Southern Ocean. The illustrious navigator, hovi^ever, 
was doomed to die, as it were, upon the threshold of his 
discoveries. It was reserved for one of his followers, 
Vasco Nunez de Balboa, to obtain the first view of the 
promised ocean, from the lofty mountains of Darien, some 
years after the eyes of the venerable Admiral had been 
closed in death. The expeditions here narrated, therefore, 
may be considered as springing immediately out of the 
voyages of Columbus, and fulfilling some of his grand 
designs. They may be compared to the attempts of ad- 
venturous knights-errant to achieve the enterprise left un- 
finished by some illustrious predecessor. Neither is this 
comparison entirely fanciful ; on the contrary, it is a curi- 
ous fact, well worthy of notice, that the spirit of chivalry 
entered largely into the early expeditions of the Spanish 
discoverers, giving them a character wholly distinct from 
similar enterprises, undertaken by other nations. It will 
not, perhaps, be considered far-sought, if we trace the 
cause of this peculiarity to the domestic history of the 
Spaniards during the middle ages. 

Eight centuries of incessant warfare with the Moorish 
usurpers of the Peninsula, produced a deep and lasting 
effect upon Spanish character and manners. The war 
being ever close at home, mingled itself with the domestic 
habits and concerns of the Spaniard. He was born a 
soldier. The wild and predatory nature of the war also 
made him a kind of chivalrous marauder. His horse anc 



INTRODUCTION. xiii 

weapon were always ready for the field. His delight was 
in roving incursions and extravagant exploits ; and no gain 
was so glorious in his eyes as the cavalgada of spoils and 
captives driven home in triumph from a plundered pro- 
vince. Religion, which has ever held great empire over 
the Spanish mind, lent its aid to sanctify these roving and 
ravaging propensities, and the Castilian cavalier, as he 
sacked the towns, and laid waste the fields of his Moslem 
neighbor, piously believed he was doing God service. 

The conquest of Granada put an end to the peninsular 
wars between Christian and Infidel : the spirit of Spanish 
chivalry was thus suddenly deprived of its wonted sphere 
of action ; but it had been too long fostered and excited, 
to be as suddenly appeased. The youth of the nation, bred 
up to daring adventure and heroic achievement, could not 
brook the tranquil and regular pursuits of common life, but 
panted for some new field of romantic enterprise. 

It was at this juncture that the grand project of Colum- 
bus was carried into effect. His treaty with the sovereigns 
was, in a manner, signed with the same pen that had 
subscribed the capitulation of the Moorish capital ; and his 
first expedition may almost be said to have departed from 
beneath the walls of Granada. Many of the youthful 
cavaliers, who had fleshed their swords in that memorable 
war, crowded the ships of the discoverers, thinking a new 
career of arms was to be opened to them — a kind of cru- 
sade into splendid and unknown regions of infidels. The 
very weapons and armor that had been used against the 



^ INTRODUCTION. 



Moors, were drawn from the arsenal to equip the heroes 
of these remoter adventures ; and some of the most noted 
commanders in the New World, will be found to have 
made their first essay in arms, under the banner of Ferdi- 
nand and Isabella, in their romantic campaigns among the 
mountains of Andalusia. 

To these circumstances may, in a great measure, be 
ascribed that swelling chivalrous spirit which will be found 
continually mingling, or rather warring, with the technical 
habits of the seaman and the sordid schemes of the mer- 
cenary adventurer, in these early Spanish discoveries. 
Chivalry had left the land and launched upon the deep. 
The Spanish cavalier had embarked in the caravel of the 
discoverer. He carried among the trackless wildernesses 
of the New World the same contempt of danger and forti- 
tude under suffering ; the same restless, roaming spirit ; 
the same passion for inroad and ravage and vainglorious 
exploit; and the same fervent, and often bigoted, zeal for 
the propagation of his faith, that had distinguished him 
during his warfare with the Moors. Instances in point 
Vill be found in the extravagant career of the daring Ojeda, 
particularly in his adventures along the coast of Terra 
Firma and the wild shores of Cuba ; — in the sad story of 
the " unfortunate Nicuesa," graced as it is with occasional 
touches of high-bred courtesy ; — in the singular cruise of 
that brave but credulous old cavalier, Juan Ponce de Leon, 
who fell upon the flowery coast of Florida in his search 
after an imaginary fountain of youth ; — and above all, in the 



INTRODUCTION. x» 

checkered fort anes of Vasco Nunez de Balboa, whose dis- 
covery of the Pacific Ocean forms one of the most beauti- 
ful and striking incidents in the history of the New World, 
and whose fate might furnish a theme of wonderful interest 
for a poem or a drama. 

The extraordinary actions and adventures of these men, 
while they rival the exploits recorded in chivalric romance, 
have the additional interest of verity. They leave us in 
admiration of the bold and heroic qualities inherent in 
the Spanish character, which led that nation to so high a 
pitch of power and glory ; and which are still discernible 
in the great mass of that gallant people, by those who have 
an opportunity of judging of them rightly. 

Before concluding these prefatory remarks, the Author 
would acknowledge how much he has been indebted to the 
third volume of the invaluable Historical Collection of Don 
Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, wherein that author has 
exhibited his usual industry, accuracy, and critical acumen. 
He has likewise profited greatly by the second volume of 
Oviedo's General History, which only exists in manuscript, 
and a copy of which he found in the Columbian Library 
of the Cathedral of Seville. 

He has had some assistance also from the documents 
of the law case between Don Diego Columbus and the 
crown, which exist in the Archives of the Indies, and for 
an inspection of which he is much indebted to the per- 
mission of the government and the kind attentions of Don 
Jozef de la Higuera y Lara, the intelligent keeper of the 



rvl INTRODUCTION. 



Archives. These, with the historical works of Herrera, 
Las Casas, Gomara, and Peter Martyr, have been his 
authorities for the facts contained in the following work, 
though he has not thought proper to refer to them con- 
tinually at the bottom of his page. 

While his work was going through the press, he re- 
ceived a volume of Spanish Biography, written with great 
elegance and accuracy, by Don Manuel Josef Quintana, 
and containing a life of Vasco Nunez de Balboa. He was 
gratified to find that his own arrangement of facts was 
generally corroborated by this work ; though he was en- 
abled to correct his dates in several instances, and to make 
a few other emendations from the volume of Senor Quin- 
tana, whose position in Spain gave him the means of 
attaining superior exactness on these points. 



VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES 

OF THE 

COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 



ALONZO DE OJEDA,* 

HIS FIRST VOYAGE, IN WHICH HE WAS ACCOMPANIED BY 
AMERIGO VESPUCCI.t 

CHAPTER I. 

SOME ACCOUNT OP OJEDA. — OF JUAN DE LA COSA. — OF AMER- 
IGO VESPUCCI. PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE. 

[1499.] 

Those who have read the History of Columbus will, doubtless, 
remember the character and exploits of Alonzo de Ojeda ; as 
some of the readers of the following pages, however, may not 
have perused that work, and as it is proposed at present to trace 
the subsequent fortunes of this youthful adventurer, a brief sketch 
of him may not be deemed superfluous. 

* Ojeda is pronounced in Spanish Oheda, with a strong aspiration of the h. 
t Vespucci, pronounced Vespuchy. 



18 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



Alonzo de Ojeda was a native of Cuenca, in New Castile, and 
of a respectable family. He was brought up as a page or esquire, 
in the service of Don Luis de Cerda, Duke of Medina Celi, one 
of the most powerful nobles of Spain ; the same who for some 
time patronized Columbus during his application to the Spanish 
court.* 

In those warlike days, when the peninsula was distracted by 
contests between the Christian kingdoms, by feuds between the 
nobles and the crown, and by incessant and marauding war- 
fare with the Moors, the houseliold of a Spanish nobleman was a 
complete school of arras, where the youth of the country were 
sent to be trained up in all kinds of hardy exercises, and to be 
led to battle under an illustrious banner. Such was especially the 
case with the service of the Duke of Medina Celi, who possessed 
princely domains, whose household was a petty court, who led 
legions of armed retainers to the field, and who appeared in 
splendid state and with an immense retinue, more as an ally of 
Ferdinand and Isabella, than as a subject. He engaged in many 
of the roughest expeditions of the memorable war of Granada, 
always insisting on leading his own troops in person, when the 
service was of peculiar difficulty and danger. Alonzo de Ojeda 
was formed to signalize himself in such a school. Though small 
of stature, he was well made, and of wonderful force and activ- 
ity, with a towering spirit that seemed to make up for deficiency 
of height. He was a bold and graceful horseman, an excellent 
foot soldier, dextrous with every weapon, and noted for his 
extraordinary skill and adroitness in all feats of strength and 
agility. 

* Varones Ilustres, por F. Pizarro y Orellana, p. 41. Las Caeas, Hist. 
Ind., lib. i. cap. 82. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 19 



He must have been quite young when he followed the Duke 
of Medina Celi, as page, to the Mooi'ish wars ; for he was but 
about twenty-one years of age when he accompanied Columbus 
in his second voyage ; he had already, however, distinguished 
himself by his enterprising spirit and headlong valor ; and his 
exploits during that voyage contributed to enhance his reputa- 
tion. He returned to Spain with Columbus, but did not accom- 
pany him in his third voyage, in the spring of 1498. He was 
probably impatient of subordination, and ambitious of a separate 
employment or command, which the influence of his connections 
gave him a great chance of obtaining. He had a cousin german 
of his own name, the reverend Padre Alonzo de Ojeda, a Do- 
minican friar, one of the first inquisitors of Spain, and a great 
favorite with the Catholic sovereigns.* This father inquisitor 
was, moreover, an intimate friend of the bishop Don Juan Rod- 
riguez Fonseca, who had the chief management of the affairs of 
the Indies, under which general name were comprehended all 
the countries discovered in the New Woi'ld. Through the good 
offices of his cousin inquisitor, therefore, Ojeda had been intro- 
duced to the notice of the bishop, who took him into his especial 
favor and patronage. Mention has already been made, in the 
History of Columbus, of a present made by the bishop to Ojeda 
of a small Flemish painting of the Holy Virgin. This the young 
adventurer carried about with him as a protecting relic, invoking 
it at all times of peril, whether by sea or land ; and to the 
especial care of the Virgin he attributed the remarkable circum- 
stance that he had never been wounded in any of the innumera- 
ble braAvls and battles into which he was continually betrayed by 
his rash and fiery temperament. 

* Pizarro. Varones Ilustres. 



30 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



While Ojeda was lingering about the court, letters were re 
ceived from Columbus, giving an account of the events of his 
third voyage, especially of his discovery of the coast of Paria, 
which he described as abounding in drugs and spices, in gold 
and silver, and precious stones, and, above all, in oriental 
pearls, and which he supposed to be the borders of that vast and 
unknown region of the East, wherein, according to certain learned 
theorists, was situated the teiTestrial paradise. Specimens of 
the pearls, procured in considerable quantities from the natives, 
accompanied his epistle, together with charts descriptive of bis 
route. These tidings caused a great sensation among the mari- 
time adventurers of Spain ; but no one was more excited by them 
than Alonzo de Ojeda, who, from his intimacy with the bishop, 
had fuU access to the charts and correspondence of Columbus. 
He immediately conceived the project of making a voyage in the 
route thus marked out by the admiral, and of seizing upon the first 
fruits of discovery which he had left ungathered. His scheme met 
with ready encouragement from Fonseca, who, as has heretofore 
been shown, was an implacable enemy to Columbus, and willing to 
promote any measure that might injure or molest him. The 
bishop accordingly granted a commission to Ojeda, authorizing 
him to fit out an armament and proceed on a voyage of discovery 
with the proviso merely that he should not visit any territories 
appertaining to Portugal, nor any of the lands discovered in the 
name of Spain previous to the year 1495. The latter part of 
this provision appears to have been craftily worded by the bishop, 
so as to leave the coast of Paria and its pearl fisheries open to 
Ojeda, they having been recently discovered by Columbus in 
1498. 

The commission was signed by Fonseca alone, in virtue of 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 21 



general powers vested in him for such purposes, but the signature 
of the sovereigns did not appear on the instrument, and it is 
doubtful whether their sanction was sought on the occasion. He 
knew that Columbus had recently remonstrated against a royal 
mandate issued in 1495, permitting voyages of discovery by 
private adventurers, and that the sovereigns had in consequence 
revoked their mandate wherever it might be deemed prejudicial 
to the stipulated privileges of the admiral.* It is probable, 
therefore, that the bishop avoided raising any question that might 
impede the enterprise ; being confident of the ultimate approba- 
tion of Ferdinand, who would be well pleased to have his domin- 
ions in the new world extended by the discoveries of private 
adventurers, undertaken at their own expense. It was stipulated 
in this, as well as in subsequent licenses for private expeditions, 
that a certain proportion of the profits, generally a fourth or fifth, 
should be reserved for the crown. 

Having thus obtained permission to make the voyage, the 
next consideration with Ojeda was to find the means. He was a 
young adventurer, a mere soldier of fortune, and destitute of 
wealth ; but he had a high reputation for courage and enterprise, 
and with these, it was thought, would soon make his way to the 
richest parts of the newly discovered lands, and have the wealth 
of the Indies at his disposal. He had no difficulty, therefore, in 
finding moneyed associates among the rich merchants of Seville, 
who, in that age of discovery, were ever ready to stake their pro- 
perty upon the schemes of roving navigators. With such assist- 
ance he soon equipped a squadron of four vessels at Port St. 
Mary, opposite Cadiz. Among the seamen who engaged with 
him were several just returned from accompanying Columbus in 

• Navarrete, torn. ii. Document cxiii. 



VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



his voyage to this very coast of Paria. The principal associate 
of Ojeda, and one on whom he placed great reliance, was Juan 
de la Cosa ; who accompanied him as first mate, or, as it was 
termed, chief pilot. This was a bold Biscayan, who may be 
regarded as a disciple of Columbus, with whom he had sailed in 
his second voyage, when he coasted Cuba and Jamaica, and he 
had since accompanied Rodrigo de Bastides, in an expedition 
along the coast of Terra Firma. The hardy veteran was looked 
up to by his contemporaries as an oracle of the seas, and was 
pronounced one of the most able mariners of the day ; he may 
be excused, therefore, if, in his harmless vanity, he considered 
himself on a par even with Columbus.* 

Another conspicuous associate of Ojeda, in this voyage, was 
Amerigo Vespucci, a Florentine merchant, induced by broken 
fortunes and a rambling disposition to seek adventures in the new 
world. Whether he had any pecuniary interest in the expedition, 
and in what capacity he sailed, does not appear. His importance 
has entirely arisen from subsequent circumstances ; from his 
having written and published a narrative of his voyages, and 
from his name having eventually been given to the New World. 



CHAPTER 11. 

DEPARTTTKE FROM SPAIN. ARRIVAL ON THE COAST OF 

PARIA. CUSTOMS OF THE NATIVES. 

Ojeda sailed from Port St. Mary on the 20th of May, 1499, 
and, having touched for supplies at the Canaries, took a departure 

* Navarrete, Colec. Viag., torn. iii. p. 4. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 23 



from Gomara, pursuing the route of Columbus in his third voyage 
being guided by the chart he had sent home, as well as by the 
mariners who had accompanied him on that occasion. At the 
end of twenty-four days he reached the continent of the New 
World, about two hundred leagues farther south than the part 
discovered by Columbus, being, as it is supposed, the coast of 
Surinam.* 

Hence he ran along the coast of the Gulf of Paria, passing 
the mouths of many rivers, but especially those of the Esquivo 
and the Oronoko. These, to the astonishment of the Spaniards, 
unaccustomed as yet to the mighty rivers of the New World, 
poured forth such a prodigious volume of water, as to freshen the 
sea for a great extent. They beheld none of the natives until 
they arrived at Trinidad, on which island they met with traces of 
the recent visit of Columbus. 

Vespucci, in his letters, gives a long description of the people 
of this island and of the coast of Paria, who were of the Carib 
race, tall, well made, and vigorous, and expert with the bow, the 
lance, and the buckler. His description, in general, resembles 
those which have frequently been given of the aboriginals of 
the new world ; there are two or three particulars, however, 
worthy of citation. 

They appeared, he said, to believe in no religious creed, to 
have no place of worship, and to make no prayers nor sacrifices ; 
but, he adds, from the voluptuousness of their lives, they might 
be considered epicureans.f Their habitations were built in the 
shape of bells ; of the trunks of trees, thatched with palm-leaves, 
aud were proof against wind and weather. They appeared to be 

* Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 5. 
t Viages de Vespucci. Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 211. 



24 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



in common, and some of them were of such magnitude as to con 
tain six hundred persons : in one place there were eight principal 
houses capable of sheltering nearly ten thousand inhabitants. 
Every seven or eight years the natives were obliged to change 
their residence, from the maladies engendered by the heat of the 
climate in their crowded habitations. 

Their riches consisted in beads and ornaments made from the 
bones of fishes ; in small white and green stones strung like rosa- 
ries, with which they adorned their persons, and in the beautiful 
plumes of various colors for which the tropical birds are noted. 

The Spaniards smiled at their simplicity in attaching an ex- 
traordinary value to such worthless trifles ; while the savages, in 
all probability, were equally surprised at beholding the strangers 
so eager after gold, and pearls, and precious stones, which to them- 
selves were objects of indifference. 

Their manner of treating the dead was similar to that ob- 
served among the natives of some of the islands. Having depo- 
sited the corpse in a cavei-n or sepulchre, they placed a jar of 
water and a few eatables at its head, and then abandoned it with- 
out moan or lamentation. In some parts of the coast, when a per- 
son was considered near his end his nearest relatives bore him to 
the woods, and laid him in a hammock suspended to the trees. 
They then danced round him until evening, when, having left 
within his reach sufficient meat and drink to sustain him for four 
days, they repaired to their habitations. If he recovered and re- 
turned home, he was received with much ceremony and rejoicing ; 
if he died of his malady or of famine, nothing more was thought 
of him. 

Their mode of treating a fever is also worthy of mention. In 
the height of the malady they plunged the patient in a bath of 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 25 



the coldest water, after which they obliged him to make many 
evolutions round a great fire, until he was in a violent heat, when 
they put him to bed, that he might sleep : a treatment, by which 
Amerigo Vespucci declares he saw many cured. 



CHAPTER III. 

COASTING OF TERRA FIRMA. MILITARY EXPEDITION OF OJEDA. 

After touching at various parts of Trinidad and the Gulf of 
Paria, Ojeda passed through the strait of the Boca del Drago, or 
Dragon's Mouth, which Columbus had found so formidable, and 
then steered his course along the coast of Terra Firma, landing 
occasionally, until he arrived at Curiana, or the Gulf of Pearls. 
Hence he stood to the opposite island of Margarita, previously 
discovered by Columbus, and since renowned for its pearl fishery. 
This, as well as several adjacent islands, he visited and ex- 
plored ; after which he returned to the main-land, and touched 
at Cumana and Maracapana, where he found the rivers infested 
with alligators, resembling the crocodiles of the Nile. 

Finding a convenient harbor at Maracapana, he unloaded and 
careened his vessels there, and built a small brigantine. The 
natives came to him in great numbers, bringing abundance of 
venison, fish, and cassava bread, and aiding the seamen in their 
labors. Their hospitality was not certainly disinterested, for they 
sought to gain the protection of the Spaniards, whom they I'ever- 
enced as superhuman beings. "When they thought they had suffi- 
ciently secured their favor, they represented to Ojeda that their 
coast was subject to invasion from a distant island, the inhabitants 

VOL. III. 2 



26 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



of which were cannibals, and carri<;d their people into captivitj', 
to be devoured at their unnatural banquets. They besought Ojeda, 
therefore, to avenge them upon these ferocious enemies. 

The request was gratifying to the fighting propensities of Ojeda, 
and to his love of adventure, and was readily granted. Taking 
seven of the natives on board of his vessels, as guides, he set sail 
in quest of the cannibals. After sailing for seven days he came 
to a chain of islands, some peopled, others uninhabited, supposed 
to have been the Caribbee islands. One of these was pointed out 
by his guides as the habitation of their foes. On running near 
the shore he beheld it thronged with savages, decorated with coro- 
nets of gaudy plumes, their bodies painted with a variety of colors. 
They were armed with bows and arrows, with darts, lances, and 
bucklers, and seemed prepared to defend their island from invasion. 

The show of war was calculated to rouse the martial spirit of 
Ojeda. He brought his ships to anchor, ordered out his boats, 
and provided each with a paterero or small cannon. Besides the 
oarsmen, each boat contained a number of soldiers, who were told 
to crouch out of sight in the bottom. The boats then pulled in 
steadily for the shoi'e. As they approached the Indians let fly a 
cloud of arrows, but without much effect. Seeing the boats con- 
tinue to advance, the savages threw themselves into the sea, and 
brandished their lances to prevent their landing. Upon this, the 
soldiers sprang up and discharged the patereroes. At the sound 
and smoke the savages abandoned the water in affright, while 
Ojeda and his men leaped on shore and pursued them. The Carib 
warriors rallied on the banks, and fought for a long time with a 
courage peculiar to their race, but were at length driven to the 
woods, at the edge of the sword, leaving many killed and wounded 
on the field of battle. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 27 



On the following day the savages were seen on the shore in 
Btill greater numbers, armed and painted, and decorated with war 
plumes, and sounding defiance with their conchs and drums. Ojeda 
again landed with fifty-seven men, whom he separated into four 
companies and ordered to charge the enemy from different direc- 
tions. The Caribs fought for a time hand to hand, displaying 
great dexterity in covering themselves with their bucklers, but 
were at length entirely routed, and driven with great slaughter to 
the forests. The Spaniards had but one man killed and twenty- 
one wounded in these combats, — such superior advantage did their 
armor give them over the naked savages. Having plundered and 
set fire to the houses, they returned triumphantly to their ships, 
with a number of Carib captives ; and made sail for the main-land. 
Ojeda bestowed a part of the spoil upon the seven Indians who 
had accompanied him as guides, and sent them exulting to their 
homes, to relate to their countrymen the signal vengeance wreaked 
upon their foes. He then anchored in a bay where he remained 
for twenty days until his men had recovered from their wounds.* 

* There is some discrepance in the early accounts of this battle, as to the 
time and place of its occurrence. The author has collated the narratives of 
Vespucci, Las Casas, Herrera, and Peter Martyr, and the evidence given in the 
lawsuit of Diego Columbus, and has endeavored as much as possible to recon- 
cile them. 



28 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



CHAPTER IV. 

DISCOVERY OP THE GULF OF VENEZUELA. TRANSACTIONS 

THERE. OJEDA EXPLORES THE GULF. PENETRATES TO 

MARACAIBO. 

His crew being refreshed and the wounded sufficiently recovered, 
Ojeda made sail, and touched at the island of Curazao, which, ac- 
cording to the accounts of Vespucci, was inhabited by a race of 
giants, " every woman appearing a Penthesilea, and every mar 
an Antneus."* As Vespucci was a scholar, and as he supposed 
himself exploring the regions of the extreme East, the ancient 
realm of fable, it is probable his imagination deceived him, and 
construed the formidable accounts given by the Indians of their 
cannibal neighbors of the islands, into something according with 
his recollections of classic fable. Certain it is that the reports of 
subsequent voyagers proved the inhabitants of the island to be of 
the ordinary size. 

Proceeding along the coast he arrived at a vast deep gulf 
resembling a tranquil lake ; entering which, he beheld on the 
eastern side a village, the construction of which struck him with 
surprise. It consisted of twenty large houses, shaped like bells, 
and built on piles driven into the bottom of the lake, which, in 
this part, Avas limpid and of but little depth. Each house was 
provided with a drawbridge, and with canoes by which the com- 
munication was carried on. From these resemblances to the 
Italian city, Ojeda gave to the bay the name of the Gulf of 

* Vespucci. — Letter to Lorenzo de Pier Francisco de Medicis. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 29 



Venice : and it is called at the present day Venezuela, or little 
Venice : the Indian name was Coquibacoa. 

When the inhabitants beheld the ships standing into the bay, 
looking like wonderful and unknown apparitions from the deep, 
they fled with terror to their houses, and raised the drawbridges. 
The Spaniards remained for a time gazing with admiration at this 
amphibious village, when a squadron of canoes entered the harbor 
fi-om the sea. On beholding the ships they paused in mute amaze- 
ment, and on the Spaniards attempting to approach them, paddled 
swiftly to shore, and plunged into the forest. They soon returned 
with sixteen young girls, whom they conveyed in their canoes to 
the ships, disti'ibuting four on board of each, either as peace-offer- 
ings or as tokens of amity and confidence. The best of under- 
standing now seemed to be established ; and the inhabitants of 
the village came swarming about the ships in their canoes, and 
others swimming in great numbers from the shores. 

The friendship of the savages, however, was all delusive. 
On a sudden several old women at the doors of the houses uttered 
loud shrieks, tearing their hair in fury. It appeared to be a sig- 
nal for hostility. The sixteen nymphs plunged into the sea and 
naade for shore ; the Indians in the canoes caught up their bows 
and discharged a flight of arrows, and even those who were swim- 
ming brandished darts and lances, which they had hitherto con- 
cealed beneath the water. 

Ojeda was for a moment surprised at seeing war thus starting 
up on every side, and the very sea bristling with weapons. Man- 
ning his boats, he charged amongst the thickest of the enemy, 
shattered and sunk several of their canoes, killed twenty Indians 
and wounded many more, and spread such a panic among them, 
that most of the survivors flunsr themselves into the sea and swam 



30 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



to shore. Three of them were taken prisoners, and two of the 
fugitive girls, and were conveyed on board of the ships, where 
the men were put in irons. One of them, howevei', and the two 
girls succeeded in dextrously escaping the same night. 

Ojeda had but five men wounded in the affray ; all of whom 
recovered. He visited the houses, but found them abandoned 
and destitute of booty ; notwithstanding the unprovoked hostility 
of the inhabitants, he spared the buildings, that he might not 
cause useless irritation along the coast. 

Continuing to explore this gulf, Ojeda penetrated to a port or 
harbor, to which he gave the name of St. Bartholomew, but 
which is supposed to be the same at present known by the ori- 
ginal Indian name of Maracaibo. Here, in compliance with the 
entreaties of the natives, he sent a detachment of twenty-seven 
Spaniards on a visit to the interior. For nine days they were 
conducted from town to town, and feasted and almost idolized by 
the Indians, who regarded them as angelic beings, performing 
their national dances and games, and chanting their traditional 
ballads for their entertainment. 

The natives of this part were distinguished for the symmetry 
of their foi'ms ; the females in particular appeared to the Span- 
iards to surpass all they had yet beheld in the New World for 
grace and beauty. Neither did the men display in the least de- 
gree that jealousy which prevailed in the other parts of the coast ; 
but, on the contrary, permitted the most frank and intimate inter- 
course with their wives and daughters. 

By the time the Spaniards set out on their return to the ship, 
the whole country was aroused, pouring forth its population, male 
and female, to do them honor. Some bore them in litters or 
hammocks, that they might not be fatigued with the journey, and 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMB-US. 31 



happy was the Indian who had the honor of bearing a Spaniard 
on his shoulders across a river. Others loaded themselves with 
the presents that had been bestowed on their guests, consisting of 
rich plumes, weapons of various kinds, and tropical birds and ani- 
mals. In this way they returned in triumphant procession to the 
ships, the woods and shores resounding with their songs and shouts. 
Many of the Indians crowded into the boats which took the 
detachment to the ships ; others put off in canoes, or swam from 
shore, so that in a little while the vessels were thronged with up- 
wards of a thousand wondering natives. While gazing and mar- 
veling at the strange objects around them, Ojeda ordered the 
cannon to be discharged, at the sound of which, says Vespucci, 
the Indians " plunged into the water like so many frogs from a 
bank." Perceiving, however, that it was done in harmless mirth, 
they returned on boai-d, and passed the rest of the day in great 
festivity. The Spaniards brought away with them several of the 
beautiful and hospitable females from this place, one of Avhom, 
named by them Isabel, was much prized by Ojeda, and accom- 
panied him in a subsequent voyage.* 

* Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 8. Idem, pp. 107, 108. 

It is worthy of particular mention that Ojeda, in his report of his voyage 
to the Sovereigns, informed them of his having met with EngUsh voyagers in 
the vicinity of Coquibacoa, and that the Spanish government attached such im- 
portance to his information as to take measures to prevent any intrusion into 
those parts by the English. It is singular that no record should exist of this 
early and extensive expedition of English navigators. If it was undertaken in 
the service of the Crown, some document might be found concerning it among 
the archives of the reign of Henry VII. The English had already discovered 
the continent of North America. This had been done in 1497, by John Cabot, 
a Venetian, accompanied by his son Sebastian, who was bom in Bristol. They 
sailed under a license of Henry VII, who was to have a fifth of the profits of 



32 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



CHAPTER V. 

PROSECUTION OF THE VOYAGE. RETURN TO SPAIN. 

Leaving the friendly port of Coquibacoa, Ojeda continued along 
the western shores of the Gulf of Venezuela, and standing out to 
sea, and doubling Cape Maracaibo, he pursued his coasting voy- 
age from port to port, and promontory to promontory, of this 
unknown continent, until he reached that long-stretching headland 
called Cape de la Vela. There the state of his vessels, and per- 
haps the disappointment of his hopes at not meeting with abun- 
dant sources of immediate wealth, induced him to abandon all 
further voyaging along the coast, and changing his course, he 
stood across the Caribbean Sea for Hispaniola. The tenor of his 
commission forbade his visiting that island ; but Ojeda was not a 
man to stand upon trifles when his interest or inclination prompted 
the contrary. He trusted to excuse the infraction of his orders 
by the alleged necessity of touching at the island to calk and 
refit his vessels, and to procure provisions. His true object, how- 
ever, is supposed to have been to cut dye-wood, which abounds in 
the western part of Hispaniola. 

He accordingly anchored at Yaquimo in September, and 
landed with a large party of his men. Columbus at that time 
held command of the island, and, hearing of this unlicensed 

the voyage. On the 24th June they discovered Newfoundland, and afterwards 
coasted the continent quite to Florida, bringing back to England a valuable 
cargo and several of the natives. This was the first discovery of the main-land 
of America. The success of this expedition may have prompted the one which 
Ojeda encountered in the neighborhood of Coquibacoa. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 33 



intrusion, dispatched Francisco Roldan, the quondam rebel, to 
call Ojeda to account. The contest of stratagem and management 
which took place between these two adroit and daring adventurers, 
has been already detailed in the History of Columbus. Roldan 
was eventually successful, and Ojeda, being obliged to leave His- 
paniola, resumed his rambling voyage, visiting various islands, 
from whence he carried off numbers of the natives. He at length 
arrived at Cadiz in June, 1500, with his ships crowded with 
captives, whom he sold as slaves. So meagre, however, was the 
result of this expedition, that we are told, when all the expenses 
were deducted, but five hundred ducats remained to be divided 
between fifty-five adventurers. What made this result the more 
mortifying was, that a petty armament, which had sailed some 
time after that of Ojeda, had returned two months before him, 
rich with the spoils of the New "World. A brief account of this 
latter expedition is necessary to connect this series of minor dis- 
coveries, which will be found to lead to enterprises and transac- 
tions of more stirring interest and importance. 



VOL. III. 2* 



34 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



PEDRO ALONZO NINO* AND CHRISTOVAL GUERRA. 

[1499.] 

The permission granted by Bishop Fonseca to Alonzo de Ojeda 
to undertake a private expedition to the New World, roused the 
emulation of others of the followers of Columbus. Among these 
was Pedro Alonzo Nino, a hardy seaman, native of Moguer, in 
the vicinity of Palos, who had sailed with Columbus, as a pilot, 
in his first voyage, and also in his cruisings along the coasts of 
Cuba and Paria.j He soon obtained from the bishop a similar 
license to that given to Ojeda, and like the latter, sought for some 
moneyed confederate among the rich merchants of Seville. One 
of these, named Luis Guerra, offered to fit out a caravel for the 
expedition ; but on condition that his brother, Christoval Guerra, 
should have the command. The poverty of Nifio compelled him 
to assent to the stipulations of the man of wealth, and he sailed 
as subaltern in his own enterprise ; but his nautical skill and 
knowledge soon gained him the ascendency ; he became virtually 
the captain, and ultimately enjoyed the whole credit of the 
voyage. 

The bark of these two adventurers was but of fifty tons bur- 

* Pronounced Ninyo. The N in Spanish is always pronounced as if fol- 
lowed by the letter y. 

t Testimony of Bastides in the lawsuit of Diego Columbus. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 35 



then, and the crew thirty-three souls, all told. With this slender 
armament they undertook to traverse unknown and dangerous 
seas, and to explore the barbarous shores of that vast continent 
recently discovered by Columbus ; — such was the daring spirit of 
the Spanish voyagers of those days. 

It was about the beginning of June, 1499, and but a few days 
after the departure of Ojeda, that they put to sea. They sailed 
from the little port of Palos, the cradle of American discovery, 
whose brave and skillful mariners long continued foremost in 
all enterprises to the New "World. Being guided by the chart 
of Columbus, they followed his route, and reached the southern 
continent, a little beyond Paria, about fifteen days after the same 
coast had been visited by Ojeda. 

They then proceeded to the Gulf of Pai'ia, where they landed 
to cut dye-wood, and were amicably entertained by the natives. 
Shortly afterwards, sallying from the gulf by the Boca del Drago, 
they encountered eighteen canoes of Caribs, the pirate rovers of 
these seas, and the teiTor of the bordering lands. This savage 
armada, instead of being daunted, as usual, by the sight of a 
European ship, with swelling sails, resembling some winged 
monster of the deep, considered it only as an object of plunder 
or hostility, and assailed it with showers of arrows. The sudden 
burst of artillery, however, from the sides of the caravel, and 
the havoc made by this seeming thunder, struck them with dis- 
may, and they fled in all directions. The Spaniards succeeded 
in capturing one of the canoes, with one of the warriors who had 
manned it. In the bottom of the canoe lay an Indian prisoner, 
bound hand and foot. On being liberated he informed the Span- 
iards, by signs, that these Caribs had been on a marauding expe- 
dition along the neighboring coasts, shutting themselves up at 



56 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



night in :i stockade which they carried with them, and issuing 
forth by day to pkmder tlie villages and make captives. He had 
been one of seven prisoners; his companions had been devoured 
before his eyes at the cannibal banquets of these savages, and he 
had been awaiting the same miserable fate. Honest Nino and 
his confederates were so indignant at this recital, that, receiving 
it as established fact, they performed what they considered an act 
of equitable justice, by abandoning the Carib to the discre- 
tion of his late captive. The latter fell upon the defenceless 
warrior with fist, and foot, and cudgel ; nor did his rage subside 
even after the breath had been mauled out of his victim, but, 
tearing the grim head from the body, he placed it on a pole, as a 
trophy of his vengeance. 

Nino and his fellow-adventurers now steered for the island of 
Margarita, where they obtained a considerable quantity of pearls 
by barter. They afterwards skirted the opposite coast of Cu- 
mana, trading cautiously and shrewdly, from port to port ; some- 
times remaining on board of their little bark, and obliging the 
savages to come off to them, when the latter appeared too nu- 
merous ; at other times venturing on shore, and even into the 
interior. They were invariably treated with amity by the natives, 
who were perfectly naked, excepting that they were adoi'ned with 
necklaces and bracelets of pearls. These they sometimes gave 
freely to the Spaniards, at other times they exchanged them for 
glass beads and other trinkets, and smiled at the folly of the 
strangers in making such silly bargains.* 

The Spaniards were struck Avith the grandeur and density of 
the forests along this coast ; for in these regions of heat and 
moisture vegetation appears in its utmost magnificence. They 

* Las Casas, His',. Ind., lib. i. cap. 171. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 37 



heard also the cries and roarings of wild and unknown animals 
in the woodlands, which, however, appeared not to be very dan- 
gerous, as the Indians went about the forest armed solely with 
bows and arrows. From meeting with deer and rabbits, they 
were convinced that that was a part of Terra Firma, not having 
found any animals of the kind on the islands.* 

Nino and Guerra were so well pleased with the hospitality of 
the natives of Cumana, and with the profitable traffic for pearls, 
by which they obtained many of great size and beauty, that they 
remained upwards of three months on the coast. 

They then proceeded westward to a country called Cauchieto, 
trading, as usual, for pearls, and for the inferior kind of gold 
called guanin. At length they arrived at a number of houses and 
gardens situated on a river and protected by a kind of fortress, 
the whole forming, to the eyes of the Spaniards, one of the most 
delicious abodes imaginable. They were about to land and enjoy 
the pleasures of this fancied Paradise, when they beheld upwards 
of a thousand Indians, armed with bows and arrows and war 
clubs, preparing to give them a warm reception ; having been 
probably incensed by the recent visit of Ojeda. As Nino and 
Guerra had not the fighting propensities of Ojeda, and were in 
quest of profit rather than renown, having moreover, in all proba- 
bility, the fear of the rich merchant of Seville before their eyes, they 
prudently abstained from landing, and, abandoning this hostile 
coast, returned forthwith to Cumana, to resume their trade for 
pearls. They soon amassed a great number, many of which 
were equal in size and beauty to the most celebrated of the east, 
though they had been injured in boring from a want of proper 
implements. 

* Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 14. 



38 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



Satisfied with their success, they now set sail for Spain, and 
piloted their little bark safely to Bayonne in Gallicia, where they 
anchored about the middle of April, 1500, nearly two months 
before tlie arrival of Ojeda and his associates. La Cosa and 
Vespucci.* 

The most successful voyagers to the New World were doomed 
to trouble from their very success. The ample amount of pearls 
paid to the treasury, as the royal portion of the profits of this 
expedition, drew suspicion instead of favor upon the two adven- 
turers. They were accused of having concealed a great part of 
the pearls collected by them, thus defrauding their companions 
and the ci'own. Pedro Alonzo Nirio was actually thrown into 
prison on this accusation, but, nothing being proved against him, 
he was eventually set free, and enjoyed the enviable reputation 
of having performed the richest voyage that had yet been made 
to the New World.f 

* Peter Martyr. Other historians give a different date for their arrival. 
Herrera says Feb. 6. 

t Navarrete, Colec. torn. iii. p. 11. Herrera, decad. i. Ub. iv. cap. 5. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 39 



VICENTE YANEZ PINZON. 

[1499.] 

Among the maritime adventurers of renown who were roused to 
action by the licenses granted for private expeditions of discovery, 
we find conspicuous the name of Vicente Yaiiez Pinzon of Palos, 
one of the three brave brothers wlio aided Columbus in his first 
voyage, and risked life and fortune with him in his doubtful and 
perilous enterprise. 

Of Martin Alonzo Pinzon, the eldest and most important of 
these three brothers, particular mention has been made in the 
History of Columbus, and of the unfortunate error in conduct 
which severed him from the admii-al, brought on him the dis- 
pleasure of the sovereigns, and probably contributed to his pre- 
mature and melancholy death. 

Whatever cloud this may have thrown over his family, it was 
but temporary. The death of Martin Alonzo, as usual, atoned 
for his faults, and his good deeds lived after him. The merits 
and services of himself and his brothers were acknowledged, and 
the survivors of the family were restored to royal confidence. A 
feeling of jealous hostility prevented them from taking a part in 
the subsequent voyages of Columbus ; but the moment the door 
w^as thrown open for individual enterprise, they pressed forward 
for permission to engage in it at their own risk and expense — 
and it was readily granted. In fact, their supposed hostility to 



40 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



Columbus was one of the surest recommendations to the favor of 
the Bishop Fonseca, by whom the license was issued for their 
expedition. 

Vicente Yanez Pinzon was the leader of this new enterprise, 
and he was accompanied by two nephews, Arias Perez and Diego 
Fernandez, sons of his late brother, Martin Alonzo Pinzon. 
Several of his sailors had sailed with Columbus in his recent voy- 
age to Paria, as had also his three principal pilots, Juan Quintero, 
Juan de Umbria, and Juan de Jerez. Thus these minor voyages 
seemed all to emanate from the great expeditions of Columbus, 
and to aim at realizing the ideas and speculations contained in the 
papers transmitted by him to Spain. 

The armament consisted of four caravels, and was fitted out at 
the port of Palos. The funds of Vicente Yanez were completely 
exhausted before he had fitted out his little squadron ; he was 
obliged therefore to purchase on credit the sea-stores and articles 
of traffic necessary for the enterprise. The merchants of Palos 
seem to have known how to profit by the careless nature of sailors 
and the sanguine spirit of discoverers. In their bargains they 
charged honest Pinzon eighty and a hundred per cent, above the 
market value of their merchandise, and in the hurry and urgency 
of the moment he was obliged to submit to the imposition.* 

The squadron put to sea in the beginning of December, 1499, 
and after passing the Canary and Cape de Verde Islands, stood 
to the southwest. Having sailed about seven hundred leagues, 
they crossed the equator and lost sight of the north star. They 
had scarcely passed the equinoctial line when they encountered a 
terrible tempest, which had well nigh swallowed up their slender 

* Navarrete, vol. iii. See Doc. No. 7, where Vicente Yanez Pinzon peti- 
tions for redress. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 41 



barks. The storm passed away, and the firmament was again 
serene; but the mariners remained tossing about in confusion, 
dismayed by the turbulence of the waves and the strange aspect 
of the heavens. They looked in vain to the south for some polar 
star by which to shape their course, and fancied that some swelling 
prominence of the globe concealed it from their view. They knew 
nothing as yet of the firmament of that hemisphere, nor of that 
beautiful constellation the southern cross, but expected to find a 
guiding star at the opposite pole, similar to the cynosure of the north. 

Pinzon, however, who was of an intrepid spirit, pursued his 
course resolutely to the west, and after sailing about two hundred 
and forty leagues, and being in the eighth degree of southern 
latitude, he beheld land afar off on the 28th of January, to which 
he gave the name of Santa Maria de la Gonsolacion, from *the 
sight of it having consoled him in the midst of doubts and per- 
plexities. It is now called Cape St. Augustine, and forms the 
most prominent part of the immense empire of Brazil, 

The sea was turbid and discolored as in rivers, and on sound- 
ing they had sixteen fathoms water. Pinzon landed, accompanied 
by a notary and witnesses, and took formal possession of the ter- 
ritory for the Castilian crown ; no one appeared to dispute his 
pretensions, but he observed on the beach the print of footsteps, 
of gigantic size. 

At night there were fires lighted upon a neighboring part of 
the coast, which induced Pinzon on the following morning to send 
forty men well armed to the spot. A band of Indians, of about 
equal number, sallied forth to encounter them, armed with bows 
and arrows, and seemingly of extraordinary stature. A still 
greater number were seen in the distance, hastening to the sup- 
port of their companions. The Indians arrayed themselves for 



43 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



combat, and the two parties remained for a short time eyeing each 
other with mutual curiosity and distrust. The Spaniards now dis- 
played looking-glasses, beads, and other trinkets, and jingled 
strings of hawks'-bells, in general so captivating to an Indian ear ; 
but the haughty savages treated all their overtures with contempt, 
reo-arding these offerings carelessly for a short time, and then 
stalking off with stoic gravity. They were ferocious of feature, 
and apparently warlike in disposition, and are supposed to have 
been a wandering race of unusual size, who roamed about in the 
night, and were of the most fierce untractable nature. By night- 
fall there was not an Indian to be seen in the neighborhood. 

Discouraged by the inhospitable character of the coast, Pin- 
zon made sail and stood to the northwest, until he came to the 
mouth of a river too shallow to receive his ships. Here he sent 
his boats on shore with a number of men well armed. They 
landed on the river banks, and beheld a multitude of naked In- 
dians on a neighboring hill. A single Spaniard, armed simply 
with sword and buckler, was sent to invite them to friendly inter- 
course. He approached them with signs of amity, and threw to 
them a hawk's-bell. They replied to him with similar signs, and 
threw to him a small gilded wand. The soldier stooped to pick it 
up, when suddenly a troop of savages rushed down to seize him ; 
he threw Jiiraself immediately upon the defensive, with sword and 
target, and though but a small man, and far from robust, handled 
his weapons with such dexterity and fierceness, that he kept the 
savages at bay, making a clear circle round him, and wounding 
several who attempted to break it. His unlooked-for prowess 
surprised and confounded his assailants, and gave time for his 
comrades to come to his assistance. The Indians then made a 
general assault, with such a galling discharge of darts and arrows 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 43 



that almost immediately eight or ten Spaniards were slain, and 
many more wounded. The latter were compelled to retreat to their 
boats disputing every inch of ground. The Indians pursued them 
even into the water, surrounding the boats and seizing hold of the 
oars. The Spaniards made a desperate defence, thrusting many 
through with their lances, and cutting down and ripping up others 
with their swords, but such was the ferocity of the survivors, that 
they persisted in their attack until they overpowered the crew of 
one of the boats, and bore it off in triumph. With this they re- 
fired from the combat, and the Spaniards returned defeated and 
disheartened to their ships, having met with the roughest recep- 
tion that the Europeans had yet experienced in the New World. 
Pinzon now stood forty leagues to the northwest, until he 
arrived in the neighborhood of the equinoctial line. Here he 
found the water of the sea so fresh that he was enabled to replen- 
ish his casks Avith it. Astonished at so singular a phenomenon, 
he stood in for the land, and arrived among a number of fresh 
and verdant islands, inhabited by a gentle and hospitable race of 
people, gayly painted, who came off to the ships with the most 
frank and fearless confidence. Pinzon soon found that these 
islands lay in the mouth of an immense river, more than thirty 
leagues in breadth, the water of which entered upwards of forty 
leagues into the sea before losing its sweetness. It was, in fact, 
the renowned Maraiion, since known as the Orellana and the 
Amazon. While lying in the mouth of this river there was a 
sudden swelling of the stream, which, being opposed by the cur- 
rent of the sea, and straitened by the narrow channels of the 
islands, rose more than five fathoms, with mountain waves, and a 
tremendous noise, threatening the destruction of the ships. Pin- 
zon extricated his little squadron with great difficulty, and findin«g 



44 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



there was but little gold, nor any thing else of value to be found 
among the simple natives, he requited their hospitality, in the 
mode too common among the early discoverers, by carrying off 
thirty-six of them captive. 

Having regained the sight of the polar star, Pinzon pursued 
his course along the coast, passing the mouths of the Oronoko, 
and entering the Gulf of Paria, where he landed and cut brazil- 
wood. Sallying forth by the Boca del Drago, he reached the 
island of Hispaniola about the 23d of June, whence he sailed for 
the Bahamas. Here, in the month of July, while at anchor, there 
came such a tremendous hurricane that two of the caravels were 
swallowed up with all their crews in the sight of their terrified 
companions ; a third parted her cables and was driven out to sea, 
while the fourth was so furiously beaten by the tempest that the 
crew threw themselves into the boats and made for shore. Here 
they found a few naked Indians, who offered them no molestation ; 
but, fearing that they might spread the tidings of a handful of 
shipwrecked Spaniards being upon the coast, and thus bring the 
savages of the neighboring islands ui^on them, a council of war 
was held whether it would not be a wise precaution to put these 
Indians to death. Fortunately for the latter, the vessel which 
had been driven from her anchors returned and put an end to the 
alarm, and to the council of war. The other caravel also rode 
out the storm uninjured, and the sea subsiding, the Spaniards 
returned on boai'd, and made the best of their way to the island 
of Hispaniola. Having repaired the damages sustained in the 
gale, they again made sail for Spain, and came to anchor in the 
river before Palos, about the end of September. 

Thus ended one of the most checkered and disastrous voyages 
yet made to the New World. Yaiiez Pinzon had lost two of his 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 45 



ships, and many of his men ; what made the loss of the latter 
more grievous was, that they had been enlisted from among his 
neighbors, his friends, and relatives. In fact, the expeditions to 
the New World must have realized the terrors and apprehensions 
of the people of Palos by filling that little community with widows 
and orphans. When the rich merchants, who had sold goods to 
Pinzon at a hundred per cent, advance, beheld him return in this 
sorry condition, with two shattered barks and a handful of poor, 
tattered, weather-beaten seamen, they began to tremble for their 
money. No sooner, therefore, had he and his nephews departed 
to Granada, to give an account of their discoveries to the sove- 
reigns, than the merchants seized upon their caravels and cargoes, 
and began to sell them, to repay themselves. Honest Pinzon 
immediately addressed a petition to the government, stating the 
imposition practiced upon him, and the danger he was in of 
imprisonment and utter ruin, should his creditors be allowed to 
sacrifice his goods at a public sale. He petitioned that they 
might be compelled to return the property thus seized, and that 
he might be enabled to sell three hundred and fifty quintals of 
brazil-wood, which he had brought back with him, and which 
would be sufficient to satisfy the demands of his creditors. The 
sovereigns granted his prayer. They issued an order to the civil 
authorities of Palos to interfere in the matter, with all possible 
promptness and brevity, allowing no vexatious delay, and admin- 
istering justice so impartially that neither of the parties should 
have cause to complain. 

Pinzon escaped from the fangs of his creditors, but, of course, 
must have suffered in purse from the expenses of the law ; which, 
in Spain, is apt to bury even a successful client under an over- 
whelming mountain of documents and writings. We infer this in 



46 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



respect to Plnzon from a royal order issued in the following year, 
allowing him to export a quantity of grain, in consideration of 
the heavy losses he had sustained in his voyage of discovery. He 
did but share the usual lot of the Spanish discoverers, whose 
golden anticipations too frequently ended in penury ; but he is 
distinguished from among the crowd of them by being the first 
European who crossed the equinoctial line, on the western ocean, 
and by discovering the great kingdom of Brazil.* 

* On the 5th of September, 1501, a royal permission was given to Vicente 
Yaiiez Pinzon to colonize and govern the lands he had discovered, beginning a 
little north of the river Amazon, and extending to Cape St. Augustine. The 
object of the government in this permission was to establish an outpost and a 
resolute commander on this southern frontier, to check any intrusions the Por- 
tuguese might make in consequence of the accidental discovery of a part of the 
coast of Brazil by Pedro Alvarez Cabral, in 1500. The subsequent arrange- 
ment of a partition line between the two countries prevented the necessity of 
this precaution, and it does not appear that Vicente Yaiiez Pinzon made any 
second voyage to those parts. 

In 1506 he undertook an expedition in company with Juan Diaz de Solis, a 
native of Lebrija, the object of which was to endeavor to find the strait or pas- 
sage supposed by Columbus to lead from the Atlantic to a Southern Ocean. It 
was necessarily without success, as was also another voyage made by them, for 
the same purpose, in 1508. As no such passage exists, no blame could attach 
to those able navigators for being foiled in the object of their search. 

In consequence of the distinguished merits and services of the Pinzon 
family, they were raised, by the Emperor Charles V, to the dignity of a Hidal- 
guio, or nobility, without any express title, and a coat of arms was granted 
them, on which were emblazoned three caravels, with a hand at the stern 
pointing to an island covered with savages. This coat of arms is still main- 
tained by the family, who have added to it the motto granted to Columbus, 
merely substituting' the name of Pinzon for that of the admiral, 

A Castile y a Leon, 
Nuevo Mundo dio Pinzon. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 47 



DIEGO DE LEPE AND RODRIGO DE BASTIDES. 

[1500.] 

Notwithstanding the hardships and disasters that had beset 
the voyagers to the New "World, and the penury in which their 
golden anticipations had too frequently terminated, adventurers 
continued to press forward, excited by fresh reports of newly dis- 
covered regions, each in its turn represented as the real land of 
promise. Scarcely had Vicente Yafiez Pinzon departed on the 
voyage recently narrated, when his townsman Diego de Lepe like- 
wise set sail with two vessels from the busy little port of Palos, 
on a like expedition. No particulars of importance are known 
of this voyage, excepting that Lepe doubled Cape St. Augustine, 
and beheld the southern continent stretching far to the southwest. 
On returning to Spain he drew a chart of the coast for the Bishop 
Fonseca, and enjoyed the reputation, for upwards of ten years 
afterwards, of having extended his discoveries further south than 
any other voyager. 

Another contemporary adventurer to the New World was 
Rodrigo de Bastides, a wealthy notary of Triana, the suburb of 
Seville inhabited by the maritime part of its population. Being 
sanctioned by the sovereigns, to whom he engaged to yield a 
fourth of his profits, he fitted out two caravels in October, 150(1 
to go in quest of gold and pearls. 



48 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



Prudently distrusting his own judgment in nautical matters, 
this adventurous notary associated with him the veteran pilot Juan 
de la Cosa, the same hardy Biscayan who had sailed with Colum 
bus and Ojeda. A general outline of their voyage has already 
been given in the life of Columbus ; it extended the discoveries 
of the coast of Terra Firma from Cape de la Vela, where Ojeda 
had left off, quite to the port of Nombre de Dios. 

Bastides distinguished himself from the mass of discoverers 
by his kind treatment of the natives, and Juan de la Cosa by his 
sound discretion and his able seamanship. Their voyage had 
been extremely successful, and they had collected, by barter, a 
great amount of gold and pearls, when their prosperous career 
was checked by an unlooked-for evil. Their vessels to their sur- 
prise became leaky in every part, and they discovered, to their 
dismay, that the bottoms were pierced in innumerable places by 
the broma, or worm, which abounds in the waters of the torrid 
zone, but of which they, as yet, had scai'cely any knowledge. It 
was with great difficulty they could keep afloat until they reached 
a small islet on the coast of Hispaniola. Here they repaired 
their ships as well as they were able, and again put to sea to 
return to Cadiz. A succession of gales drove them back to port ; 
the ravages of the worms continued, the leaks broke out afresh ; 
they landed the most portable and precious part of their wealthy 
cargoes, and the vessels foundered with the remainder. Bastides 
lost, moreover, the arras and ammunition saved from the wreck, 
being obliged to destroy them lest they should fall into the hands 
of the Indians. 

Distributing his men into three bands, two of them headed by 
La Cosa and himself, they set off for San Domingo by three 
several routes, as the countiy was not able to furnish provisions 



Chap. VII.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 49 



alone, the cacique of Xaragua, and bi-other-in-law of Caonabo, 
made no overtures of submission. His territories lay remote from 
Isabella, at the western extremity of the island, around the deep 
bay called the Bight of Leogan, and the long peninsula called 
Cape Tiburon. They were difficult of access, and had not as yet 
been visited by the white men. He. retired into his domains, 
taking with him his sister, the beautiful Anacaona, wife of Caonabo, 
whom he cherished with fraternal affection under her misfortunes, 
who soon acquired almost equal sway over his subjects with him- 
self, and was destined subsequently to make some figure in the 
events of the island. 

Having been forced to take the field by the confederacy of the 
caciques, Columbus now asserted the right of a conqueror, and 
considered how he might turn his conquest to most profit. His 
constant anxiety was to make wealthy returns to Spain, for the 
purpose of indemnifying the sovereigns for their great expenses ; 
of meeting the public expectations, so extravagantly excited ; and 
above all of silencing the calumnies of those who had gone home 
determined to make the most discouraging representations of his 
discoveries. He endeavored, therefore, to raise a large and im- 
mediate revenue, by imposing heavy tributes on the subjected pro- 
vinces. In those of the Vega, Cibao, and all the region of the 
mines, each individual above the age of fourteen years was re- 
quired to pay, every three months, the measure of a Flemish 
hawk's-bell of gold dust.* The caciques had to pay a much 

* A hawk's-bell, according to Las Casas (Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 105) con- 
tains about three castellanos worth of gold dust, equal to five dollars, and in esti- 
mating the superior value of gold in those days, equivalent to fifteen dollars of our 
time. A quantity of gold worth one hundred and fifty castellanos, was equiva- 
lent to seven hundred and ninety-eight dollars of the present day. 

VOL. II. 3 



jO LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VIII. 



larger amount for tlieir personal tribute. Manicaotex, the brother 
of Caonabo, was obliged intlividuallj to render in, every three 
months, half a calabash of gold, amounting to one hundred and 
lif'ty pesos. In those districts which were distant from the mines, 
and produced no gold, each individual was required to furnish an 
arroba (twenty-five pounds) of cotton every three months. Each 
Indian, on rendering this tribute, received a copper medal as a cer- 
tificate of payment, which he was to wear suspended round his 
neck ; those who were found without such documents were liable 
to arrest and punishment. 

The taxes and tributes thus imposed, bore hard upon the spirit 
of the natives, accustomed to be but lightly tasked by their 
caciques ; and the caciques themselves found the exactions intole- 
rably grievous. Guarionex, the sovereign of the Royal Vega, 
represented to Columbus the difficulty he had in complyiug with 
the terms of his tribute. His richly fertile plain yielded no gold ; 
and though the mountains on his borders contained mines, and 
their brooks and torrents washed down gold dust into the sands 
of the rivers, yet his subjects were not skilled in the art of col- 
lecting it. He proffered, therefore, instead of the tribute required, 
to cultivate with grain a band of country stretching across the 
island from sea to sea, enough, says Las Casas, to have furnished 
all Castile with bread for ten years.* 

His offer was rejected. Columbus knew that gold alone would 
satisfy the avaricious dreams excited in Spain, and insure the 
popularity and success of his enterprises. Seeing, however, the 
difficulty that many of the Indians had in furnishing the amount 
of gold dust required, he lowered the demand to the measure of 
one half of a hawk's-bell. 

* Las CasaSj Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 105. 



CnAP. VII.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 51 



To enlbrce the payment of these tributes, and to maintain the 
subjection of the island, Columbus put the fortress already built 
in a strong state of defence, and erected others. Beside those of 
Isabella, and of St. Thomas, in the mountains of Cibao, there 
were now the fortress of Magdalena, in the Royal Vega, near the 
site of the old town of Santiago, on the river Jalaqua, two leagues 
from the place where the new town was afterwards built ; another 
called Santa Catalina, the site of which is near the Estencia 
Yaqui ; another called Esperanza, on the banks of the river 
Yaqui, facing the outlet of the mountain pass La Puerta de los 
Hidalgos, now the pass of Marney ; but the most imtiortant of 
those recently erected, was Fort Conception, in one of the most 
fruitful and beautiful parts of the Vega, about fifteen leagues to 
the east of Esperanza, controlling the extensive and populous 
domains of Guarionex.* 

In this way was the yoke of servitude fixed upon the island, 
and its thraldom eiFectually insured. Deep despair now fell upon 
the natives when they found a perpetual task inflicted upon them, 
enfoi'ced at stated and frequently recurring periods. Weak and 
indolent by nature, unused to labor of any kind, and brought up 
in the untasked idleness of their soft climate and their fruitful 
groves, death itself seemed preferable to a life of toil and anxiety. 
They saw no end to this harassing evil, which had so suddenly 
fallen upon them ; no escape from its all-pervading influence ; no 
prospect of return to that roving independence and ample leisure, 
so dear to the wild inhabitants of the forest. The pleasant life 
of the island was at an end : the dream in the shade by day ; the 
slumber during the sultry noontide heat by the fountain or the 
stream, or under the spreading palm-tree ; and the song, the 

* Las Casas, ubi sup., cap. 110. 



52 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VIII. 



dance, and the game in the mellow evening, when summoned to 
theii- simple amusements by the rude Indian drum. They were 
now obliged to grope day by day, with bending body and anxious 
eye, along the borders of their rivers, sifting the sands for the 
grains of gold which every day grew more scanty ; or to labor in 
their fields beneath the fervor of a tropical sun, to raise food for 
their taskmasters, or to produce the vegetable tribute imposed 
upon them. They sank to sleep weary and exhausted at night, 
with the certainty that the next day was but to be a repetition of 
the same toil and suffering. Or if they occasionally indulged in 
their national dances, the ballads to which they kept time were 
of a melancholy and plaintive character. They spoke of the 
times that were past before the white men had introduced sorrow, 
and slavery, and weary labor among them ; and they rehearsed 
pretended prophecies, handed down from their ancestors, foretell- 
ing the invasion of the Spaniards ; that strangers should come 
into their island, clothed in apparel, with swords capable of cleav- 
ing a man asunder at a blow, under whose yoke their posterity 
should be subdued. These ballads, or areytos, they sang with 
mournful tunes and doleful voices, bewailing the loss of their 
liberty, and their painful servitude.* 

They had flattered themselves, for a time, that the visit of the 
strangers would be but temporary, and that, spreading their ample 
sails, their ships would once more bear them back to their home 
in the sky. In their simplicity, they had repeatedly inquired 
when they intended to return to Turey, or the heavens. They 
now beheld them taking root, as it were, in the island. They 
beheld their vessels lying idle and rotting in the harbor, while the 
crews, scattered about the country, were building habitations and 

* Peter Martyr, decad. iii. lib. ix. 



Chap. VII.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 53 



fortresses, the solid construction of which, unlike their own slight 
cabins, gave evidence of permanent abode.* 

Finding how vain was all attempt to deliver themselves by 
warlike means fi'om these invincible intruders, they now concerted 
a forlorn and desperate mode of annoyance. They perceived 
that the settlement suffei'ed greatly from shortness of provisions, 
and depended, in a considerable degree, upon the supplies fur- 
nished by the natives. The fortresses in the interior, also, and 
the Spaniards quartered in the villages, looked almost entirely to 
them for subsistence. They agreed among themselves, therefore, 
not to cultivate the fruits, the roots and maize, their chief articles 
of food, and to destroy those already growing ; hoping, by pro- 
ducing a famine, to starve the strangers from the island. They 
little knew, observes Las Casas, one of the characteristics of the 
Spaniards, who the more hungry they are, the more inflexible 
they become, and the more hardened to endure suffering.! They 
carried their plan generally into effect, abandoning their habita- 
tions, laying waste their fields and groves, and retiring to the 
mountains, whei'e there were roots and herbs and abundance of 
utias for their subsistence. 

This measure did indeed produce much distress among the 
Spaniards, but they had foreign resources, and were enabled to 
endure it by husbanding the partial supplies brought by their 
ships ; the most disastrous effects fell upon the natives themselves. 
The Spaniards stationed in the various fortresses, finding that 
there was not only no hope of tribute, but a danger of famine 

* Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 106. 

t No conociendo la propriedad de los Espaiioles, los cuales cuanto mas 
hambrientos, tanto mayor teson tienen y mas duros son de sufrir y para sufrir. 
Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 106. 



54 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VIII. 



from this wanton waste and sudden desertion, pursued tlie natives 
to their retreats, to compel them to return to labor. The Indians 
took refuge in the most steril and dreary heights ; flying from one 
wild retreat to another, the women witli tlieir children in their 
arms or at their backs, and all worn out with fatigue and hunger, 
and harassed by perpetual alarms. In every noise of the forest 
or the mountain they fancied they heard the sound of their pur- 
suers ; they hid themselves in damp and dismal caverns, or in the 
rocky banks and margins of the torrents, and not daring to hunt, 
or fish, or even to venture forth in quest of noui-ishing roots 
and vegetables, they had to satisfy their raging hunger with un- 
wholesome food. In this way, many thousands of them perished 
miserably, through famine, fatigue, teiTor, and various contagions 
maladies engendered by their sufferings. All spirit of opposition 
was at length completely quelled. The surviving Indians re 
turned in despair to their habitations, and submitted humbly to 
the yoke. So deep an awe did they conceive of their conquerors, 
that it is said a Spaniard might go singly and securely all over 
the island, and the natives would even transport liim from placo 
to place on their shoulders.* 

Before passing on to other events, it may be proper here 
to notice the fate of Guacanagari, as he makes no further appear- 
ance in the course of this history. His fi'iendship for the Span- 
iards had severed him from his countrymen, but did not exone- 
rate him from the general woes of the island. His territories, like 
those of the other caciques, were subjected to a tribute, which his 
people, with the common repugnance to labor, found it difficult to 
pay. Columbus, who knew his worth, and could have protected 

» Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. i. c. 106. Hist, del Almirante, cap. 60. 



Chap. VII ] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 55 



him, was long absent either in the interior of the island, or de- 
tained in Europe by his own wrongs. In the interval, the Span- 
iards forgot the hospitality and services of Guacanagari, and his 
tribute was harshly exacted. He found himself overwhelmed 
with opprobrium from his countrymen at large, and assailed by 
the clamors and lamentations of his suffering subjects. The 
strangers whom he had succored in distress, and taken as it were 
to the bosom of his native island, had become its tyrants and 
oppressors. Care, and toil, and poverty, and strong-handed vio- 
lence, had spread their curses over the land, and he felt as if he 
had invoked them on his race. Unable to bear the hostilities of 
his fellow caciques, the woes of his subjects, and the extortions 
of his ungrateful allies, he took refuge at last in the mountains, 
where he died obscurely and in misery.* 

An attempt has been made by Oviedo to defame the charac- 
ter of this Indian prince : it is not for Spaniards, however, to 
excuse their own ingratitude by casting a stigma on his name. 
He appears to have always manifested towards them that true 
friendship which shines brightest in the dark days of adversity. 
He might have played a nobler part, in making a stand, with his 
brother caciques, to drive these intruders from his native soil ; 
but he appears to have been fascinated by his admiration of the 
strangers, and his personal attachment to Columbus. He was 
bountiful, hospitable, affectionate, and kind-hearted ; competent 
to rule a gentle and unwarlike people in the happier days of the 
island, but unfitted, through the softness of his nature, for the 
stern turmoil which followed the arrival of the white men. 

* Charlevoi.v, Hist, de St. Domingo, lib. ii. 



56 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VIII. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

INTRIGUES AGAINST COLUMBUS IN THE COURT OF SPAIN. 

AGUADO SENT TO INVESTIGATE THE AFFAIRS OF HISPA- 
NIOLA. 

[1495.] 

While Columbus was endeavoring to remedy the evils produced 
by the misconduct of Margarite, that recreant commander and 
his political coadjutor, Friar Boyle, were busily undermining his 
reputation in the court of Castile. They accused him of deceiv- 
ing the sovereigns and the public by extravagant descriptions of 
the countries he had discovered ; they pronounced the island of 
Hispaniola a source of expense rather than profit, and they drew 
a dismal picture of the sufferings of the colony, occasioned, as 
they said, by the oppressions of Columbus and his brothers. 
They charged them with tasking the community with excessive 
labor during a time of general sickness and debility ; with stop- 
ping the rations of individuals on the most trifling pretext, to the 
great detriment of their health ; with wantonly inflicting severe 
corporal punishments on the common people, and with heaping 
indignities on Spanish gentlemen of rank. They said nothing, 
however, of the exigencies which had called for unusual labor ; 
nor of the idleness and profligacy which required coercion and 
chastisement ; nor of the seditious cabals of the Spanish cavaliers, 



Chap. VIII.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 57 



■who had been treated with indulgence rather than severity. In 
addition to these complaints, they represented the state of confu- 
sion of the island, in consequence of the absence of the admiral, 
and the uncertainty Avhich prevailed concerning his fate, inti- 
mating the probability of his having perished in his foolhardy 
attempts to explore unknown seas, and discover unprofitable 
lands. 

These prejudiced and exaggerated representations derived 
much weight from the official situations of Margarite and Friar 
Boyle. They were supported by the testimony of many discon- 
tented and fectious idlers, who had returned with them to Spain. 
Some of these persons had connexions of rank, who were ready 
to resent, with Spanish haughtiness, what they considered the 
arrogant assumptions of an ignoble foreigner. Thus the popu- 
larity of Columbus received a \atal blow, and iaiimediately began 
to decline. The confidence of the sovereigns also was impaired, 
and precautions were adopted which savor strongly of the cau- 
tious and suspicious policy of Ferdinand. 

It was determined to send some person of trust and confidence, 

who should take upon himself the government of the island in 

case of the continued absence of the admiral, and who, even in 

the event of his return, should inquire into the alleged evils and 

abuses, and remedy such as should appear really in existence. 

The person proposed for this difficult office was Diego Carillo, a 

commander of a militaiy order ; but as he was not immediately 

prepared to sail with the fleet of caravels about to depart with 

supplies, the sovereigns wrote to Fonseca, the superintendent of 

India affairs, to send some trusty person with the vessels, to take 

charge of the provisions with which they were freighted. These 

he wa.s to distribute among the colonists, under the supervision of 
VOL. ir. 3* 



58 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VIII. 



the admiral, or, in case of his absence, in presence of those in 
authority. He was also to collect information concerning the 
manner in which the island had been governed, the conduct of 
persons in office, the causes and authors of existing gx-ievances, 
and the measures by which they were to be remedied. Having 
collected such infoi-mation, he was to return and make report to 
the sovereigns ; but in case he should find the admiral at the island, 
every thing was to remain subject to his control. 

There was another measure adopted by the sovereigns about 
this time, which likewise shows the declining favor of Columbus. 
On the 10th of April, 1495, a proclamation was issued, giving 
general permission to native-born subjects to settle in the island 
of Hispaniola, and to go on private voyages of discovery and 
traffic to the New World. This was granted, subject to certain 
conditions. 

All vessels were to sail exclusively from the port of Cadiz, 
and under the inspection of officers appointed by the crown. 
Those who embarked for Hispaniola without pay, and at their 
own expense, were to have lands assigned to them, and to be pro- 
visioned for one year, with a right to retain such lands, and all 
houses they might erect upon them. Of all gold which they 
might collect, they Avere to retain one-third for themselves, and 
pay two-thirds to the crown. Of all other articles of merchan- 
dise, the produce of the island, they were to pay merely one- 
tenth to the crown. Their purchases were to be made in the 
presence of officers appointed by the sovereigns, and the royal 
duties paid into the hands of the king's receiver. 

Each ship sailing on private enterprise, was to take one or 
two persons named by the royal officers at Cadiz. One-tenth of 
the tonnage of the ship was to be at the service of the crown, 



Chap. VIII.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 59 

free of charge. One-tenth of whatever such ships should pro- 
cure in the newly-discovered countries, was to be paid to the 
croAvn on their I'eturn. These regulations included private ships 
trading to Ilispaniola with provisions. 

For every vessel thus fitted out on pi-ivate adventure, Colum- 
bus, in consideration of his pri\-ilege of an eighth of tonnage, was 
to have the right to freight one on his own account. 

This general license for voyages of discovery was made in 
consequence of the earnest applications of Vincent Yaiies Pinzon, 
and other able and intrepid navigators, most of whom had sailed 
with Columbus. They offered to make voyages at their own cost 
and hazard. The offer was tempting and well-timed. The 
government was poor, the expeditions of Columbus wei-e expen- 
sive, yet their object was too important to be neglected. Here 
was an opportunity of attaining all the ends proposed, not merely 
without expense, but with a certainty of gain. The permission, 
therefore, was granted, without consulting the opinion or the 
wishes of the admiral. It was loudly complained of by him, as 
an infringement of his privileges, and as disturbing the career of 
regi^ar and well-organized discovery, by the licentious and some- 
times predatory enterprises of reckless adventurers. Doubtless, 
much of the odium that has attached itself to the Spanish dis- 
coveries in the New World, has arisen from the grasping avidity 
of private individuals. 

Just at this juncture, in the early part of April, while the 
interests of Columbus were in such a critical situation, the ships 
commanded by Torres arrived in Spain. They brought intelli- 
gence of the safe return of the admiral to Hispaniola, from his 
voyage along the southern coast of Cuba, with the evidence which 
he had collected to prove that it was the extremity of the Asiatic 



60 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF TBook VIII. 



continent, and that he had penetrated to the borders of the wealth- 
iest countries of the East. Specimens were Hkevvise brought of 
the gold, and the various animal and vegetable curiosities, Avhich 
he had procured in the course of his voyage. No arrival could 
have been more timely. It at once removed all doubts respecting 
his safety, and obviated the necessity of j)art of the precautionary 
measures then on the point of being taken. The supposed dis- 
covery of the rich coast of Asia, also, threw a temporary splendor 
about his expedition, and again awakened the gratitude of the 
sovereigns. The effect was immediately apparent in their mea- 
sures. Instead of leaving it to the discretion of Juan Rodriguez 
de Fonseca to appoint whom he pleased to the commission of 
inquii-y about to be sent out, they retracted that power, and nomi- 
nated Juan Aguado. 

He Avas chosen, because, on returning from Hispaniola, he 
had been strongly recommended to royal favor by Columbus. It 
was intended, therefore, as a mark of consideration to the latter, 
to appoint as commissioner a person of whom he had expressed 
so high an opinion, and who, it was to be presumed, entertained 
for him a grateful regard. ^ 

Fonseca, in virtue of his official station as superintendent of 
the affairs of the Indies, and probably to gratify his growing ani- 
mosity for Columbus, had detained a quantity of gold which Don 
Diego, brother to the admiral, had brought on his own private 
account. The sovereigns wrote to him repeatedly, oi'dering him 
not to demand the gold, or if he had seized it, to return it imme- 
diately, with satisfactory explanations, and to write to Columbus 
in terms calculated to soothe any angry feelings which he might 
have excited. He was ordered, also, to consult 'the persons 
recently arrived from Hispaniola, in Avhat manner he could yield 



Chap. VIII.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 61 

satisfaction to the admiral, and to act accordingly. Fonseca thus 
suffered one of the severest humiliations of an arrogant spirit, 
that of being obliged to make atonement for its aiTOgance. It 
quickened, however, the malice which he had conceived against 
the admiral and his family. Unfortunately his official situation, 
and tlie royal confidence which he enjoyed, gave liim oj^pox'tuni- 
ties of gratifying it subsequently in a thousand insidious ways. 

While the sovereigns thus endeavored to avoid any act which 
might, give umbrage to Columbus, they took certain measures to 
provide for the tranquillity of the colony. In a letter to the 
admiral, they directed that the number of persons in the settle- 
ment should be limited to five hundred, a greater number being 
considered unnecessaiy for the service of the island, and a bur- 
densome expense to the crown. To prevent further discontents 
about provisions, they ordered that the rations of individuals 
should be dealt out in portions every fifteen days ; and that all 
punishment by short allowance, or the stoppage of rations, should 
be discontinued, as tending to injure the health of the colonists, 
who required every assistance of nourishing diet, to fortify them 
against the maladies incident to a strange climate. 

An able and experienced metallurgist, named Pablo Belvis, 
was sent out in place of the wrong-headed Firmin Cedo. He 
was furnished with all the necessary engines and implements for 
mining, assaying, and purifying the precious metals, and Avith 
liberal pay and privileges. Ecclesiastics were also sent to supply 
the place of Friar Boyle, and of certain of his brethren, who 
desired to leave the island. The instruction and conversion of 
the natives awakened more and more the solicitude of the queen. 
In the ships of Torres a large number of Indians arrived, who 
had been captured in the recent wars with the caciques. Royal 



62 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VIII. 



orilers had been issued, that they should be sold as slaves in the 
markets of Andalusiix, as had been the custom with respect to 
negroes taken on the coast of Africa, and to Moorish prisoners 
captured in the war with Granada. Isabella, however, had been 
deeply interested by the accounts given of the gentle and hospi- 
table character of these islanders, and of their great docility. 
The discovery had been made under her immediate auspices ; 
she looked upon these people as under her peculiar care, and she 
anticipated, with pious enthusiasm, the glory of leading them, from 
darkness into the paths of light. Her compassionate spirit 
revolted at the idea of treating them as slaves, even though sanc- 
tioned by the customs of the time. Within five days after the 
royal order for the sale, a letter was written by the sovereigns to 
Bishop Fonseca, suspending that order, until they could inquire 
into the cause for which the Indians had been made prisoners, 
and consult learned and pious theologians, whether their sale 
would be justifiable in the eyes of God.* Much difference of 
opinion took place among divine?, on this important question ; 
the queen eventually decided it according to the dictates of her 
own pure conscience and charitable heart. She ordered that the 
Indians should be sent back to their native country, and enjoined 
that the islanders should be conciliated by the gentlest means, 
instead of being treated with severity. Unfortunately her orders 
came too late to Hispaniola, to have the desired effect. The 
scenes of warfai-e and violence, produced by the bad passions of 
the colonists and the vengeance of the natives, were not to be for- 
gotten, and mutual distrust and rankling animosity had grown up 
between them, which no after exertions could eradicate. 

* Letter of the Sovereigns to Fonseca. Navarrete, Colleccion de los ViageSj 
•- 11, Doc. 92. 



Ciur. IX.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 63 



CHAPTER IX. 

AKRIVAL OF AGUADO AT ISABELLA. HIS ARROGANT CON- 
DUCT. TEMPEST IN THE HARBOR. 

[1495.] 

Juan Aguado set sail from Spain towards the end of August, 
with four caravels, well freighted with supplies of all kinds. Don 
Diego Columbus returned in this squadron to Hispaniola, and 
arrived at Isabella in the month of October, while the admiral 
was absent, occupied in re-establishing the tranquillity of the inte- 
rior. Aguado, as has already been shown, was under obligations 
to Columbus, who had distinguished him from among his com-, 
panions, and had recommended him to the favor of the sovereigns. 
He was, however, one of those weak men, whose heads are turned 
by the least elevation. Puffed up by a little temporary power, 
he lost sight, not merely of the respect and gratitude due to 
Columbus, but of the nature and extent of his own commission. 
Instead of acting as an agent employed to collect information, he 
assumed a tone of authority, as though the reins of government 
had been transferred into his hands. He interfered in public 
affairs ; ordered various persons to be arrested ; called to account 
the officers employed by the admiral ; and paid no respect to Don 
Bartholomew Columbus, who remained in command during the 
absence of his brother. The Adelantado, astonished at this pre- 



64 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VIII 



sumption, demanded a sight of the commission under which he 
acted ; but Aguado treated him witli great haughtiness, replying 
that he would show it only to the admiral. On second thoughts, 
however, lest there should be doubts in the public mind of his 
right to interfere in the affairs of the colony, he ordered his letter 
of credence from the sovereigns to be pompously proclaimed by 
sound of trumpet. It was brief but comprehensive, to the fol- 
lowing purport : — " Cavaliers, Esquires, and other persons, who 
by our orders are in the Indies, we send to you Juan Aguado, our 
groom of the chambers, who will speak to you on our part. We 
command you to give him faith and credit." 

The report now circulated, that the downftiU of Columbus and 
his family was at hand, and that an auditor had arrived, empow- 
ered to hear and to redress the grievances of the public. This 
rumor originated with Aguado himself, who threw out menaces 
of rigid investigations and signal punishments. It was a time of 
jubilee for offenders. Every culprit started up into an accuser ; 
every one who by negligence or crime had incurred the whole- 
some penalties of the laws, was loud in his clamors against the 
oppression of Columbus. There were ills enough in the colony, 
some incident to its situation, others produced by the misdeeds of 
the colonists, but all were asci'ibed to the mal-administration of 
the admiral. He was made i-esponsible alike for the evils pro- 
duced by others, and for his own stern remedies. All the old 
complaints were reiterated against him and his brothers, and the 
usual and illiberal cause given for their oppressions, that they 
were foreigners, who sought merely their own interest and aggran- 
dizement, at the expense of the sufferings and the indignities of 
Spaniards. 

Destitute of discrimination to perceive what was true and 



Chap. IX.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 65 



what false in these complaints, and anxious only to condemn, 
Aguado saw in every thing conclusive testimony of the culpability 
of Columbus. He intimated, and perhaps thought, that the admi- 
ral was keeping at a distance from Isabella, thi'ough fear of en- 
countering his im'estigations. In the fullness of his presumption, 
he even set out with a body of horse to go in quest of him. A 
vain and weak man in power is prone to employ satellites of his 
own description. The aiTogant and boasting followers of Aguado, 
wherever they went, spread rumors among the natives of the 
might and importance of their chief, and of the punishment he 
intended to inflict upon Columbus. In a little while the report 
circulated through the island, that a new admiral had arrived to 
administer the government, and that the former one was to be put 
to death. 

The news of the arrival and of the insolent conduct of Aguado 
reached Columbus in the intei'ior of the island ; he immediately 
hastened to Isabella to give him a meeting. Aguado, hearing of 
his approach, also returned there. As every one knew the lofty 
spirit of Columbus, his high sense of his services, and his jealous 
maintenance of his official dignity, a violent explosion was antici- 
pated at the impending interview. Aguado also expected some- 
thing of the kind, but, secure in his royal letter of credence, he 
looked forward with the ignorant audacity of a little mind to the 
result. The sequel showed how difficult it is for petty spirits to 
anticipate the conduct of a man like Columbus in an extraordinary 
situation. His natural heat and impetuosity had been subdued by 
a life of trials; he had learned to bring his passions into subjec- 
tion to his judgment ; he had too true an estimate of his own dig- 
nity to enter into a contest with a shallow boaster like Aguado ; 
above all, he had a profound respect for the authority of his sov- 



66 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VIII. 



ereigns ; for in his entliusiastic spirit, prone to deep feelings of reve- 
rence, his loyalty was inferior only to his religion. lie received 
Aguado, therefore, with grave and punctilious courtesy; and re- 
torted upon him his own ostentatious ceremonial, ordering that the 
letter of credence should be again proclaimed by sound of trum- 
pet in presence of the populace. He listened to it with solemn 
deference, and assured Aguado of his readiness to acquiesce in 
whatever might be the pleasure of his sovereigns. 

This unexpected moderation, Avhile it astonished the beholders, 
foiled and disappointed Aguado. He had come prepared for a 
scene of altercation, and had hoped that Columbus, in the heat 
and impatience of the moment, would have said or done some- 
thing that might be construed into disrespect for the authority of 
the sovereigns. He endeavored, in fact, some months afterwards, 
to procure from the public notaries present, a prejudicial state- 
ment of the interview ; but the deference of the admiral for the 
royal letter of credence had been too marked to be disputed ; and 
all the testimonials were highly in his favor.* 

Aguado continued to intermeddle in public affairs, and the 
respect and forbearance with which he was uniformly treated by 
Columbus, and the mildness of the latter in all his measures to 
appease the discontents of the colony, were regarded as proofs 
of his loss of moral courage. He was looked upon as a declining 
man, and Aguado hailed as the lord of the ascendant. Eveiy 
dastard spirit who had any lurking ill-will, any real or imaginary 
cause of complaint, now hastened to give it utterance ; perceiving 
that, in gratifying his malice, he was promoting his interest, and 
that in vilifying the admiral he Avas gaining the friendship of 
Aguado. 

* Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 18. 



Chap. IX.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 67 



The poor Indians, too, liaras.sed by the domination of the 
white men, rejoiced in the prospect of a change of rulers ; vainly 
hoping that it might produce a mitigation of their sufferings. 
Many of the caciques who had promised allegiance to the admiral 
after their defeat in the Vega, now assembled at the house of 
Manicaotex, the brother of Caonabo, near the river Yagui, where 
they joined in a formal complaint against Columbus, whom they 
considered the cause of all the evils which had sprung from the 
disobedience and the vices of liis followers. 

Aguado now considered the great object of his mission ful- 
filled, lie had collected information sufficient, as he thought, to 
insure the ruin of the admiral and his brothers, and he prepared to 
i-eturn to Spain. Columbus resolved to do the same. He felt 
that it was time to appear at court, and dispel the cloud of calumny 
gathering against him. He had active enemies, of standing and 
influence, who were seeking every occasion to throw discredit upon 
himself and his enterprises ; and, stranger and foreigner as he was, 
he had no active friends at court to oppose their machinations. 
He feared that they might eventually produce an effect upon the 
royal mind, fatal to the progi'ess of discovery : he was anxious to 
return, therefore, and explain the real causes of the repeated dis- 
appointments with respect to profits anticipated from his enter- 
prises. It is not one of the least singular traits in this history, that 
after having been so many years in persuading mankind that 
there was a new world to be discovered, he had almost equal 
trouble in proving to them the advantage of its discovery. 

When the sliips were ready to depart, a terrible storm swept 
the island. It was one of those awful whirlwinds which occa- 
sionally rage ■svithin the tropics, and were called by the Indians 
" furicancs," or '• uricans," a name they still retain with trifling 



68 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VIII. 

variation. About mid-day a furious Avind sprang up from the 
east, driving before it dense volumes of cloud and vapor. En- 
countering another tempest of wind from the west, it appeared 
as if a violent conflict ensued. The clouds Avere rent by incessant 
flashes, or rather streams of lightning. At one time they were 
piled up high in the sky, at another they swept to the earth, 
filling the air with a baleful darkness more dismal than the obscu- 
rity of midnight. Wherever the Avhirlwind passed, whole tracts 
of forests were sliivered and stripped of their leaves and branches : 
those of gigantic size, Avhich resisted the blast, were torn up by 
the roots, and hurled to a great distance. Groves were rent from 
the mountain precipices, with vast masses of earth and rock, 
tumbling into the valleys with terrific noise, and choking the course 
of rivers. The fearful sounds in the air and on the earth, the 
pealing thunder, the vivid lightning, the howling of the Avind, the 
crash of falling trees and rocks, filled every one Avith affright ; and 
many thought that the end of the world was at hand. Some fled 
to caverns for safety, for their frail houses were bloAvn doAvn, and 
the air was filled A\ath the trunks and branches of trees, and even 
with fragments of rocks, carried along by the fury of the tempest. 
When the hurricane reached the harbor, it Avhirled the ships round 
as they lay at anchor, snapped their cables, and sank three of them 
with all Avho were on board. Others Avere driven about, dashed 
against each other, and tossed mere wrecks upon the shore by the 
swelling surges of the sea, Avhich in some places rolled for three 
or four miles upon the land. The tempest lasted for three hours. 
When it had passed away, and the sun again appeared, the 
Indians regarded each other in mute astonishment and dismay. 
Never in their memory, nor in the traditions of their ancestors, 
had their island been visited by such a storm. They believed 



Chap. IX.j CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 



that the Deity liad sent this fearful ruin to punish the cruelties 
and crimes of the white men ; and declared that tliis people had 
moved the very air, the water, and the earth, to disturb their 
tranquil life, and to desolate their island.* 

* Ramusio, torn. iii. p. 7. Peter Martyr, decad. i. lib. r 



LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VIII. 



CHAPTER X. 

DISCOVERY OF THE MINES OF HAYNA. 

[1496.] 

In tlie recent hurricane, tlie four caravels of Aguado had been 
destroyed, together with two others wliich were in the harbor. 
The only vessel which survived was the Niiia, and that ui a very 
shattered condition. Columbus gave orders to have her immedi- 
ately repaired, and another cai'avel constructed out of the wreck 
of those which had been destroyed. Wliile waiting until they 
should be ready for sea, he Avas cheered by tidings of rich mines 
in the interior of the island, the discovery of which is attributed 
to an incident of a somewhat romantic nature.* A young Arra- 
gonian, named Miguel Diaz, in the service of the Adelantado, 
having a quarrel with another Spaniard, fought with him, and 
wounded him dangerously. Fearful of the consequences, he fled 
from the settlement, accompanied by five or six comrades, who 
had either been engaged in the affray, or were personally attached 
to him. Wandering about the island, they came to an Indian 
village on the southern coast, near the mouth of the river Ozema, 
where the city of San Domingo is at present situated. They 
were received with kindness by the natives, and resided for some 

* Oviedo, Cronica de los Indias, lib. ii. cap. 13. 



Chap. X.] CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 71 



time among them. The village was governed by a female ca- 
cique, Avho soon conceived a strong attachment for the young 
Arragonian. Diaz was not insensible to her tenderness, a con- 
nexion Avas formed between them, and they lived for some time 
very happily together. 

The recollection of his country and his friends began at length 
to steal upon the thouglits of the young Spaniard. It was a 
melancholy lot to be exiled from civilized life, and an outcast from 
among his countrymen. lie longed to return to the settlement, 
but dreaded the punishment that awaited him, from the austere 
justice of the Adelantado. His Indian bride, observing him fre- 
quently melancholy and lost in thought, penetrated the cause, with 
the quick intelligence of female affection. Fearful that he would 
abandon her, and return to his countrymen, she endeavored to 
devise some means of drawing the Spaniards to that part of the 
island. Knowing that gold was their sovereign attraction, she 
informed Diaz of certain rich mines in the neighborhood, and 
urged him to persuade his countrymen to abandon the compara- 
tively stei'il and unhealthy A^icinity of Isabella, and settle upon 
the fertile banks of the Ozema ; promising they should be re- 
ceived with the utmost kindness and hospitality by her nation. 

Struck with the suggestion, Diaz made particular inquiries 
about the mines, and was convinced that they abounded in gold. 
He noticed the superior fruitfulness and beauty of the country, 
the excellence of the river, and the security of the harbor at its 
entrance. He flattered himself that the communication of such 
valuable intelligence would make his peace at Isabella, and obtain 
his pardon from the Adelantado. Full of these hopes, he pro- 
cured guides from among the natives, and taking a temporary 
leave of his Indian bride, set out with his comrades through the 



72 LIFE AND VOYAGES OF [Book VIII 



wilderness for the settlement, which was about fifty leagues dis- 
tant. Arriving there secretly, he learnt to his great joy, that the 
man whom he had wounded had recovered. He now presented 
himself boldly befoi'e the Adelantado, relying that his tidings 
would earn his forgiveness. He was not mistaken. No news 
could have come more opportunely. The admiral had been anx- 
ious to remove the settlement to a more healthy and advantageous 
situation. He was desirous also of carrying home some conclu- 
sive proof of the riches of the island, as the most efiectual means 
of silencing the cavils of his enemies. If the representations of 
Miguel Diaz were correct, here was a means of effecting both 
these purposes. Measures were immediately taken to ascertain 
tbe truth. The Adelantado set forth in person to visit the river 
Ozema, accompanied by Miguel Diaz, Francisco de Garay, and 
the Indian guides, and attended by a number of men well armed. 
They proceeded from Isabella to Magdalena, and thence across 
the Royal Vega to the fortress of Conception. Continuing on to 
the south, they came to a range of mountains, which they tra- 
versed by a defile two leagues in length, and descended into 
another beautiful plain, which was called Bonao. Proceeding 
hence for some distance, they came to a great river called Hayna, 
running through a fertile country, all the streams of which 
abounded in gold. On the western bank of this river, and about 
eight leagues from its mouth, they found gold in greater quantities 
and in larger particles than had yet been met with in any part 
of the island, not even excepting the province of Cibao. They 
made experiments in various places within the compass of six 
miles, and always with success. The soil seemed to be generally 
impregnated with that metal, so that a common laborer, with little 
trouble, might find the amount of three drachms in the course of 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 73 



fice ; in a moment it was in a blaze, and the eight warriors 
perished in the flames. 

Seventy Indians were made captive and sent to the ships, and 
Ojeda, regardless of the remonstrances of Juan de la Cosa, con- 
tinued his rash pursuit of the fugitives through the forest. In the 
dusk of the evening they arrived at a village called Yurbaco ; the 
inhabitants of which had fled to the mountains with their wives 
and children and principal effects. The Spaniards, imagining 
that the Indians were completely terrified and dispersed, now 
roved in quest of booty among the deserted houses, which stood 
distant from each other, buried among the trees. While they 
were thus scattered, troops of savages rushed forth, with furious 
yells, from all parts of the forest. The Spaniards endeavored to 
gather together and support each other, but every little party 
were surrounded by a host of foes. They fought with desperate 
bravery, but for once their valor and their iron armor were of no 
avail ; they were overwhelmed by numbers, and sank beneath 
war clubs and poisoned arrows. 

Ojeda on the first alarm collected a few soldiers and ensconced 
himself witiiin a small inclosure, surrounded by palisades. Here 
he was closely besieged and galled by flights of arrows. He 
threw himself on his knees, covered himself with his buckler, 
and, being small and active, managed to protect himself from the 
deadly shower, but all his companions were slain by his side, some 
of them perishing in frightful agonies. At this fearful moment 
the veteran La Cosa, having heard of the peril of his commander, 
arrived with a few followers to his assistance. Stationing him- 
self at the gate of the palisades, the brave Biscayan kept the 
savages at bay until most of his men were slain, and he himself 
was severely wounded. Just then Ojeda sprang forth like a tiger 

VOL. III. 4 



74 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



into the midst of the enemy, dealing his blows on every side. La 
Cosa would have seconded him, but was crippled by his wounds. 
He took refuse with the remnant of his men in an Indian cabin ; 
the straw roof of which he aided them to throw oiF, lest the 
enemy should set it on fire. Here he defended himself until all 
his comrades, but one, were destroyed. The subtle poison of his 
wounds at length overpowered him, and he sank to the ground. 
Feeling death at hand, he called to his only surviving companion. 
" Brother," said he, " since God hath protected thee from harm, 
sally forth and fly, and if ever thou shouldst see Alonzo de Ojeda, 
tell him of my fate !" 

Thus fell the hardy Juan de la Cosa, faithful and devoted to 
the very last; nor can we refrain from pausing to pay a passing 
tribute to his memory. He w^as acknowledged by his contempo- 
raries to be one of the ablest of those gallant Spanish navigators 
Avho first explored the way to the New "World. But it is by the 
honest and kindly qualities of his heart that his memory is most 
endeared to us ; it is, above all, by that loyalty in friendship dis- 
played in this liis last and fatal expedition. Warmed by his at- 
tachment for a more youthful and hot-headed adventurer, we see 
this wary veteran of the seas forgetting his usual prudence and 
the lessons of his experience, and embarking heart and hand, 
purse and person, in the wild enterprises of his favorite. We 
behold him watching over him as a parent, remonstrating with 
him as a counselor, but fighting by him as a partisan ; following 
him, without hesitation, into known and needless danger, to cer- 
tain death itself, and showing no other solicitude in his dying mo- 
ments, but to be remembered by his friend. 

The history of these Spanish discoverers abounds in noble 
and generous traits of character : but few have charmed us more 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 75 



than this instance of loyalty to the last gasp, in the death of the 
stanch Juan de la Cosa. The Spaniard who escaped to tell the 
story of his end, was the only survivor of seventy that had fol- 
lowed Ojeda in this rash and headstrong inroad. 



CHAPTER IV. 

ARRIVAL OF NICUESA. VENGEANCE TAKEN ON THE INDIANS. 

"While these disastrous occurrences happened on shore, great 
alarm began to be felt on board of the ships. Days had elapsed 
since the party had adventured so rashly into the wilderness ; 
yet nothing had been seen or heard of them, and the forest spread 
a mystery over their fate. Some of the Spaniards ventured a 
little distance into the woods, but were deterred by the distant 
shouts and yells of the savages, and the noise of their conchs and 
drums. Armed detachments then coasted the shore in boats, 
landing occasionally, climbing rocks and promontories, firing 
signal guns, and sounding trumpets. It was all in vain ; they 
heard nothing but the echoes of their own noises, or perhaps the 
wild whoop of an Indian from the bosom of the forest. At length, 
when they were about to give up the search in despair, they came 
to a great thicket of mangrove trees on the margin of the sea. 
These trees grow within the water, but their roots rise, and are 
intertwined above the surface. In this entangled and almost im- 
pervious grove, they caught a glimpse of a man in Spanish attire. 
They entered, and, to their astonishment, found it to be Alonzo 
de Ojeda. He was lying on the matted roots of the mangroves, 
his buckler on his shoulder, and his sword in his hand ; but so 



76 VOYA(iES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



wasted with hunger Jiiid latigiie that lie could not speak. They 
bore him to the firm land ; made; a fire on the shore to warm him, 
for he was chilled with the damp and cold of his hiding-place, 
and when he was a little revived they gave him food and wine. 
In this way he gradually recovered strength to tell his doleful 
story.* 

He had succeeded in cutting his way through the host of sava- 
ges, and attaining tlie woody skirts of the mountains ; but when he 
found himself alone, and that all his brave men had been cut off, 
he was ready to yield up in despair. Bitterly did he reproach 
himself for having disregarded the advice of the veteran La Cosa, 
and deeply did he deplore the loss of that loyal follower, who had 
fallen a victim to his devotion. He scarce knew which way to 
bend his course, but continued on, in the darkness of the night 
and of the forest, until out of hearing of the yells of triumph 
uttered by the savages over the bodies of his men. When the 
day broke, he sought the rudest parts of the mountains, and hid 
himself until the night ; then struggling forward among rocks, 
and precipices, and matted forests, he made his way to the sea- 
side, but was too much exhausted to reach the ships. Indeed il 
was wonderful that one so small of frame should have been able 

* The picture here given is so much like romance, that the author quotes 
his authority at length : — " Llegaron adonde havia, junto al agua de la mar, 
unos Manglares, que son arboles, que siempre nacen, i crecen i permanecen 
dientro del agua de la ma.', con grandes raices, asidas, i enmaraifiadas unas con 
otras, i alii metido, i escondido hallaron a Alonso de Ojeda, con su espada en 
la mano, i la rodela en las espaldas, i en alia sobre trecientas, seriales de flech- 
azos. Estabo descaido de hambre, que no podia hechar de si la habia ; i si no 
fiiera tan robusto, aunque chico de cuerpo, fuera muerto." 

Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 58, MS. Herrera, Hist. Ind., d. i. lib. vii. cap. 15. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 77 



to endure such great hardships ; but he wm of admirable strength 
and liardihood. His followers considered his escape from death 
as little less than miraculous, and he himself regarded it as 
another proof of the special protection of the Virgin ; for, though 
he had, as usual, received no wound, yet it is said his buckler 
bore the dints of upwards of tlu-ee hundred arrows.* 

AVhile the Spaniards were yet on the shore, administering to 
the recovery of their commander, they beheld a squadron of ships 
standing towards the harbor of Carthagena, and soon perceived 
them to be the ships of Nicuesa. Ojeda was troubled in mind 
at the sight, recollecting his late intemperate defiance of that 
cavalier ; and, reflecting that, should he seek him in enmity, he 
was in no situation to maintain his challenge or defend himself. 
He ordered his men, therefore, to retui-n on board the ships and 
leave him alone on the shore, and not to reveal the place of 
his retreat while Nicuesa should remain in the harbor. 

As the squadron entered the harboi", the boats sallied forth to 
meet it. The first inquiry of Nicuesa was concerning Ojeda. 
The followers of the latter replied, mournfully, that their com- 
mander had gone on a warlike expedition into the country, but 
days had elapsed without his return, so that they feared some 
misfortune had befallen him. They entreated Nicuesa, therefore, 
to give his word, as a cavalier, that should Ojeda really be in dis- 
tress, he would not take advantage of his misfortunes to revenge 
himself for their late disputes. 

Nicuesa, who was a gentleman of noble and generous spirit, 
blushed with indignation at such a request. " Seek your com- 
mander instantly ;" said he, " bring him to me if he be alive ; 

* Las Casas, lib ii. cap. 58, MS. Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. vii. 
cap. XV. 



78 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



and I pledge myself not merely to forget the past, but to aid hira 
as if he were a brother."* 

"When they met, Nicuesa received his late foe with open ai'ms. 
" It is not," said he, " for hidalgos, like men of vulgar souls, to 
remember past differences when they behold one another in dis- 
tress. Henceforth let all that has occurred between us be forgot- 
ten. Command me as a brother. Myself and my men are at 
your orders, to follow you wherever you jilease, until the deaths 
of Juan de la Cosa and his comrades are revenged." 

The spirits of Ojeda were once more lifted up by this gallant 
and generous offer. The two governors, no longer rivals, landed 
four hundred of their men and several horses, and set off with all 
speed for the fatal village. They approached it in the night, and, 
dividing their forces into two parties, gave orders that not an 
Indian should be taken alive. 

The village was buried in deep sleep, but the woods were 
filled with large parrots, which, being awakened, made a prodi- 
gious clamor. The Indians, however, thinking the Spaniards all 
destroyed, paid no attention to these noises. It was not until 
their houses were assailed, and wrapped in flames, that they took 
the alarm. They rushed forth, some with arms, some weapon- 
less, but were received at their doors by the exasperated Span- 
iards, and either slain on the spot, or driven back into the fire. 
Women fled wildly forth with children in their arms, but at sight 
of the Spaniards glittering in steel, and of the horses, M'hich 
they supposed ravenous monsters, ran back, shrieking with hor- 
ror, into their burning habitations. Great was the carnage, for 
no quarter was shown to age or sex. Many perished by the fire, 
and many by the sword. 

* Las Casas, ubi sup. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 79 



When they had fully glutted their vengeance, the Spaniards 
fanged about for booty. While thus employed, they found the 
body of the unfortunate Juan de la Cosa. It was tied to a tree, 
but swollen and discolored in a hideous manner by the poison of 
the arrows with which he had been slain. This dismal spectacle 
had such an effect upon the common men, that not one would 
remain in that place during the night. Having sacked the village, 
therefore, they left it a smoking ruin, and returned in triumph to 
their ships. The spoil in gold and other articles of value must 
have been great, for the share of Nicuesa and his men amounted 
to the value of seven thousand castillanos.* The two governors, 
now faithful confederates, parted with many expressions of friend- 
ship, and with mutual admiration of each other's prowess ; and 
Nicuesa continued his voyage for the coast of Veragua. 



CHAPTER V. 

OJEPA FOUNDS THE COLONY OF SAN SEBASTIAN. BELEA- 
GUERED BY THE INDIANS. 

Ojeda now adopted, though tardily, the advice of his unfortunate 
lieutenant, Juan de la Cosa, and, giving up all thoughts of colo- 
nizing this disastrous part of the coast, steered his course for the 
Gulf of Uraba. He sought for some time the river Darien, 
famed among the Indians as abounding in gold, but not finding it, 
landed in various places, seeking a favorable site for his intended 
colony. His people were disheartened by the disasters they had 

* Equivalent to 37^81 dollars of the present day. 



80 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



already undergone, and the appearance of surrounding objects 
was not calculated to reassure them. The country, though fertile? 
and covered with rich and beautiful vegetation, was in their ' eyes 
a land of cannibals and monsters. They began to dread the 
strength as Avell as fierceness of the savages, who could transfix 
a man with their arrows even when covered with armor, and 
whose shafts were tipped with deadly poison. They heai'd the 
howlings of tigers, panthers, and, as they thought, lions in the 
forests, and encountered large and venomous serpents among the 
rocks and thickets. As they were passing along the banks of a 
river, one of their horses was seized by the leg by an enormous 
alligator, and dragged beneath the waves.* 

At length Ojeda fixed upon a place for his town, on a height 
at the east end of the gulf. Here, landing all that could be 
spared from the ships, he began, with all diligence, to erect 
houses, giving this embryo capital of his province the name of 
San Sebastian, in honor of that sainted martyr, who was slain by 
arrows; hoping he might protect the inhabitants from the impoi- 
soned shafts of the savages. As a further protection, he erected 
a large wooden fortress, and sorrounded the place with a stockade. 
Feeling, however, the inadequacy of his handful of men to con- 
tend with the hostile tribes around him, he dispatched a ship to 
Hispaniola, with a letter to the Bachelor, Martin Fernandez de 
Enciso, his alcalde mayor, informing him of his having estab- 
lished his seat of government, and urging him to lose no time in 
joining him with all the recruits, arms and provisions he could 
command. By the same ship he transmitted to San Domingo all 
the captives and gold he had collected. 

* Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. vii. cap. 16. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 81 



His capital being placed in a posture of defence, Ojeda now 
thought of making a progress through his wild territory ; and set 
out, accordingly, with an armed band, to pay a friendly visit to a 
neighboring cacique, reputed as possessing great treasures of gold. 
The natives, however, had by this time learnt the nature of these 
friendly visits, and were prepared to resist them. Scarcely had 
the Spaniards entered into the defiles of the surrounding forest, 
■when they were assailed by flights of arrows from the close 
coverts of (he thickets. Some were shot dead on the spot, others, 
less fortunate, expired raving with the torments of the poison ; 
the survivors, filled with horror at the sight, and losing all pres- 
ence of mind, retreated in confusion to the fortress. 

It was some time before Ojeda could again persuade his men 
to take the field, so great was their dread of the poisoned weapons 
of the Indians. At length their provisions began to fail, and they 
were compelled to forage among the villages in search, not of 
gold, but of food. 

In one of their expeditions they were surprised by an ambus- 
cade of savages, in a gorge of the mountains, and attacked with 
such fury and effect, that they were completely routed, and pur- 
sued with yells and bowlings to the very gates of San Sebastian. 
Many died, in excruciating agony, of their wounds, and others 
recovered with extreme difficulty. Those who were well, no 
longer dared to venture forth in search of food ; for the whole 
forest teemed with lurking foes. They devoured such herbs and 
roots as they could find, without regard to their quality. The 
humors of their bodies became coi'rupted, and various diseases, 
combined with the ravages of famine, daily thinned their num- 
bers. The sentinel who feebly mounted guard at night, was 
often found dead at his post in the morning. Some stretched 

VOL. III. 4* 



VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



themselves on the ground and expired of mere famine and debil- 
ity ; nor was death any longer regarded as an evil, but rather as 
a welcome relief from a life of horror and despair. 



CHAPTER VI. 

ALONZO DE OJEDA SUPPOSED BY THE SAVAGES TO HAVE A 
CHARMED LIFE. THEIR EXPERIMENT TO TRY THE FACT. 

In the meantime the Indians continued to harass the garrison, 
lying in wait to surprise the foraging parties, cutting off all strag- 
glers, and sometimes approaching the walls in open defiance. On 
such occasions Ojeda sallied forth at the head of his men, and 
from his great agility was the first to overtake the retreating foe. 
He slew more of their warriors with his single arm than all his 
followers together. Though often exposed to showers of arrows, 
none had ever wounded him, and the Indians began to think he 
had a charmed life. Perhaps they had heard from fugitive pris- 
oners, the idea entertained by himself and his followers of his 
being under supernatural protection. Determined to ascertain 
the fact, they placed four of their most dextrous archers in am- 
bush with orders to single him out. A number of them advanced 
towards the fort sounding their conchs and drums, and uttering 
yells of defiance. As they expected, the impetuous Ojeda sallied 
forth immediately at the head of his men. The Indians fled 
towards the ambuscade, drawing him in heedless pursuit. The 
archers waited until he was full in front, and then launched their 
deadly shafts. Three struck his buckler and glanced harmlessly 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 83 



off, but the fourth pierced his thigh. Satisfied that he was 
wounded beyond the possibility of cure, the savages retreated 
with shouts of triumph. 

Ojeda was borne back to the fortress in great anguish of body 
and despondency of spirit. For the first time in his life he had 
lost blood in battle. The charm in which he had hitherto con- 
fided was broken ; or rather, the Holy Virgin appeared to have 
withdrawn her protection. He had the horrible death of his fol- 
lowers before his eyes, who had perished of their wounds in 
raving frenzy. 

One of the symptoms of the poison was to shoot a thrilling 
chill through the wounded part ; from this circumstance, perhaps, 
a remedy suggested itself to the imagination of Ojeda, which few 
but himself could have had the courage to undergo. He caused 
two plates of iron to be made red hot, and ordered a surgeon to 
apply them to each orifice of the wound. The surgeon shuddered 
and refused, saying he would not be the murderer of his general.* 
Upon this Ojeda made a solemn vow that he would hang him un- 
less he obeyed. To avoid the gallows, the surgeon applied the 
glowing plates. Ojeda refused to be tied down, or that any one 
should hold him during this frightful opei'ation. He endured it 
without shrinking or uttering a murmur, although it so inflamed 
his whole system, that they had to wrap him in sheets steeped in 
vinegar, to allay the burning heat which raged throughout his 
body ; and we are assured that a barrel of vinegar was exhausted 
for the purpose. The desperate remedy succeeded : the cold 
poison, says Bishop Las Casas, was consumed by the vivid fire.t 
How far the venerable historian is correct in his postulate, sur- 

* Charlevoix, ut sup. p. 293. t Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 59, MS 



84 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 

geons may decide ; but many incredulous persons will be apt to 
account for the cure by surmising that the arrow was not en- 
venomed. 



CHAPTER VII. 

ARRIVAL OF A STRANGE SHIP AT SAN SEBASTIAN. 

Alonzo de Ojeda, though pronounced out of danger, was still 
disabled by his wound, and his helpless situation completed the 
despair of his companions ; for while he was in health and vigor, 
his buoyant and mercurial spirit, his active, restless, and enter- 
prising habits, imparted animation, if not confidence, to every one 
around him. The only hope of relief was from the sea, and that 
was nearly extinct, when one day, to the unspeakable joy of the 
Spaniards, a sail appeared on the horizon. It made for the port 
and dropped anchor at the foot of the height of San Sebastian, 
and there was no longer a doubt that it was the promised succor 
from San Domingo. 

The ship came indeed from the island of Hispaniola, but it 
had not been fitted out by tlie Bachelor Enciso. The command- 
er's name was Bernardino de Talavera. This man was one of 
the loose heedless adventurers who abounded in San Domingo. 
His carelessness and extravagance had involved him in debt, and 
he was threatened with a prison. In the height of his difficulties 
the ship arrived which Ojeda had sent to San Domingo, freighted 
with slaves and gold, an earnest of the riches to be found at San 
Sebastian. Bernardo de Talavera immediately conceived the 
project of giving his creditors tlie slip, and escaping to this new 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 85 



settlement. He understood that Ojeda was in need of recruits, 
and felt assui'ed that, from his own i-eckless conduct in money 
matters, he would sympathize with any one harassed by debt. He 
drew into his schemes a number of desperate debtors like him- 
self, nor was he scrupulous about filling up his ranks with recruits 
■whose legal embarrassments arose from more criminal causes. 
Never did a more vagabond crew engage in a project of colo- 
nization. 

How to provide themselves with a vessel was now the ques- 
tion. They had neither money nor credit ; but they had cunning 
and courage, and were troubled by no scruples of conscience; 
thus qualified, a knave will often succeed better for a time than 
an honest man ; it is in the long run that he fails, as will be illus- 
trated in the case of Talavera and his hopeful associates, "\yiiile 
casting about for means to escape to San Sebastian, they heard 
of a vessel belonging to certain Genoese, which was at Cape 
Tiburon, at the western extremity of the island, taking in a cargo 
of bacon and cassava bread for San Domingo. Nothing could 
Lave happened more opportunely : here was a ship, amply stored 
with provisions, and ready to their hand ; they had nothing to do 
but seize it and embark. 

The gang, accordingly, seventy in number, made their way 
separately and secretly to Cape Tiburon, where, assembling at 
an appointed time and place, they boarded the vessel, overpow- 
ered the crew, weighed anchor and set sail. They were heedless, 
hap-hazard mariners, and knew little of the management of a 
vessel ; the historian Charlevoix thinks, therefore, that it was a 
special providence which guided them to San Sebastian. Whe- 
ther or not the good father is right in his opinion, it is certain 



86 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



that the arrival of the ship rescued the garrison from the very 
brink of destruction.* 

Talavera and his gang, though they had come lightly by their 
prize, Avere not disposed to part with it as frankly, but demanded 
to be paid down in gold for the provisions furnished to the 
starving colonists. Ojeda agreed to their terms, and taking the 
supplies into his possession, dealt them out sparingly to his com- 
panions. Several of his hungry followers were dissatisfied with 
their portions, and even accused Ojeda of unfairness in reserving 
an undue share for himself. Perhaps there may have been some 
ground for this charge, arising, not from any selfishness in the 
character of Ojeda, but from one of those superstitious fancies 
with which his mind was tinged ; for we are told that, for many 
years, he had been haunted by a presentiment that he should 
eventually die of hunger.! 

This lurking horror of the mind may have made him depart 
from his usual free and lavish spirit in doling out these providen- 
tial supplies, and may have induced him to set by an extra por- 
tion for himself, as a precaution against his anticipated fate ; cer- 
tain it is, that great clamors rose among his people, some of whom 
threatened to return in the pirate vessel to Hispaniola. He suc- 
ceeded, however, in pacifying them for the present, by represent- 
ing the necessity of husbanding their supplies, and by assuring 
them that the Bachelor Enciso could not fail soon to arrive, when 
there would be provisions in abundance. 

* Hist. S. Domingo, lib. iv. t Herrera, decad. i. lib. viii. cap. 3. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 87 



CHAPTER VIII. 

TACTIONS IN THE COLONY. A CONVENTION MADE. 

Days and days elapsed, but no relief an-ived at San Sebastian. 
The Spaniards kept a ceaseless watch upon the sea, but the pro- 
mised ship failed to appeal*. With all the husbandry of Ojeda 
the stock of provisions was nearly consumed; famine again pre- 
vailed, and several of the garrison perished through their various 
sufferings and their lack of sufficient nourishment. The survivors 
now became factious in their misery, and a plot was formed among 
them to seize upon one of the vessels in the harbor and make 
sail for Hispaniola. 

Ojeda discovered their intentions, and was reduced to great 
perplexity. He saw that to remain here without I'elief fi'om 
abroad was certain destruction, yet he clung to his desperate en- 
terprise. It was his only chance for fortune or command ; for 
should this settlement be broken up, he might try in vain, with 
his exhausted means and broken credit, to obtain another post or 
set on foot another expedition. Ruin in fact would overwhelm 
him, should he return without success. 

He exerted himself, therefore, to the utmost to pacify his men ; 
representing the folly of abandoning a place where they had 
established a foothold, and where they only needed a reinforce- 
ment to enable them to control the surrounding country, and to 
make themselves masters of its riches. Finding they still demur- 
red, he offered, now that he was sufficiently recovered from his 
wound, to go himself to San Domingo in quest of reinforcements 
and supplies. 



VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



This offer had the desired effect. Such confidence had the 
people in the energy, ability, and influence of Ojeda, that they 
felt assured of relief should he seek it in person. They made a 
kind of convention with him, therefore, in which it was agreed 
that they should remain quietly at Sebastian's for the space of 
fifty days. At the end of this time, in case no tidings had been 
received of Ojeda, they were to be at liberty to abandon the set- 
tlement and return in the brigantines to Hispaniola. In the 
meantime Francisco Pizarro was to command the colony as Lieu- 
tenant of Ojeda, until the arrival of his alcalde mayor, the 
Bachelor Enciso. This convention being made, Ojeda embarked 
in the ship of Bernardino de Talavera. That cutpurse of the 
ocean and liis loose-handed crew were effectually cured of their 
ambition to colonize. Disappointed in the hope of finding abun- 
dant wealth at San Sebastian, and dismayed at the perils and hor- 
rors of the surrounding wilderness, they preferred returning to 
Hispaniola, even at the risk of chains and dungeons. Doubtless 
they thought that the influence of Ojeda Avould be sufficient to 
obtain their pardon, especially as their timely succor had been 
the salvation of the colony. 



CHAPTEK IX. 

DISASTROUS VOYAGE OF OJEDA IN THE PIRATE SHIP. 

Ojeda had scarce put to sea in the ship of these freebooters, 
when a quarrel arose between him and Talavera. Accustomed to 
take the lead among his companions, still feeling himself gover- 
nor, and naturally of a domineering spirit, Ojeda, on coming on 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 89 



board, had assumed the command as a matter of course. Tala- 
vera, who claimed dominion over the ship, by the right no doubt 
of trover and conversion, or, in other words, of downright piracy, 
resisted this usurpation. 

Ojeda, as usual, would speedily have settled the question by 
the sword, but he had the whole vagabond crew against him, who 
overpowered him with numbers and threw him in irons. Still 
his swelling spirit was unsubdued. He reviled Talavera and his 
gang as recreants, traitors, pirates, and offered to fight the whole 
of them successively, provided they would give him a clear deck, 
and come on two at a time. Notwithstanding his diminutive size, 
they had too high an idea of his prowess, and had heard too 
much of his exploits, to accept his challenge ; so they kept him 
raging in his chains while they pursued their voyage. 

They had not proceeded fai", however, when a violent stoi'm 
arose. Talavera and his crew knew little of navigation, and 
were totally ignorant of those seas. The raging of the elements, 
the baffling winds and currents, and the danger of unknown rocks 
and shoals, filled them with confusion and alarm. They knew 
not whither they were driving before the storm, or whei'e to seek 
for shelter. In this hour of peril they called to mind that Ojeda 
was a sailor as well as a soldier, and that he had repeatedly 
navigated these seas. Making a truce, therefore, for the common 
safety, they took off his irons, on condition that he would pilot 
the vessel during the remainder of the voyage. 

Ojeda acquitted himself with his accustomed spirit and intre- 
pidity ; but the vessel had already been swept so far to the west- 
Avard that all his skill was ineffectual in endeavoring to work up 
to Hispaniola agains^storms and adverse currents. Borne away 
by the Gulf Stream, and tempest-tost for many days, until the 



90 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



shattered vessel was almost in a foundering condition, he saw no 
alternative but to run it ashore on the soutliern coast of Cuba. 

Here then the crew of freebooters landed from their prize in 
more desperate plight than when they first took possession of it. 
They were on a wild and unfrequented coast ; their vessel lay a 
wreck upon the sands, and their only chance was to travel on foot 
to the eastern extremity of the island, and seek some means of 
crossing to Hispaniola, where, after all their toils, they might 
perhaps only arrive to be thrown into a dungeon. Such, however, 
is the yearning of civilized men after the haunts of cultivated 
society, that they set out, at every risk, upon their long and pain- 
ful journey. 



CHAPTER X. 

TOILSOME MARCH OF OJEDA AND HIS COMPANIONS THROUGH 
THE MORASSES OF CUBA. 

Notwithstanding the recent services of Ojeda, the crew of 
Talavera still regarded him with hostility ; but, if they had felt 
the value of his skill and courage at sea, they were no less sensi- 
ble of their importance on shore, and he soon acquired that 
ascendency over them which belongs to a master-spirit in time 
of trouble. 

Cuba was as yet uncolonized. It was a place of refuge to the 
unhappy natives of Hayti, who fled hither from the whips and 
chains of their European taskmasters. The forests abounded 
with these wretched fugitives, who often opposed themselves tc 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 91 



the shipwrecked party, supposing them to be sent by their late 
masters to drag them back to captivity. 

Ojeda easily repulsed these attacks ; but found that these 
fugitives had likewise inspired the villagers with hostility to all 
European strangers. Seeing that his companions were too feeble 
and disheartened to tight their way through the populous parts 
of the island, or to climb the rugged mountains of the interior, 
he avoided all towns and villages, and led them through the close 
forests and broad green savannas which extended between the 
mountains and the sea. 

He had only made a choice of evils. The forests gradually 
retired from the coast. The savannas, where the Spaniards at 
first had to contend merely with long rank grass and creeping 
vines, soon ended in salt marshes, where the oozy bottom yielded 
no firm foothold, and the mud and water reached to their knees. 
Still they pressed forwai-d, continually hoping in a little while to 
arrive at a firmer soil, and flattering themselves they beheld 
fresh meadow-land before them, but continually deceived. The 
farther they proceeded, the deeper grew the mire, until, after 
they had been eight days on this dismal journey, they found 
themselves in the centre of a vast morass, where the water reached 
to their girdles. Though thus almost drowned, they were tor- 
mented with incessant thirst, for all the water around them was 
as briny as the ocean. They suffered too the cravings of extreme 
hunger, having but a scanty supply of cassava bread and cheese, 
and a few potatoes and other roots, which they devoured raw. 
When they wished to sleep, they had to climb among the twisted 
roots of mangrove trees, which grew in clusters in the water. 
Still the di'eary mai'sh widened and deepened. In many places 
they had to cross rivers and inlets ; where some, who could 



92 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



not swim, were drowned, and others were smothered in the 
mire. 

Tlieir situation became wild and desperate. Their cassava 
bread was spoiled by the water, and their stock of i"oots nearly 
exhausted. The interminable morass still extended b'efore them, 
Avhile, to return, after the distance they had come, was hopeless. 
Ojeda alone kept up a resolute spirit, and cheered and urged 
them forward. He had the little Flemish painting of the Madona, 
which had been given him by the Bishop Fonseca, carefully 
stoi-ed among the provisions in his knapsack. Whenever he 
stopped to repose among the roots of the mangrove trees, he took 
out this picture, placed it among the branches, and kneeling, 
prayed devoutly to the Virgin for protection. This he did 
repeatedly in the course of the day, and prevailed u{>on his com- 
panions to follow his example. Nay, more, at a moment of great 
despondency, he made a solemn vow to his patroness that if she 
conducted liim alive through this peril, he would erect a chapel 
in the first Indian village he should arrive at ; and leave her pic- 
ture there, to remain an object of adoration to the Gentiles.* 

This frightful morass extended for the distance of thirty 
leagues, and was so deep and difficult, so entangled by roots and 
creeping vines, so cut up by creeks and rivers, and so beset by 
quagmires, that they Avere thirty days in traversing it. Out of 
the number of seventy men that set out from the ship but thirty- 
five remained. " Certain it is," obsei'ves the venerable Las Casas, 
" the sufferings of the Spaniards in the New "World, in search of 
wealth, have been more cruel and severe than ever nation in the 
world endured ; but those experienced by Ojeda and his men 
have surpassed all others." 

* Las Cc-sas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 60, MS. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 93 



They were at length so overcome by hunger and fatigue, that 
some lay down and yielded up the ghost, and others, seating 
themselves among the mangrove trees, waited in despair for 
death to put an end to their miseries. Ojeda, with a few of the 
ligiitest, and most vigorous, continued to struggle forward, and, 
to their unutterable joy, at length arrived to where the land was 
firm and dry. They soon descried a footpath, and, following it, 
arrived at an Indian village, commanded by a cacique called 
Cueybas. No sooner did they reach the village than they sank 
to the earth exhausted. 

The Indians gathered round and gazed at them with wonder ; 
but when they learnt their story, they exhibited a humanity that 
would have done honor to the most professing Christians. They 
bore them to their dwellings, set meat and drink before them, 
and vied with each other in discharging the offices of the kindest, 
humanity. Finding that a number of their companions were 
still in the morass, the cacique sent a large party of Indians with 
provisions for their relief; with orders to bring on their shoulders 
such as were too feeble to walk. " The Indians," says the 
Bishop Las Casas, " did moi'e than they were ordered ; for so 
they always do, when they are not exasperated by ill treatment. 
The Spaniards were brought to the village, succored, cherished, 
consoled, and almost worshiped as if they had been angels." 



94 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



CHAPTER XL 

OJEDA PERFORMS HIS VOW TO THE VIRGIN. 

Being recovered from his sufferings, Alonzo de Ojeda prepared 
to perform his vow concerning the picture of the Virgin, though 
sorely must it have grieved him to part with a relic to which he 
attributed his deliverance from so many perils. He built a little 
hermitage or oratory in the village, and furnished it with an 
altar, above which he placed the picture. He then summoned the 
benevolent cacique, and explained to him, as well as his limited 
knowledge of the language, or the aid of interpreters would 
permit, the main points of the Catholic faith, and especially the 
history of the Virgin, whom he represented as the mother of the 
deity that reigned in the skies, and the great advocate for mortal 
man. 

The worthy cacique listened to him with mute attention, and 
though he might not clearly comprehend the doctrine, yet he 
conceived a profound veneration for the picture. The sentiment 
was shared by his subjects. They kept the little oratory always 
swept clean, and decorated it with cotton hangings, labored by 
their own hands, and with various votive offerings. They com- 
posed couplets or areytos in honor of the Virgin, which they 
sang to the accompaniment of rude musical instruments, 
dancing to the sound under the groves which surrounded the 
hermitage. 

A further anecdote concerning this relic may not be unaccept- 
able. The venerable Las Casas, who records'these facts, informs 
us that he arrived at the village of Cueybas some time after the 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 95 



departui'e of Ojeda. He found the oratory preserved with the 
most religious care, as a sacred place, and the picture of the Vir- 
gin regarded with fond adoration. The poor Indians crowded to 
attend mass, which he performed at the altar ; they listened at- 
tentively to his paternal instructions, and at his request brought 
their children to be baptized. The good Las Casas having heard 
much of this famous relic of Ojeda, was desirous of obtaining 
possession of it, and offered to give the cacique, in exchange, an 
image of the Virgin which he had brought with him. The chief- 
tain made an evasive answer, and seemed much troubled in mind. 
The next morning he did not make his appearance. 

Las Casas went to the oratory to perform mass, but found the 
altar stripped of its precious relic. On inquiring, he learnt that 
in the night the cacique had fled to the Avoods, bearing off with 
him his beloved pictui-e of the Virgin. It was in vain that Las 
Casas sent messengers after him, assuring him that he should not 
be deprived of the relic, but, on the contrary, that the image 
should likewise be presented to him. The cacique refused to 
venture from the fastnesses of the forest, nor did he return to his 
village and replace the picture in the oratory until after the de- 
parture of the Spaniards.* 

* Las Casas, Hist. Ind. cap. 61, MS. Herrera, Hist. Ind. decad. i. lib. Ix. 
;ap. 15. 



96 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



CHAPTER XII. 



ARRIVAL OP OJEDA AT JAMAICA. HIS RECEPTION BY JDAN 

DE ESQUIBEL. 

"When the Spaniards were compleicly restored to healtli and 
strength, they resumed their journey. The cacique sent a large 
body of his subjects to carry their provisions and knapsacks, and 
to guide them across a desert tract of country to the province of 
Macaca, where Christopher Columbus had been hospitably enter- 
tained on his voyage along the coast. They experienced equal 
kindness from its cacique and his people, for such seems almost 
invariably the case with the natives of these islands, before they 
had held much intercourse with Europeans. 

The province of Macaca was situated at Cape de la Cruz, 
the nearest point to the island of Jamaica. Here Ojeda learnt 
that there were Spaniards settled on that island, being in fact the 
party commanded by the very Juan de Esquibel, whose head he 
had threatened to strike off, when departing in swelling style from 
San Domingo. It seemed to be the fortune of Ojeda to hare his 
bravadoes visited on his head in times of trouble and humiliation. 
He found himself compelled to apply for succor to the very man 
he had so vaingloriously menaced. This was no time, however, 
to stand on points of pride ; he procured a canoe and Indians 
from the cacique of Macaca, and one Pedro de Ordas undertook 
the perilous voyage of twenty leagues in the frail bark, and 
arrived safe at Jamaica. 

No sooner did Esquibel receive the message of Ojeda, than, 
ibrgetting past menaces, he instantly dispatched a caravel to bi-ing 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 97 



to him the unfortunate discoverer and his companions. He re- 
ceived him with the utmost kindness, lodged him in his own house, 
and treated him in all things with the most delicate attention. 
He was a gentleman who had seen prosperous days, but had fallen 
into adversity and been buifeted about the world, and had learnt 
how to respect the feel'uigs of a proud spirit in distress. Ojeda 
had the warm, touchy heart to feel such conduct ; he remained 
several days with Esquibel in frank communion, and when he 
sailed for San Domingo they parted the best of friends. 

And here we cannot but remark, the singular difference in 
character and conduct of these Spanish adventurei's when dealing 
with each other, or with the unhappy natives. Nothing could be 
more chivalrous, urbane, and charitable ; nothing more pregnant 
with noble sacrifices of passion ,'uid interest, with magnanimous 
instances of forgiveness of ijijuries and noble contests of gener- 
osity, than the transactions of the discoverers with each other ; 
but the moment they turned to treat with the Indians, even with 
brave and high-minded caciques, they were vindictive, blood- 
thii'sty, and implacable. The very Juan de Esquibel, who could 
requite the recent hostility of Ojeda with such humanity and 
friendship, was the same, who, under the government of Ovando, 
laid desolate the province of Higuey in Hispaniola, and inflicted 
atrocious cruelties upon its inhabitants. 

"When Alonzo de Ojeda set sail for San Domingo, Bernaldino 
de Talavera and his rabble adherents remained at Jamaica. They 
feared to be brought to account for their piratical exploit in 
stealing the Genoese vessel, and that, in consequence of their re- 
cent violence to Ojeda, they would find in him an accuser rather 
than an advocate. The latter, however, in the opinion of Las 
Casas, who knew him well, was not a man to make accusations. 

VOL. in. 5 



38 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



With all his fauUs he did not liarbor malice. He was quick and 
fiery, it is true, and liis sword was too apt to leap from its scab- 
bard on the least provocation ; but after tlie first flash all was 
over, and, if he cooled upon an injury, he never sought for 
ven";eance. 



CHAPTER Xni. 

ARRIVAL OF ALONZO DE OJEDA AT SAN DOMINGO. CONCLU- 
SION OF HIS STORY. 

On arriving at San Domingo, the first inquiry of Alonzo de Ojeda 
was after the Bachelor Enciso. He was told that he had departed 
long before, with abundant supplies for the colony, and that nothing 
had been heard of him since his departure. Ojeda waited for a 
time in hopes of hearing, by some return ship, of the safe arrival 
of the Bachelor at San Sebastian. No tidings, howevei", arrived, 
and he began to fear that he had been lost in those storms which 
had beset himself on his return voyage. 

Anxious for the relief of his settlement, and fearing tUat, by 
delay, his whole scheme of colonization would be defeated, he 
now endeavored to set on foot another armament, and to enlist a 
new set of adventurers. His efforts, however, were all ineffectual. 
The disasters of his colony were known, and his own circumstan- 
ces were considered desperate. He was doomed to experience 
the fate that too often attends sanguine and brilliant projectors. 
The world is dazzled by them for a time, and hails them as he- 
roes while successful ; but misfortune dissipates the charm, and 
they become stigmatized with the appellation of adventurers. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 99 



When Ojeda figured in San Domingo as the conqueror of Cao- 
nabo, as the commander of a squadron, as tlie governor of a 
province, his prowess and exploits were the theme of every 
tongue. "When he set sail, in vaunting style, for his seat of go- 
vernment, setting the viceroy at defiance, and threatening the life 
of Esquibel, every one thought that fortune was at his beck, and 
he was about to accomplish wonders. A few months had elapsed, 
and he walked the streets of San Domingo a needy man, ship- 
wrecked in hope and fortune. His former friends, dreading some 
new demand upon their purses, looked coldly on him ; his schemes, 
once so extolled, were now pronounced wild and chimerical, and 
he was subjected to all kinds of slights and humiliations in the 
very place which had been the scene of his greatest vainglory. 

While Ojeda was thus lingering at San Domingo, the admiral, 
Don Diego Columbus, sent a party of soldiers to Jamaica to ar- 
rest Talavera and his pirate crew. They were brought in chains 
to San Domingo, thrown into dungeons, and tried for the robbery 
of the Genoese vessel. Their crime was too notorious to admit 
of doubt, and being convicted, Talavera and several of his prin- 
cipal accomplices were hanged. Such was the end of their fright- 
ful journey by sea and land. Never had vagabonds traveled 
farther nor toiled harder to arrive at a gallows ! 

In the course of the trial Ojeda had naturally been summoned 
as a witness, and his testimony must have tended greatly to the 
conviction of the culprits. This drew upon him the vengeance 
of the surviving comrades of Talavera, who still lurked about 
San Domingo. As he was returning home one niglit at a late 
hour, he was waylaid and set upon by a number of these miscre- 
ants. He displayed his usual spirit. Setting his back against a 
wall, and drawing his sword, he defended himself admirably 



100 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



against the whole gang ; nor was he content with beating them 
off, but pursued them for some distance through the streets : and 
having thus put them to utter rout, returned tranquil and un- 
harmed to his lodgings. 

This is the last achievement recorded of the gallant but reck- 
less Ojeda ; for here his bustling career terminated, and he sank 
into the obscurity which gathers round a ruined man. His health 
was broken by various hardships and by the lurking effects of the 
wound received at San Sebastian, which had been but imperfectly 
cured. Poverty and neglect, and the corroding sickness of the 
heart, contributed, no less than the maladies of the body, to quench 
that sanguine and fiery temper, which had hitherto been the 
secret of his success, and to render him the mere wreck of his 
former self; for there is no ruin so hopeless and complete, as that 
of a towering spirit humiliated and broken down. He appears 
to have lingered some time at San Domingo. Gomara, in his 
history of the Indies, affirms that he turned monk, and entered 
in the convent at San Francisco, where he died. Such a change 
would not have been surprising in a man, who, in his wildest 
career, mingled the bigot with the soldier ; nor was it unusual 
with military adventurers in those days, after passing their youth 
in the bustle and licentiousness of the camp, to end their days in 
the quiet and mortification of the cloister. Las Casas, however, 
who was at San Domingo at the time, makes no mention of the 
fact, as he certainly Avould have done, had it taken place. He 
confirms, however, all that has been said of the striking reverse 
in his character and circumstances ; and he adds an affecting pic- 
ture of his last moments, which may serve as a wholesome com- 
ment on his life. He died so poor that he did not leave money 
enough to provide for his interment ; and so broken in spirit, that. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. lOl 



with liis last breath, he entreated his body miglit be buried in the 
monastery of San Francisco, just at the portal, in humble expia- 
tion of his past pride, " that every one who entered might tread 
upon his grave."* 

Such was the fate of Alonzo de Ojeda, — and Avho does not 
forget his errors and his faults at the threshold of his humble 
and untimely grave ! He Avas one of the most fearless and as- 
piring of the band of " Ocean chivalry " that followed the foot- 
steps of Columbus. His story presents a lively picture of the 
daring enterprises, the extravagant exploits, the thousand acci- 
dents, by flood and field, which checkered the life of a Spanish 
cavalier in that roving and romantic ajje. 

" Never," says Charlevoix, " was a man more suited for a 
coup-de-main, or to achieve and suffer great things under the 
direction of another ; none had a heart more lofty, nor ambition 
more aspiring ; none ever took less heed of fortune, nor showed 
greater fix-mness of soul, nor found more resources in his own 
courage ; but none was less calculated to be commander-in-chief 
of a great enterprise. Good management and good fortune for 
ever failed him."t 

* Las Casas, ubi sup. t Charlevoix, Hist. San Domingo. 



108. VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



THE VOYAGE OF DIEGO DE NICUESA. 

CHAPTER I. 

NICUESA SAILS TO THE WESTWARD. HIS SHIPWRECK AND 

SUBSEQUENT DISASTERS. 

We have now to recount the fortunes experienced by the gallant 
and generous Diego de Nicuesa, after his parting from Alonzo de 
Ojeda at Carthagena. On resuming his voyage, he embai-ked in 
a caravel, that he might be able to coast the land and reconnoitre ; 
he ordered that the two brigantines, one of which was commanded 
by his Lieutenant Lope de Olano, should keep near to him, while 
the large vessels, which drew more water, should stand further 
out to sea. The squadron arrived upon the coast of Veragua, in 
stormy weather ; and, as Nicuesa could not find any safe harbor, 
and was apprehensive of rocks and shoals, he stood out to sea at 
the approach of night, supposing that Lope de Olano would fol- 
low him with the brigantines according to his orders. The night 
was boisterous, the caravel was much tossed and driven about, 
and when the morning dawned, not one of the squadron was in 
sight. 

Nicuesa feared some accident had befallen the brigantines ; 
he stood for the land, and coasted abng it in search of them until 
he came to a large river, into which he entered and came to 
anchor. He had not been here long when the stream suddenly 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 103 



subsided, having merely been swollen by the rains. Before he 
had time to extricate himself, the caravel grounded, and at 
length fell over on one side. The current rushing like a torrent 
strained the feeble bark to such a degree, that her seams yawned 
and she appeared ready to go to pieces. In this moment of peril 
a hardy seaman threw himself into the water to carry the end 
of a rope on shore as a means of saving the crew. He was 
swept away by the furious current and perished in the sight of 
his companions. Undismayed by his fate, another brave seaman 
plunged into the waves and succeeded in reaching the shore. 
He then fastened one end of a rope firmly to a tree, and the 
other being secured on board of the caravel, Nicuesa and his 
crew passed one by one along it, and reached the shore in safety. 
Scarcely had they landed when the caravel went to pieces, 
and with it perished their provisions, clothing, and all other ne- 
cessaries. Nothing remained to them but the boat of the caravel, 
which was accidentally cast on shore. Here then they were, in 
helpless plight, on a remote and savage coast, without food, with- 
out arms, and almost naked. What had become of the rest of 
the squadron they knew not. Some feared that the brigantines 
had been wrecked ; others called to mind that Lope de Olano 
had been one of the loose lawless men confederated with Fran- 
cisco Roldan in his rebellion against Columbus, and, judging him 
from the school in which he had served, hinted their apprehen- 
sions that he had deserted with the brigantines. Nicuesa partook 
of their suspicions, and Avas anxious and sad at heart. He con- 
cealed his uneasiness, however, and endeavored to cheer up his 
companions, proposing that they should proceed westward on 
foot in search of Veragua, the seat of his intended government ; 
observing that, if the ships had survived the tempest, they would 



104 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



probably repair to that place. They accordingly set off along 
the sea-shore, for the thickness of the forest prevented their 
traversing the interior. Four of the hardiest sailors put to sea 
in the boat and kept abreast of them, to help them across the 
bays and rivers. 

i?heir sufferings were extreme. Most of them were destitute 
of shoes, and many almost naked. They had to clamber over 
sharp and rugged rocks, and to struggle through dense forests 
beset with thorns and brambles. Often they had to wade across 
rank fens and morasses and drowned lands, or to traverse deep 
and rapid streams. 

Their food consisted of herbs and roots and shell-fish gathered 
along the shore. Had they even met with Indians, they would 
have dreaded, in their unarmed state, to apply to them for provi- 
sions, lest they should take revenge for the outrages committed 
along this coast by other Europeans. 

To render their sufferings more intolerable, they were in 
doubt whether, in the storms wliich preceded their shipwreck, 
they had not been driven past Veragua, in which case each step 
would take them so much the farther from their desired haven. 

Still they labored feebly forward, encouraged by the words 
and the example of Nicuesa, who cheerfully partook of the toils 
and hardships of the meanest of his men. 

They had slept one night at the foot of impending rocks and 
were about to resume their weary march in the morning, when 
they were espied by some Indians from a neighboring height. 
Among the followers of Nicuesa was a favorite page, whose tat- 
tered finery and white hat caught the quick eyes of the savages. 
One of them immediately singled him out, and taking deadly aim, 
1( t fly an arrow that laid him expiring at the feet of liis master- 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 105 



While the generous cavalier mourned over his slaughtered page, 
consternation prevailed among his companions, each fearing for 
his own life. The Indians, however, did not follow up this casual 
act of hostility, but suffered the Spaniards to pursue their painful 
journey unmolested. 

Arriving one day at the point of a great bay that ran far in- 
land, they were conveyed, a few at a time, in the boat, to what 
appeared to be the opposite point. Being all landed, and re- 
suming their march, they found to their surprise that they were 
on an island, separated from the main-land by a great arm of the 
sea. The sailors who managed the boat were too weary to take 
them to the opposite shore, they remained therefore all night upon 
the island. 

In the morning they prepared to depart, but, to their conster- 
nation, the boat with the four mariners had disappeared. They 
ran anxiously from point to point, uttering shouts and cries, in 
hopes the boat might be in some inlet ; they clambered the rocks 
and strained their eyes over the sea. It was all in vain. No 
boat was to be seen : no voice responded to their call ; it was too 
evident the four mariners had either perished or had deserted 
tliem. 



CHAPTER II. 

NICUESA AND HIS MEN ON A DESOLATE ISLAND. 

The situation of Nicuesa and his men was dreary and desperate 
in the extreme. They w^ere on a desolate island, bordering upon 
a swampy coast, in a remote and lonely sea, where commerce 
VOL. III. «*>* 



VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



never spread a sail. Their companions in the other ships, if still 
alive and true to them, had doubtless given them up for lost ; and 
many years might elapse before the casual bark of a discoverer 
might venture along these shores. Long before that time their 
fate Avould be sealed ; and their bones, bleaching on the sands, 
would alone tell their story. 

In this hopeless state many abandoned themselves to frantic 
grief, wandering about the island, wringing their hands and utter- 
ing groans and lamentations ; others called upon God for succor, 
and many sat down in silent and sullen despair. 

The cravings of hunger and thirst at length roused them to 
exertion. They found no food but a few shell-fish scattered along 
the shore, and coarse herbs and roots, some of them of an un- 
wholesome quality. The island had neither springs nor streams 
of fresh water, and they were fain to slake their thirst at the 
brackish pools of the marshes. 

Nicuesa endeavored to animate his men with new hopes. He 
employed them in constructing a raft of drift-wood and branches 
of trees, for the purpose of crossing the arm of the sea that sepa- 
rated them from the main-land. It was a difficult task, for they 
were destitute of tools ; and when the raft was finished they had 
no oars with which to manage it. Some of the most expert swim- 
mers undertook to propel it, but they were too much enfeebled by 
their sufferings. On their first essay, the currents which sweep 
that coast bore the raft out to sea, and they swam back with diffi- 
culty to the island. Having no other chance of escape, and no 
other means of exei'cising and keeping up the spirits of his fol- 
lowers, Nicuesa repeatedly ordered new rafts to be constructed ; 
but the result was always the same, and the men at length either 
grew too feeble to work, or renounced the attempt in despair. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 107 



Thus, day aftei* day, and week after week elapsed, without 
any mitigation of suffering or any prospect of relief. Every day 
some one or other sank under his miseries, a victim, not so much 
to hunger and thirst, as to grief and despondency. His death 
was envied by his wretched survivors, many of whom were re- 
duced to such debility, that they had to crawl on hands and 
knees in search of the herbs and shell-fish which formed their 
scanty food. 



CHAPTER III. 

ARRIVAL OF A BOAT. CONDUCT OF LOPE DE OLANO. 

When the unfortunate Spaniards, without hope of succor, began 
to consider death as a desirable end to their miseries, they were 
roused to new life one day by beholding a sail gleaming on the 
horizon. Their exultation was checked, however, by the reflec- 
tion how many chances there were against its approaching this 
wild and desolate island. Watching it with anxious eyes, they 
put up prayers to God to conduct it to their relief; and at length, 
to their great joy, they perceived that it was steering directly for 
the island. On a nearer approach it proved to be one of the 
brigantines which had been commanded by Lope de Olano. It 
came to anchor : a boat put off, and among the crew were the 
four sailors who had disappeared so mysteriously from the island. 
These men accounted in a satisfactory manner for their de- 
sertion. They had been persuaded that the ships were in some 
harbor to the eastward, and that they were daily leaving them 



108 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



farther behincl. Disheartened at the constant, and, in their opin- 
ion, fruitless toil whicli fell to their share in the struggle westward, 
they resolved to take their own counsel, without risking the oppo- 
sition of Nicuesa. In the dead of the night, therefore, when 
their companions on the island were asleep, they silently cast off 
their boat, and retraced their course along the coast. After sev- 
eral days' toil they found the brigantines under the command of 
Lope de Olano, in the river of Belen, the scene of the disasters 
of Columbus in his fourth voyage. 

The conduct of Lope de Olano was regarded with suspicion 
by his contemporaries, and is still subject to doubt. He is sup- 
posed to have deserted Nicuesa designedly, intending to usurp the 
command of the expedition. Men, however, were prone to judge 
harshly of him from his having been concerned in the treason 
and rebellion of Francisco Roldan. On the stormy night when 
Nicuesa stood out to sea to avoid the dangers of the shore, Olano 
took shelter under the lee of an island. Seeing nothing of the 
caravel of his commander in the morning, he made no effort to 
seek for it, but proceeded with the brigantines to the river of 
Chagres, where he found the ships at anchor. They had landed 
all their cargo, being almost in a sinking condition from the rav- 
ages of the worms. Olano persuaded the crews that Nicuesa had 
perished in the late storm, and, being his lieutenant, he assumed 
the command. Whether he had been perfidious or not in his mo- 
tives, his command was but a succession of disasters. He sailed 
from Chagres for the river of Belen, where the ships were found 
so damaged that they had to be broken to pieces. Most of the 
people constructed wretched cabins on the shore, where, during a 
sudden storm, they were almost washed away by the swelling of 
the river, or swallowed up in the shifting sands. Several of hii 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 109 



men were drowned in an expedition in quest of gold, and he him- 
self merely escaped by superior swimming. Their provisions 
were exhausted, they suffered from hunger and fx'om various mal- 
adies, and many perished in 'extreme misery. All were clamor- 
ous to abandon the coast, and Olano set about constructing a 
caravel, out of the wreck of the ships, for the purpose, as he said, 
of returning to Hispaniola, though many suspected it was still his 
intention to persist in the enterprise. Such was the state in 
which the four seamen had found Olano and his party ; most of 
them living in miserable cabins and destitute of the necessaries 
of life. 

The tidings that Nicuesa was still alive put an end to the sway 
of Olano. Whether he had acted with truth or perfidy, he now 
manifested a zeal to relieve his commander, and immediately dis- 
patched a brigantine ill quest of him, which, guided by the four 
seamen, arrived at the island in the way that has been mentioned. 



CHAPTER IV. 

NICUESA REJOINS HIS CREWS. 



When the crew of the brigantine and the companions of Nicuesa 
met, they embraced each other with tears, for the hearts even of 
the rough mariners were subdued by the sorrows they had under- 
gone ; and men are rendered kind to each other by a community 
of suffering. The brigantine had brought a quantity of palm- 
auts, and of such other articles of food as they liad been able to 
procure along the coast. These the famished Spaniards devoured 



no VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES .OF 



with such voracity that Nicuesa was obliged to interfere, lest they 
should injure themselves. Nor was the supply of fresh water 
less grateful to their parched and fevered palates. 

When sufficiently revived, they all abandoned the desolate 
island, and set sail for the river Belen, exulting as joyfully as if 
their troubles were at an end, and they were bound to a haven 
of delight, instead of merely changing the scene of suffering and 
encountering a new variety of horrors. 

In the meantime Lope de Olano had been diligently preparing 
for the approaching interview with his commander, by persuading 
his fellow-officers to intercede in his behalf, and to place his late 
conduct in the most favorable light. He had need of their inter- 
cessions. Nicuesa arrived, burning with indignation. He or- 
dered him to be instantly seized and punished as a traitor ; attrib- 
uting to his desertion the ruin of tl)e entetprise and the sufferings 
and death of so many of his brave followers. The fellow- 
captains of Olano spoke in his favor ; but Nicuesa turned 
indignantly upon them : " You do well," cried he, " to supplicate 
mercy for him ; you, who, yourselves, have need of pardon ! 
You have participated in his crime ; why, else, have you suffered 
so long a time to elapse without compelling him to send one of 
the vessels in search of me ?" 

The captains vindicated themselves by assurances of their be- 
lief in his having foundered at sea. They reiterated their sup- 
plications for mercy to Olano ; drawing the most affecting pictures 
of their past and present sufferings, and urging the impolicy of 
increasing the horrors of their situation by acts of severity. 
Nicuesa at length was prevailed upon to spare his victim ; re- 
solving to send him, by the first opportunity, a prisoner to Spain. 
It appeared, in truth, no time to add to the daily blows of fate 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. ill 



that were thinning the number of his followers. Of the gallant 
armament of seven hundred resolute and effective men that had 
sailed with them from San Domingo, four hundred had already 
perished by various miseries ; and, of the survivors, many could 
scarcely, be said to live. 



CHAPTER V. 



SUFFERINGS OF NICUESA AND HIS MEN ON THE COAST OF 
THE ISTHMUS. 

The first care of Nicuesa, on resuming the general command, 
was to take measures for the relief of his people, Avho were 
perishing with famine arid disease. All those who were in health, 
or who had strength sufficient to bear the least fatigue, were sent 
on foraging parties, among the fields and villages of the natives. 
It was a service of extreme peril ; for the Indians of this part of 
the coast were fierce and warlike, and were the same who had 
proved so formidable to Columbus and his brother, when they 
attempted to found a settlement in this neighborhood. 

Many of the Spaniards were slain in these expeditions. 
Even if they succeeded in collecting provisions, the toil of bring- 
ing them to the harbor was worse to men in their enfeebled con- 
dition, than the task of fighting for them ; for they were obliged 
to transport them on their backs, and, thus heavily laden, to 
scramble over rugged rocks, through almost impervious forests, 
and across dismal swamps. 

Harassed by these perils and fatigues, they broke forth into 
murmurs against their commander, accusing him, not merely of 



112 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



indiflFerence to their sufferings, but of wantonly imposing severe 
and unnecessary tasks upon them out of revenge for their having 
neglected him. 

The genial temper of Nicuesa had, in fact, been soured by 
disappointment ; and a series of harassing cares and eyils had 
rendered him irritable and impatient ; but he was a cavalier of a 
srenerous and honorable nature, and does not appear to have 
enforced any services that were not indispensable to the common 
safety. In fact, the famine had increased to such a degree, that, 
we are told, thirty Spaniards having on one occasion found the 
dead body of an Indian in a state of decay, they were driven by 
hunger to make a meal of it, and were so infected by the horrible 
repast, that not one of them survived.* 

Disheartened by these miseries, Nicuesa determined to aban- 
don a place which seemed destined to be the grave of Spaniards. 
Embarking the greater part of his men in the two brigantines, 
and the caravel which had been built by Olano, he set sail east- 
wai'd in search of some more favorable situation for his settlement. 
A number of the men remained behind, to await the ripening of 
some maize and vegetables which they had sown. These he left 
under the command of Alonzo Nunez, whom he nominated his 
alcalde mayor. 

When Nicuesa had coasted about four leagues to the east, a 
Genoese sailor, who had been with Columbus in his last voyage, 
informed him that there was a fine harbor somewhere in that 
neighborhood, which had pleased the old admiral so highly, that 
he had given it the name of Puerto Belle. He added, that they 
miglit know the harbor by an anchor, half buried in the sand, 
which Columbus had left there ; near to which was a fountain of 

* Herrera, Hist Ind., decad. i. and viii. cap. 2. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 113 



remarkably cool and sweet water, springing up at the foot of a 
large tree. Nicuesa ordered search to be made along the coast, 
and at length they found the anchor, the fountain, and the tree. 
It was the same harbor which bears the name of Porto Bello at 
the present day. A number of the crew were sent on shore in 
search of provisions, but were assailed by the Indians ; and, 
being too weak to wield their v/eapons with their usual prowess, 
were driven back to the vessels with the loss of several slain or 
wounded. 

Dejected at these continual misfortunes, Nicuesa continued 
his voyage seven leagues farther, until he came to the harbor to 
which Columbus had given the name of Puerto de Bastimientos ; 
or, Port of Provisions. It presented an advantageous situation 
for a fortress, and was surrounded by a fruitful country. Nicu- 
esa resolved to make it his abiding place. " Here," said he, " let 
us stop, en el 7iombre de Dios /" (in the name of God). His fol- 
lowers, with the superstitious feeling under which men in adver- 
sity are pi'one to interpret every thing into omens, persuaded 
themselves that there was favorable augury in his words, and 
called the harbor " Nombre de Dios," which name it afterwards 
retained. 

Nicuesa now landed, and drawmg his sword, took solemn pos- 
session in the name of the Catholic sovereigns. He immediately 
began to erect a fortress, to protect his people against the attacks 
of the savages. As this was a case of exigency, he exacted the 
labor of every one capable of exertion. The Spaniards, thus 
equally distressed by famine and toil, forgot their favorable omen, 
cursed the place as fated to be their grave, and called down 
imprecations on the head of their commander, who compelled 
them to labor when ready to sink with hunger and debility. 



114 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



Those murmured no less who were sent in quest of food, which 
was only to be gained by fatigue and bloodshed ; for whatever 
they collected they had to transport from great distances, and 
they were frequently waylaid and assaulted by the Indians. 

When he could spare men for tlie purpose, Nicuesa dispatched 
the caravel for those whom he had left at the river Belen. Many 
of them had perished, and the survivors had been reduced to 
such famine at times, as to eat all kinds of reptiles, until a part 
of an alligator was a banquet to them. On mustering all his 
forces when thus united, iSicuesa found that but one hundred 
emaciated and dejected wretches remained. 

He dispatched the caravel to Hispaniola, to bring a quantity 
of bacon which he had ordered to have prepared there, but it 
never returned. He ordered Gonzalo de Badajos, at the head 
of twenty men, to scour the country for provisions ; but the 
Indians had ceased to cultivate : they could do with little food, 
and could subsist on the roots and wild fruits of the forest. The 
Spaniards, therefore, found deserted villages and barren fields, 
but lurking enemies at every defile. So deplorably were they 
reduced by their sufferings, that at length there were not left a 
sufficient number in health and strength to mount guard at night ; 
and the fortress remained without sentinels. Such was the des- 
perate situation of this once gay and gallant cavalier, and of his 
brilliant armament, which but a few months before h.\d sailed 
from San Domingo, flushed with the consciousness of power, and 
the assurance that they had the means of compelling the favors 
of fortune. 

It is necessary to leave thera for a while, and turn our atten- 
tion to other events which will ultimately be found to bear upon 
their destinies. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 115 



CHAPTER VI. 



EXPEDITION OP THE BACHELOR ENCISO IN SEARCH OF THE 
SEAT OP GOVERNMENT OP OJEDA. 

[1510. J 

In calling to mind the narrative of the last expedition of Alonzo 
de Ojeda, the reader will doubtless remember the Bachelor Mar- 
tin Fernandez de Enciso, who was inspired by that adventurous 
cavalier with an ill-starred passion for colonizing, and freighted a 
vessel at San Domingo with reinfo-rcements and supplies for the 
settlement at San Sebastian. 

When the Bachelor was on the eve of sailing, a number of 
the loose hangers-on of the colony, and men encumbered with 
debt, concerted to join his ship from the coast and the outports. 
Their creditors, howevei", getting notice of their intention, kept a 
close watch upon every one that went on board while in the har- 
bor, and obtained an armed vessel from the admiral Don Diego 
Columbus, to escort the enterprising Bachelor clear of the island. 
One man, however, contrived to elude these precautions, and, as 
he afterwards rose to great importance, it is proper to notice him 
particularly. His name was Vasco Nunez de Balboa. He was 
a native of Xeres de los Caballeros, and of a noble though 
impoverished family. He had been brought up in the service of 
Don Pedro Puerto Carrero, Lord of Moguer, and he afterwards 
enlisted among the adventurers who accompanied Rodrigo de 
Bastides in his voyage of discovery. Peter Martyr, in his Latin 
decades, speaks of him by the appellation of " egregius digladia- 
tor," which has been interpreted by some as a skillful swordsman, 



116 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



by others as an adroit fencing-master. lie intimates, also, that 
he was a mere soldier of fortune, of loose prodigal habits ; and 
the circumstances under which he is first introduced to us justify 
tliis character. He had fixed himself for a time in Hispaniola, 
and undertaken to cultivate a farm at the town of Salvatierra, on 
the sea-coast, but in a little time had completely involved himself 
in debt. The expedition of Enciso presented him with an oppor- 
tunity of escaping from his embarrassments, and of indulging his 
adventurous habits. To elude the vigilance of his creditors and 
of the armed escort, he concealed himself in a cask, which was 
conveyed from his farm on the sea-coast on board of the vessel, 
as if containing provisions for the voyage. When the vessel was 
fairly out at sea, and abandoned by the escort, Vasco Nunez 
emerged like an apparition from his cask, to the great surprise of 
Enciso, who had been totally ignorant of the stratagem. The 
Bachelor was indignant at being thus outwitted, even though he 
gained a recruit by the deception ; and, in the first ebullition of 
his wrath, gave the fugitive debtor a very rough reception, threat- 
ening to put him on shore on the first uninhabited island they 
should encounter. Vasco Nunez, however, succeeded in pacifying 
him, " for God," says the venerable Las Cases, " reserved him 
for greater things." It is probable the Bachelor beheld in him a 
man well fitted for his expedition, for Vasco Nunez was in the 
prime and vigor of his days, tall and muscular, seasoned to hard- 
ships, and of intrepid spirit. 

Arriving at the main-land, they touched at the fatal harbor 
of Carthagena, the scene of the sanguinary conflicts of Ojeda and 
Nicuesa with the natives, and of the death of the brave Juan de 
la Cosa. Enciso was ignorant of those events, having had no 
tidings from those adventurers since their departure from San 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 117 



Domingo ; without any hesitation, therefore, he landed a number 
of his men to repair liis boat, which was damaged, and to procure 
water. While the men were working upon the boat, a multitude 
of Indians gathered at a distance, well armed and with menacing 
aspect, sounding their shells and brandishing their weapons. The 
experience they had had of the tremendous powers of the stran- 
gers, however, rendered them cautious of attacking, and for three 
days they hovered in this manner about the Spaniards, the latter 
being obliged to keep continually on the alert. At length two of 
the Spaniards ventured one day from the main body to fill a 
water-cask from the adjacent river. Scarcely had they reached 
the margin of the stream, when eleven savages sprang from the 
thickets and surrounded them, bending their bows and pointing 
their arrows. In this way they stood for a moment or two in 
fearful suspense, the Indians refraining from discharging their 
shafts, but keeping them constantly pointed at their breasts. One 
of the Spaniards attempted to escape to his comrades who w»re 
repairing the boat, but the other called him back, and, under- 
standing something of the Indian tongue, addressed a few amica- 
ble words to the savages. The latter, astonished at being spoken 
to in their own language, now relaxed a little from their fierceness, 
and demanded of the strangers who they were, who were their 
leaders, and what they sought upon their shores. The Spaniard 
replied that they were harmless people, who came from other 
lands, and merely touched there through necessity, and he won- 
dered that they ahould meet them with such hostility ; he at the 
same time warned them to beware, as there would come many of 
his countrymen well armed, and would wreak terrible vengeance 
upon them for any mis-chief they might do. While they were 
thus parleying, the Bachelor Enciso, hearing that two of his men 



lUB VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



were surrounded by the savages, sallied instantly fi-om his ship, 
and hastened with an armed foi"ce to their rescue. As he 
appx'oached, however, the Spaniard who had held the parley 
made him a signal that the natives were pacific. In fact, the lat- 
ter had supposed that this was a new invasion of Ojeda and Nicu- 
esa, and had thus arrayed themselves, if not to take vengeance 
for past outrages, at least to defend their houses from a second 
desolation. When they were convinced, however, that these were 
a totally different band of strangers, and without hostile intentions, 
their animosity was at an end ; they threw by their weapons, and 
came forward with the most confiding frankness. During the 
whole time that the Spaniards remained there, they treated them 
with the greatest friendship, supplying them with bread made 
from maize, with salted fish, and with the fermented and spiritu- 
ous beverages common along that coast. Such was the magnani- 
mous conduct of men who were considered among the most fero- 
cious and warlike of these savage nations ; and who, but recently, 
had beheld their shores invaded, tlieir villages ravaged and burnt, 
and their friends and relations butchered, without regard to age 
or sex, by the countrymen of these very strangers. When we 
recall the bloody and indiscriminate vengeance wreaked upon this 
people by Ojeda and his followers for their justifiable resistance 
of invasion, and compare it with their placable and considerate 
spirit when an opportunity for revenge presented itself, we con- 
fess we feel a momentary doubt whether the arbitrary appellation 
of savage is always applied to the right party. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 119 



CHAPTER VII. 



THE BACHELOR HEARS UNWELCOME TIDINGS OP HIS DES- 
TINED JURISDICTION. 

Not long after the arrival of Enciso at this eventful harbor he 
was surprised by the circumstance of a brigantine entering, and 
coming to anchor. To encounter a European sail in these almost 
unknown seas was always a singular and striking occurrence, but 
the astonishment of the Bachelor was mingled Avith alarm when, 
on boarding the brigantifte, he found it manned by a number of 
the men who had embarked with Ojeda. His first idea was, that 
they had mutinied against their commander, and deserted witli 
the vessel. The feelings of the magistrate were aroused within 
him by the suspicion, and he determined to take his first step as 
alcalde mayor, by seizing them and inflicting on them the severity 
of the law. He altered his tone, however, on conversing with 
their resolute commander. This was no other than Francisco 
Pizarro, whom Ojeda had left as his locum tenens at San Sebas- 
tian, and who showed the Bachelor his letter patent, signed by 
that unfortunate governor. In fact, the little brigantine contained 
the sad remnant of the once vaunted colony. After the depar- 
ture of Ojeda in the pirate ship, his followers, whom he had left 
behind under the command of Pizarro, continued in the fortress 
until the stipulated term of fifty days had expired. Receiving 
no succor, and hearing no tidings of Ojeda, they then determined 
to embark and sail for Hispaniola ; but here an unthought of dif- 
ficulty presented itself, they were seventy in number, and the two 
brigantines which had been left with them were incapable of 



120 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



taking so many. They came to the forlorn agreement, therefore, 
to rema.in until famine, sickness, and the poisoned arrows of the 
Indians should reduce their number to the capacity of the brigan- 
tines. A brief space of time was sufficient for the purpose. 
They then prepared for the voyage. Four mares which had 
been kept alive, as terrors to the Indians, were killed and salted 
for sea-stores. Then taking whatever other articles of provisions 
remained, they embarked and made sail. One brigantine was 
commanded by Pizarro, the other by one Valenzuela. 

They had not proceeded far wlien, in a storm, a sea struck the 
crazy vessel of Valenzuela with such violence as to cause it to 
founder with all its crew. The other brigantine was so near that 
the mariners witnessed the struggles of their drowning compan- 
ions, and heard their cries. Some of the sailors, with the common 
disposition to the marvelous, declared that they beheld a great 
whale, or some other monster of the deep, strike the vessel with 
its tail, and either stave in its sides or shatter the rudder, so as to 
cause the shipwreck.* The surviving brigantine then made the 
best of its way to the harbor of Carthagena, to seek provisions. 

Such was the disastrous account rendered to the Bachelor by 
Pizarro, of his destined jurisdiction. Enciso, however, was of a 
confident mind and sanguine temperament, and trusted to restore 
all things to order and prosperity on his arrival. 

* Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. vii. cap. 10. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. i2l 



CHAPTER VID 



CRUSADE OP THE BACHELOR ENCISO AGAINST THE SEPDL 
CHRES OF ZENU. 

The Bachelor Enciso, as has been shown, was a man of the 
sword as well as of the robe ; having dt oibtless imbibed a passion 
for military exploit from his intinmcy with the discoverers. Ac- 
cordingly, while at Carthagena, he was visited by an impulse of 
the kind, and undertook an enterprise that would have been 
worthy of his friend Ojeda. He had been told by the Indians 
that about twenty-five leagues to the west lay a province called 
Zenu, the mountains of which abounded with the finest gold. 
This was washed down by torrents during the rainy season, in 
such quantities, that the natives stretched nets across the rivers 
to catch the largest particles ; some of which were said to be as 
large as eggs. 

The idea of taking gold in nets captivated the imagination of 
the Bachelor, and his cupidity was still more excited by further 
accounts of this wealthy province. He was told that Zenu was 
the general place of sepultui'e of the Indian tribes throughout the 
country, whither they brought their dead, and buried them, 
according to their custom, decorated with their most precious 
ornaments. 

It appeared to him a matter of course, therefore, that there 
must be an immense accumulation of riches in the Indian tombs, 
from the golden ornaments that had been buried with the dead 
ibrougli a long series of generations. Fired with the thought, lie 
determined to make a foray into this province and to sack the 

VOL. TII. B 



122 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERFES OF 



sepulchres ! Neither did he feel niiy compunctions at the idea 
of plundering the dead, considering tlie deceased as pagans and 
infidels, who had forfeited even the sanctuary of the grave, by 
havin<T been buried according to the rites and ceremonies of their 
idolatrous religion. 

Enciso, accordingly, made sail from Carthagena and landed 
with his forces on the coast of Zenu. Here he was promptly 
opposed by two caciques, at the head of a large band of warriors. 
The Bachelor, though he had thus put on the soldier, retained suffi- 
cient of the spirit of his former calling not to enter into quarrel 
without taking care to have the law on his side ; he proceeded regu- 
larly, therefore, according to the legal form recently enjoined by the 
crown. He caused to be read and interpreted to the caciques the 
same formula used by Ojeda, expounding the nature of the Deity, 
the supremacy of the pope, and the right of the Catholic sove- 
reigns to all these lands, by virtue of a grant from his holiness. 
The caciques listened to the whole very attentively and without 
interruption, according to the laws of Indian courtesy. They 
then replied, that, as to the assertion that there was but one God 
the sovereign of heaven and earth, it seemed to them good, and 
that such must be the case ; but as to the doctrine that the pope 
was regent of the Avorld in place of God, and that he had made 
a grant of their country to the Spanish king, they observed that 
the pope must have been drunk to give away what was not his, 
and the king must have been somewhat mad to ask at his hands 
what belonged to othei's. They added, that they were lords of 
those lands and needed no other sovereign, and if this king should 
come to take possession, they would cut off his head and put it 
on a pole ; that being their mode of dealing with their enemies. 
As an illustration of this custom they pointed out to Enciso the 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 123 



very uncomfortable spectacle of a row of grisly heads impaled 
in the neighborhood. 

Nothing daunted either by the reply or the illustration, the 
Bachelor menaced them with war and slavery as the consequences 
of their refusal to believe and submit. They replied by threat- 
ening to put his head upon a pole as a representative of his sov- 
ereign. The Bachelor, having furnished them with the law, now 
proceeded to the commentaiy. He attacked the Indians, routed 
them, and took one of the caciques prisoner, but in the skirmish 
two of his men were slightly wounded with poisoned arrows, and 
died raving with torment.* 

It does not appear, however, that his crusade against the sepul- 
chres was attended with any lucrative advantage. Perhaps the 
experience he had received of the hostility of the natives, and of 
the fatal effects of their poisoned arrows, prevented his pene- 
trating into the land, with his scanty fbrce. Certain it is, the 
reputed wealth of Zenu, and the tale of its fishery for gold with 
nets, remained unascertained and unconti-adicted, and were the 
cause of subsequent and disastrous enterprises. The Bachelor 



* The above anecdote is related by the Bachelor Enciso himself, in a Geo- 
graphical Work entitled Sutna de Geographia, which he published in Seville, 
in 1519. As the reply of the poor savages contains something of natural 
logic, we give a part of it as reported by the Bachelor. " Respondieron me : 
que en lo que dezia que no avia sino un dios, y que este governaba el cielo y 
la tierra, y que era seiior de todo, que les parecia y que asi debia ser: pero que 
en lo que dezia que el papa era senor de todo el universo en lugar de dios, y 
que el avia fecho merced de aquella tierra al rey de Castilla ; dixeron que el 
papa debiera estar boracho quando lo hizo, pues daba lo que no era suyo, y que 
el rey que pedia y tomava tal merced debia ser algun loco pues pedia lo que 
era de otros, &c. 



124 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



contented himself with his victory, and returning to his ships, 
prepared to continue his voyage for the seat of government estab- 
lished by Ojeda in the Gulf of Uraba. 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE BACHELOR ARRIVES AT SAN SEBASTIAN. HIS DISASTERS 

THERE, AND SUBSEQUENT EXPLOITS AT DARIEN. 

It was not without extreme difficulty, and the peremptory exercise 
of his authority as alcalde mayor, that Enciso prevailed upon the 
crew of Pizavro to return with him to the fated shores of San 
Sebastian. He at length arrived in sight of the long wished-for 
seat of his anticipated power and authority ; but here he was 
doomed like his principal, Ojeda, to meet with nothing but mis- 
ibrtune. On entering the harbor his vessel struck on a rock on 
the eastern point. The rapid curi'ents and tumultuous waves rent 
it to pieces ; the crew escaped M'ith great difficulty to the brigan- 
tine of Pizarro ; a little flour, cheese and biscuit, and a small 
part of the arms were saved, but the horses, mares, swine and all 
other colonial supplies Avere swept away, and the unfortunate 
Bachelor beheld the proceeds of several years of prosperous liti- 
gation swallowed up in an instant. 

His dream of place and dignity seemed equally on the point 
of vanishing ; for, on landing, he found the fortress and its adja- 
cent houses mere heaps of ruins, having been destroyed with fire 
by the Indians. 

For a few days the Spaniards maintained themselves with 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 125 



palm nuts, and with the flesh of a kind of wild swine, of which 
they met with several herds. These supplies failing, the Bache- 
lor sallied forth with a hundred men to forage the country. 
They were waylaid by three Indians, who discharged all the 
arrows in their quivers with incredible rapidity, wounded several 
Spaniards, and then fled with a swiftness that defied pursuit. The 
Spaniards returned to the harbor in dismay. All their dread of 
the lurking savages and their poisoned weapons revived, and they 
insisted upon abandoning a place marked out for disaster. 

The Bachelor Enciso was himself disheartened at the situation 
of this boasted capital of San Sebastian ; — but whither could he 
go where the same misfortunes might not attend him ? In this 
moment of doubt and despondency, Vasco Nuriez, the same ab- 
sconding debtor who had been smuggled on board in the cask, 
stepped forward to give counsel. He informed the Bachelor that 
several yeai's previous he had sailed along that coast with Rodrigo 
de Bastides. They had explored the whole Gulf of Uraba ; and 
he well remembered an Indian village situated on the western 
side, on the banks of a river which the natives called Darien. 
The country around was fertile and abundant, and was said to 
possess mines of gold ; and the natives, though a warlike race, 
never made use of poisoned weapons. He oiFered to guide the 
Bachelor to this place, where they might get a supply of provi- 
sions, and even found their colony. 

The Spaniards hailed the words of Vasco Nuiiez as if reveal- 
ing a land of promise. The Bachelor adopted his advice, and, 
guided by him, set sail for the village, determined to eject the 
inhabitants and take possession of it as the seat of government. 
Arrived at the river, he landed, put his men in martial array, and 
marched along the banks. The place was governed by a bi'ave 



126 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



cacique named Zeraaco. He sent oiF the women and children to 
a place of safety, and, posting himself with five hundred of his 
warriors on a height, prepared to give the intruders a warm re- 
ception. The Bachelor was a discoverer at all points, pious 
daring, and rapacious. On beholding this martial array he recom- 
mended himself and his followers to God, making a vow in their 
name to "Our Lady of Antigua," whose image is adored with 
great devotion in Seville, that the first church and town which 
they built should be dedicated to her, and that they would make 
a pilgrimage to Seville to offer the spoils of the heathen at her 
shrine. Having thus endeavored to propitiate the favor of 
Heaven, and to retain the holy Virgin in his cause, he next pro- 
ceeded to secure the fidelity of his followers. Doubting that they 
might have some lurking dread of poisoned arrows, he exacted from 
them all an oath that tliey would not turn their backs upon the 
foe, whatever might happen. Never did warrior enter into battle 
with more preliminary forms and covenants than the Bachelor 
Enciso. All these points being arranged, he assumed the soldier, 
and attacked the enemy with such valor, that, though they made 
at first a show of fierce resistance, they were soon put to flight, 
and many of them slain. The Bachelor entered the village in 
triumph, took possession of it by unquestionable right of conquest, 
and plundered all the hamlets and houses of the surrounding 
country ; collecting great quantities of food and cotton, with brace- 
lets, anklets, plates and other ornaments of gold, to the value of 
ten thousand castellanos.* His heart was wonderfully elated by 
bis victory and his booty ; his followers, also, after so many hard- 
ehips and disasters, gave themselves up to joy at this turn of good 

* Equivalent to a present sum of 53^59 dollars. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 127 



fortune, and it was unanimously agreed that the seat of govern- 
ment should be established in this village ; to which, in fulfillment 
of his vow, Enciso gave the name of Santa Maria de la Antigua 
del Darien. 



CHAPTER X. 



THE BACHELOR ENCISO UNDERTAKES THE COMMAND. HIS 

DOWNFALL. 

The Bachelor Enciso now entered upon the exercise of his civil 
functions as alcalde mayor, and lieutenant of the absent governor, 
Ojeda. His first edict was stern and peremptory ; he forbade all 
trafficking with the natives for gold, on private account, under 
pain of death. This was in conformity to royal command ; but 
it was little palatable to men who had engaged in the enterprise 
in the hopes of enjoying free trade, lawless liberty, and golden 
gains. They murmured among themselves, and insinuated that 
Enciso intended to reserve all the profit to himself 

Vasco Nunez was the first to take advantage of the general 
discontent. He had risen to consequence among his fellow-ad- 
venturers, from having guided them to this place, and from his 
own intrinsic qualities, being hardy, bold, and intelligent, and pos- 
sessing the I'andom spirit and open-handed generosity common 
to a soldier of fortune, and calculated to dazzle and delight the 
multitude. 

He bore no good will to the Bachelor, recollecting his threat 
of landing him on an uninhabited island, when he escaped in a 
cask from San Domingo. He sought, therefore, to make a party 



128 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



against him, and to unseat him from his command. He attacked 
him in his own way, with legal weapons, questioning the legiti- 
macy of his pretensions. The boundary line, he observed, which 
separated the jurisdictions of Ojeda and Nicuesa, ran through the 
centre of the Gulf of Uraba. The village of Darien lay on the 
western side, which had been allotted to Nicuesa. Enciso, there- 
fore, as alcalde mayor and lieutenant of Ojeda, could have no 
jurisdiction here, and his assumed authority was a sheer usur- 
pation. 

The Spaniards, already incensed at the fiscal regulations of 
Enciso, were easily convinced ; so with one accord they refused 
allegiance to him ; and the unfortunate Bachelor found the chair 
of authority to which he had so fondly and anxiously aspired, 
suddenly wrested from under him, before he had well time to take 
his seat. 



CHAPTER XL 

PERPLEXITIES AT THE COLONY. ARRIVAL OF COLMENARES. 

To depose the Bachelor had been an easy matter, for most men 
are ready to assist in pulling down ; but to choose a successor was 
a task of far more diiEculty. The people at first agreed to elect 
mere civil magistrates, and accordingly appointed Vasco Nunez 
and one Zenudio as alcaldes, together with a cavalier of some merit 
of the name of Valdivia, as regidor. They soon, however, became 
dissatisfied with this arrangement, and it was generally considered 
advisable to vest the authority in one person. Who this person 
should be, was now the question. Some proposed Nicuesa, as 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 129 



they were within his province ; others were strenuous for Vasco 
Nunez. A violent dispute ensued, which was carried on with 
such heat and obstinacy, tliat many, anxious for a quiet life, de- 
clared it would be better to reinstate Enciso until the pleasure of 
the king should be known. 

In the height of these factious altercations the Spaniards were 
aroused one day by the thundering of cannon from the opposite 
side of the gulf, and beheld columns of smoke rising from the 
hills. Astonished at signals of civilized man on these Avild shores, 
they replied in the same manner, and in a short time two ships 
were seen standing across the gulf. They proved to be an arma- 
ment commanded by one Rodrigo de Colmenares, and were in 
search of Nicuesa with supplies. They had met with the usual 
luck of adventurers on this disastrous coast, storms at sea and 
savage foes on shore, and many of their number had fallen by 
poisoned arrows. Colmenares had touched at San Sebastian to 
learn tidings of Nicuesa ; but, finding the fortress in ruins, had 
made signals, in hopes of being heard by the Spaniards, should 
they be yet lingering in the neighborhood. 

The arrival of Colmenares caused a temporary suspension of 
the feuds of the colonists. He distributed provisions among them, 
and gained their hearts. Then, representing the legitimate right 
of Nicuesa to the command of all that j^art of the coast as a 
governor appointed by the king, he persuaded the greater part 
of the people to acknowledge his authority. It was generally 
agreed, thei'efore, that he should cruise along the coast in search 
of Nicuesa, and that Diego de Albitez, and an active member of 
the law, called the Bachelor Corral, should accompany him as 
ambassadors, to invite that cavalier to come and assume the go- 
vernment of Darien. 

VOL. III. 6* 



130 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



CHAPTER XII. 

COLMENARES GOES IN QUEST OF NICUESA. 

RODRIGO DE CoLMENARES proceeded along the coast to the 
westward, looking into every bay and harbor, but for a long time 
without success. At length one day he discovered a brigantine 
at a small island in the sea. It was part of the armament of 
Nicuesa, and had been sent out by him to forage for provisions. 
By this vessel he was piloted to the port of Nombre de Dios, the 
nominal capital of the unfortunate governor, but which was so 
surrounded and overshadowed by forests, that he might have 
passed by without noticing it. 

The arrival of Colmenares was welcomed with transports and 
tears of joy. It was scarcely possible for him to recognize the 
once buoyant and bi'illiant Nicuesa in the squalid and dejected 
man before him. He was living in the most abject misery. Of 
all his once gallant and powerful band of followers, but sixty men 
remained, and those so feeble, yellow, emaciated, and wobegone, 
that it was piteous to behold them.* 

* The harbor of Nombre de Dios continued for a long time to present 
traces of the sufferings of the Spaniards. We are told by Herrera, that several 
years after the time here mentioned, a band of eighty Spanish soldiers, com- 
manded by Gonzalo de Badajos, arrived in the harbor with an intention of pen- 
etrating into the interior. They found there the ruined fort of Nicuesa, to- 
gether with skulls and bones, and crosses erected on heaps of stones, dismal 
mementos of his followers who had perished of hunger ; the sight of which 
struck such horror and dismay into the hearts of the soldiers that they would 
have abandoned their enterprise, had not their intrepid captain immediately 
sent away the ships, and thus deprived them of the means of retreating. Her- 
rera, decad. xi. lib. i. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. I3i 



Colmenares distributed food among them, and told them that 
he had come to convey them to a plenteous country, and one rich 
in gold. When Nicuesa heard of the settlement at Darien, and 
that the inhabitants had sent for him to come and govern them, 
he was as a man suddenly revived from death. All the spirit and 
munificence of the cavalier again awakened in him. He gave a 
kind of banquet that very day to Colmenares and the ambassa- 
dors, from the provisions brought in the ship. He presided at his 
table with his former hilarity, and displayed a feat of his ancient 
office as royal carver, by holding up a fowl in the air and dissect- 
ing it with wonderful adroitness. 

Well would it have been for Nicuesa had the sudden buoy- 
ancy of his feelings carried him no further; but adversity had 
not taught liim prudence. In conversing with the envoys about 
the colony of Darien, he already assumed the tone of governor, 
and began to disclose the kind of policy with which he intended 
to rule. When he heard that great quantities of gold had been 
collected and retained by private individuals, his ire was kindled. 
He vowed to make them refund it, and even talked of punishing 
them for trespassing upon the privileges and monopolies of the 
crown. This was the vei'y error that had unseated the Bachelor 
Enciso from his government, and it was a strong measui-e for one 
to threaten who as yet was governor but in expectation. The 
menace was not lost upon the watchful ambassadors Diego de 
Albitez and the Bachelor Corral. They were put still more on 
the alert by a conversation held that very evening with Lope de 
Olano, wlio was still detained a prisoner for his desertion, but 
who found means to commune with the envoys, and to prejudice 
them against his unsuspecting commander. " Take warning," 
said he, " by my treatment. I sent relief to Nicuesa and I'escued 



132 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



him from death when starving on a desert island. Behold my 
recompense. He repays me with imprisonment and chains. 
Such is the gratitude the people of Darien may look for at his 
hands !" 

The subtle Bachelor Corral and his fellow envoy laid these 
matters to heart, and took their measures accordingly. They hur- 
ried to depart before Nicuesa, and setting all sail on their caravel, 
hastened back to Darien. The moment they arrived they sum- 
moned a meeting of the principal inhabitants. " A blessed change 
we have made," said they, " in summoning this Diego de Nicu- 
esa to the command ! We have called in the stork to take the 
rule, who will not rest satisfied until he has devoured us." They 
then related, with the usual exaggeration, the unguarded threats 
which had fallen from Nicuesa, and instanced his treatment of 
Olano as a proof of a tyrannous and ungrateful disposition. 

The words of the subtle Bachelor Corral and his associate 
produced a violent agitation among the people, especially among 
those who had amassed treasures which would have to be refund- 
ed. Nicuesa, too, by a transaction which almost destroys sympa- 
thy in his favor, gave time for their passions to ferment. On his 
way to Darien he stopped for several days among a group of 
small islands, for the purpose of capturing Indians to be sold as 
slaves. "While committhig these outrages against humanity, he 
sent forward Juan de Cayzedo in a boat to announce his coming. 
His messenger had a private pique against him, and played hira 
false. He assured the people of Darien that all they had been 
told by their envoys concerning the tyranny and ingratitude of 
Nicuesa was true ; — that he treated his followers with wanton 
severity ; that he took from them all they won in battle, saying 
that the spoils were his rightful property ; and that it was his in- 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 133 



tention to treat the people of Darien in the same manner. 
" What folly is it in you," added he, " being your own masters, 
and in such free condition, to send for a tyrant to rule over 
you !" 

The people of Darien were convinced by this concurring tes- 
timony, and confounded by the overwhelming evil they had thus 
invoked upon their heads. They had deposed Enciso for his 
severity, and they had thrown themselves into the power of one 
who threatened to be ten times more severe ! Vasco Nuiiez de 
Balboa observed their perplexity and consternation. He drew 
them one by one apart, and conversed with them in private. 
" You are cast down in heart," said he, " and so you might well 
be, were the evil beyond all cure. But do not despair ; there is 
an effectual relief, and you hold it in your hands. If you have 
committed an error in inviting Nicuesa to Darien, it is easily 
remedied by not receiving him when he comes !" The obvious- 
ness and simplicity of the remedy struck every mind, and it was 
unanimously adopted. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

CATASTROPHE OF THE UNFORTUNATE NICUESA. 

While this hostile plot was maturing at Darien, the unsuspect- 
ing Nicuesa pursued his voyage leisurely and serenely, and ar- 
rived in safety at the mouth of the river. On approaching the 
shore he beheld a multitude, headed by Vasco Nufiez, waiting, as 
he supposed, to receive him with all due honor. He was about 



134 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



to land ulieii tljc; ])ublic procurator, or attorney, called to him 
with a loud voice, warning him not to disembark, but to i-eturn 
with all speed to his govei-nment at Nombre de Dios. 

Nicuesa remained for a moment as if thunderstruck by so 
unlooked for a salutation. When he recovered his self-possession, 
he reminded them that he had come at their own request ; he en- 
treated, therefore, that he might be allowed to land and have an 
explanation, after which he would be ready to act as they should 
think proper. His entreaties only provoked insolent replies, 
and threats of violence should he venture to put foot on shore. 
Night coming on, he was obliged to stand out to sea, but re- 
turned the next morning, hoping to find this capricious people in 
a different mood. 

There did, indeed, appear to be a favorable change, for he 
was now invited to land. It was a mere stratagem to get him in 
their power, for no sooner did he set foot on shore than the mul- 
titude rushed forward to seize him. Among his many bodily 
endowments, Nicuesa was noted for swiftness of foot. He now 
trusted to it for safety, and, throwing off the dignity of governor, 
fled for his life along the shore, pursued by the rabble. He soon 
distanced his pursuers, and took refuge in the woods. 

Vasco Nuiiez de Balboa, who was himself a man of birth, 
seeing this high-bred cavalier reduced to such extremity, and at 
the mercy of a violent rabble, repented of what he had done. He 
had not anticipated such popular fury, and endeavored, though 
too late, to allay the tempest he had raised. He succeeded in 
preventing the people from pursuing Nicuesa into the forest, and 
then endeavored to mollify the vindictive rage of his fellow- 
alcalde, Zamudio, whose hostility was quickened by the dread of 
losing his office, should the new governor be received ; and who 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 135 



was supported in his boisterous conduct by the natural love of the 
nniltitude for what are called " strong measures." Nicuesa now 
lield a parley with the populace, through the mediation of Vasco 
Nunez. He begged that, if they would not acknowledge him as 
governor, they Avould at least admit him as a companion. This 
they refused, saying, that if they admitted him in one capacity, 
lie would end by attaining to the other. He then implored that, 
if he could be admitted on no other terms, they would treat him 
as a prisoner, and put him in irons, for he would rather die 
among them than return to Nombre de Dios, to perish of famine, 
or by the arrows of the Indians. 

It was in vain that Vasco Nuiiez exerted his eloquence to 
obtain some grace for this unhappy cavalier. His voice was 
di'owued by the vociferations of the multitude. Among these 
was a noisy swaggering fellow named Francisco Benitez, a gi'eat 
talker and jester, who took a vulgar triumph in the distresses of 
a cavalier, and answered every plea in his behalf with scoffs and 
jeers. He was an adherent of the alcalde Zamudio, and under 
his patronage felt emboldened to bluster. His voice was ever 
uppermost in the general clamor, until, to the expostulations of 
Vasco Nuiiez, he replied by merely bawling, with great vocifera- 
tion, " No, no, no ! — we will receive no such a fellow among us 
as Nicuesa!" The patience of Vasco Nunez was exhausted ; he 
availed himself of his authority as alcalde, and suddenly, before 
Ills fellow-magistrate could interfere, ordered the brawling ruffian 
to be rewarded with a hundred lashes, wiiich were taled out 
roundly to him upon the shoulders.* . 

Seeing that the fury of the populace was not to be pacified, 
he sent word to Nicuesa to retire to his brigantine, and not to 

* Laa Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cnp. G8. 



136 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



venture on shore until advised by him to do so. The counsel was 
fruitless. Nicuesa, above deceit himself, suspected it not in 
others. He retired to his brigantines, it is true, but suffered 
himself to be inveigled on shore by a deputation professing to 
come on the part of the public, with offers to reinstate him as 
governor. He had scarcely landed when he was set upon by an 
armed band, headed by the base-minded Zamudio, who seized 
him and compelled him, by menaces of death, to swear that he 
would immediately depart, and make no delay in any place until 
he had presented himself before the king and council in Castile. 

In vain Nicuesa reminded them that he was governor of that 
territory and representative of the king, and that they were guilty 
of treason in thus opposing him ; in vain he appealed to their 
humanity, or protested before God against their cruelty and 
persecution. The people were in that state of tumult when they 
are apt to add cruelty to injustice. Not content with expelling 
the discarded governor from their shores, they allotted him the 
worst vessel in the harbor ; an old crazy brigantine, totally unfit 
to encounter the perils and labors of the sea. 

Seventeen followers embarked with him ; some being of his 
household and attached to his person ; the rest Avere volunteers, 
who accompanied him out of respect and sympathy. The frail 
bark set sail on the tirst of March, 1511, and steered across the 
Caribbean sea for the island of Hispaniola, but was never seen 
or heard of more ! 

Various attempts have been made to penetrate the mystery 
that covers the fate of the brigantine and its crew. A rumor 
prevailed some years afterwards, that several Spaniards, wander- 
ing along the shore of Cuba, found th« following inscription 
carved on a tree :- •- 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 137 



Aqui feiieci6 cl desdichado Nicuesa.* 

Hence it was inferred that he and his followers had landed there, 
and been massacred by the Indians. Las Casas, however, dis- 
credits this story. He accompanied the first Spaniards who took 
possession of Cuba, and heard nothing of the fact, as he most 
probably would have done had it really occurred. He imagines, 
rather, that the crazy bark was swallowed up by the storms and 
currents of the Caribbean sea, or that the crew perished with 
hunger and thirst, having been but scantily supplied with provi- 
sions. The good old bishop adds, with the superstitious feeling 
prevalent in that age, that a short time before Nicuesa sailed 
from Spain on his expedition, an astrologer warned him not to 
depart on the day he had appointed, or under a certain sign ; the 
cavalier replied, however, that he had less confidence in the stars 
than in God who made them. " I recollect, moreover," adds Las 
Casas, " that about this time a comet was seen over this island 
of Hispaniola, which, if I do not forget, was in the shape of a 
sword ; and it was said that a monk warned several of those 
about to embark with Nicuesa, to avoid that captain, for the 
heavens foretold he was destined to be lost. The same, how- 
ever," he concludes, " might be said of Alonzo de Ojeda, who 
sailed at the same time, yet returned to San Domingo and died 
in his bed."t 

* Here perished the unfortunate Nicuesa. 
t Las Casas, ut sup. cap. 68. 



138 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA, 

DISCOVERER OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

CHAPTER I. 

FACTIONS OF DAEIEN. VASCO NUNEZ ELEVATED TO THE 

COMMAND. 

We have traced the disastrous fortunes of Alonzo de Ojeda and 
Diego de Nicuesa ; — we have now to record the story of Vasco 
Nunez de Balboa, an adventurer equally daring, far more re- 
nowned, and not less unfortunate, who in a manner rose upon 
their ruins. 

When the bark disappeared from view which bore the ill- 
starred Nicuesa from the shores of Darien, the community re- 
lapsed into factions, as to who should have the rule. The Bache- 
lor Enciso insisted upon his claims as paramount, but met with a 
powerful opponent in Vasco Nunez, who had become a great 
favorite with the people, from his frank and fearless character, 
and his winning affability. In fact, he was peculiarly calculated 
to manage the fiery and factious, yet generous and susceptible, 
nature of his countrymen ; for the Spaniards, though proud and 
resentful, and impatient of indignity or restraint, are easily dazzled 
by valor, and won by courtesy and kindness. Vasco Nuiiez had 
the external requisites also to captivate the multitude. He was 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 139 



now about thirty-five years of age ; tall, well formed, and vigor- 
ous, with reddish hair, and an open prepossessing countenance. 
His office of alcalde, wliile it clothed him with influence and im- 
portance, tempered those irregular and dissolute habits he might 
liave indulged while a mere soldier of fortune ; and his superior 
talent soon gave him a complete ascendency over his official col- 
league Zamudia. He was thus enabled to set on foot a vigorous 
opposition to Enciso. StiU he proceeded according to the foiuns 
of law, and summoned the Bachelor to trial, on the charge of 
usurping the powers of alcalde mayor, on the mere appointment 
of Alonzo de Ojeda, whose jurisdiction did not extend to this 
province. 

Enciso was an able lawyer, and pleaded his cause skillfully ; 
but his claims were, in fact, fallacious, and, had they not been so, 
he had to deal with men who cared little for law ; who had been 
irritated by his legal exactions, and who were disposed to be go- 
verned by a man of the sword rather than of the robe. He was 
readily found guilty, therefore, and thrown into prison, and all his 
property was confiscated. This was a violent verdict, and rashly 
executed ; but justice seemed to grow fierce and wild when trans- 
planted to the wilderness of the New "Woi-ld. Still there is no 
place where wrong can be committed with impunity ; the oppres- 
sion of the Bachelor Enciso, though exercised under the forms 
of law, and in a region remote from the pale of civilized life, re- 
dounded to the eventful injury of Vasco Nunez, and contributed 
to blast the fruits of that ambition it was intended to promote. 

The fortunes of the enterpi'ising Bachelor had indeed run 
strangely counter to the prospects with which he had embarked 
at San Domingo ; he had become a culprit at the bar instead of 
a judge upon the bench ; and now was left to ruminate in a prison 



'!# VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



on the failure of his late a!l('in[)l :U ticncral command. His 
friends, however, interceded warmly in his behalf, and at length 
obtained his release from confinement, and permission for him to 
return to Spain. Vasco Nunez foresaw that the lawyer would 
be apt to plead his cause more effectually at the court of Castile 
than he had done before the partial and prejudiced tribunal of 
Darien. He prevailed upon his fellow-alcalde Zamudio, there- 
fore, who was implicated with him in the late transactions, to re- 
turn to Spain in the same vessel with the Bachelor, so as to be on 
the spot to answer his charges, and to give a favorable report of 
the case. He was also instructed to set forth the services of 
Vasco Nuiiez, both in guiding the colonists to this place, and 
in manag-inor the affairs of the settlement: and to dwell with 
emphasis on the symptoms of great riches in the surrounding 
country. 

The Bachelor and the alcalde embarked in a small caravel ; 
and, as it was to touch at Ilispaniola, Yasco Nuiiez, sent his con- 
fidential friend, the regidor Valdivia, to that island to obtain pro- 
visions and recruits. He secretly put into his hands a round sum 
of gold as a present to Miguel de Pasamonte, the royal treasurer 
of Hispaniola, whom he knew to have great credit with the king, 
and to be invested with extensive powers, ci'aving at the same 
time his protection in the New World and his influence at court. 

Having taken these shrewd precautions, Vasco Nuiiez saw 
the caravel depart without dismay, though bearing to Spain his 
most dangerous enemy ; he consoled himself, moreover, with the 
reflection that it likewise bore off his fellow-alcalde Zamudio, and 
thus left him in sole command of the colony. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. UJ 



CHAPTER 11. 



EXPEDITION TO COYBA. VASCO NUNEZ RECEIVES THE 

DAUGHTER OF A CACIQUE AS HOSTAGE. 

Vasco Nunez now exerted himself to pi'ove his capacity for the 
government to which he had aspired ; and as he knew that no 
proof was more convincing to King Ferdinand than ample remit- 
tances, and that gold covered all sins in the New World, his first 
object was to discover those parts of the country which most 
abounded in the precious metals. Hearing exaggerated reports 
of the riches of a province about thirty leagues distant, called 
Coyba, he sent Francisco Pizarro with six men to explore it. 

The cacique Zemaco, the native lord of Darien, who cherished 
a bitter hostility against the European intruders, and hovered with 
his warriors about the settlement, received notice of this detach- 
ment from his spies, and planted himself in ambush to waylay and 
destroy it. The Spaniards had scarcely proceeded three leagues 
along the course of the river when a host of savages burst upon 
them from the surrounding thickets, uttering frightful yells, and 
discharging showers of stones and arrows. Pizari'o and his men, 
though sorely bruised and wounded, rushed into the thickest of 
the foe, slew many, wounded more, and put the rest to flight ; but 
fearing another assault, made a precipitate retreat, leaving one of 
their companions, Francisco Hernan, disabled on the field. They 
arrived at the settlement crippled and bleeding ; but when Vasco 
Nunez heard the particulars of the action, his anger was roused 
against Pizarro, and he ordered him, though wounded, to return 
immediately and recover the disabled man. " Let it not be said, 



142 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



for shame," said he, " that Spaniards ficd before savages, and left 
a comrade in their hands !" Pizarro Mt tlie rebuke, returned to 
the scene of combat, and brought off Francisco Hernnn in safety. 

Nothing having been heard of Nicuesa since his departure, 
Vasco Nunez dispatched two brigantines for those followers of 
that unfortunate adventurer who had remained at Nombi-e de 
Dios. They were overjoyed at being rescued from their forlorn 
situation, and conveyed to a settlement where there was some 
prospect of comfortable subsistence. The brigantines, in coasting 
the shores of the Isthmus, picked up two Spaniards, clad in 
painted skins, and looking as wild as the native Indians. These 
men, to escape some punishment, had fled from the ship of Nicuesa 
about a year and a half before, and taken refuge with Careta, the 
cacique of Coyba. The savage chieftain had treated them with 
hospitable kindness ; their first return for which, now that they 
found themselves safe among their countrymen, was to advise the 
latter to invade the cacique in his dwelling, where they assured 
them they would find immense booty. Finding their suggestions 
listened to, one of them proceeded to Darien, to serve as a guide 
to any expedition that might be set on foot ; the other returned to 
the cacique, to assist in betraying him. 

Vasco Nuiiez was elated by the inteUigence received through 
these vagabonds of the wilderness. He chose a hundred and 
thirty well-armed and resolute men, and set off for Coyba. 
The cacique received the Spaniards in his mansion with the ac- 
customed hospitality of a savage, setting before them meat and 
drink, and whatever his house afforded ; but when Vasco Nuiiez 
asked for a large supply of provisions for the colony, he declared 
that he had none to spare, his people having been prevented from 
cultivating the soil by a war which he was waging with the neigh- 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. l43 



boring cacique of Pouca. The Spaiiisli outcast, who had remained 
to betray his benefactor, now took Vasco Nunez aside, and assured 
him that the cacique had an abundant hoard of provisions in 
secret ; he advised him, however, to seem to believe his words, 
and to make a pretended depai-ture for Darien with his troops, 
but to return in the night and take the village by surprise. 
Vasco Nunez adopted the advice of the traitor. He took a cor- 
dial leave of Careta, and set off for the settlement. In the dead 
of the night, however, when the savages were buried in deep 
sleep, Vasco Nuiiez led his men into the midst of the village, 
and, before the inhabitants could rouse themselves to resistance, 
made captives of Careta, his wives, and children, and many of 
his people. He discovered also the lioard of provisions, with 
which he loaded two brigantines, and returned witli liis booty and 
his captives to Darien. 

Wlien the unfortunate cacique beheld his family in chains, 
and in the hands of strangers, his heart was wrung with despair ; 
" What have I done," said he to Vasco Nunez, " that thou shouldst 
treat me thus cruelly ? None of thy people ever came to my land 
that were not fed, and sheltered, and treated*with loving kindness. 
When thou earnest to my dwelling, did I meet thee with a javelin 
in my hand? Did I not set meat and drink before thee, and wel- 
come thee as a brother ? Set me free, therefore, with my family 
and people, and we will remain thy friends. We will supply 
thee with provisions, and reveal to thee the riches of the land. 
Dost thou doubt my faith ? Behold my daughter, I give her to 
thee as a pledge of friendship. Take her for thy wife, and be 
assured of the fidelity of her family and her people !" 

Vasco Nuiiez felt the force of these words, and knew the im- 
portance of forming a strong alliance among the natives. The 



14A VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



captive maid, also, as she stood trembling and dejected before him, 
found great favor in his eyes, for she was young and beautiful. 
He granted, therefore, the prayer of the cacique, and accepted his 
daughter, engaging, moreover, to aid the father against his ene- 
mies, on condition of his furnishing provisions to the colony. 

Careta remained three days at Darien, during which time he 
was treated with the utmost kindness. Vasco Nuiiez took him on 
board of his ships, and showed him every part of them. He dis- 
played before him also the war-horses, with their armor and rich 
caparisons, and astonished him with the thunder of artillery. 
Lest he should be too much daunted by these warlike spectacles, 
he caused the musicians to perform a harmonious concert on their 
instruments, at which the cacique was lost in admiration. Thus 
having impressed him with a wonderful idea of the power and 
endowments of his new allies, he loaded him with presents, and 
permitted him to depart.* 

Careta returned joyfully to his territories, and his daughter 
remained with Vasco Nunez, willingly for his sake giving up her 
family and native home. They were never married, but she con- 
sidered herself his wiife, as she really was, according to the usages 
of her own country ; and he treated her with fondness, allow- 
ing her gradually to acquire great influence over him. To his 
affection for this damsel, his ultimate ruin is in some measure to 
be ascribed. 

* P. Martyr, decad. iii. cap. 6. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 145 



CHAPTER III. 

VASCO NUNEZ HEARS OF A SEA BEYOND THE MOUNTAINS. 

Vasco Nunez kept his word with the father of his Indian beauty. 
Taking with him eighty men, and his companion in arras Rodri- 
go Enriquez de Colmenares, he repaired by sea to Coyba, the 
province of the cacique. Here landing he invaded the territories 
of Ponca, the great adversary of Careta, and obhged him to take 
refuge in the mountains. He then ravaged his lands, and sacked 
his villages, in which he found considerable booty. Returning 
to Coyba, where he was joyfully entertained by Careta, he next 
made a friendly visit to the adjacent province of Comagre, which 
was under the sway of a cacique, of the same name, who had 
3000 fighting men at his command. 

This province was situated at the foot of a lofty mountain in 
a beautiful plain, twelve leagues in extent. On the approach of 
Yasco Nunez, the cacique came forth to meet him, attended by 
seven sons, all fine young men, the offspring of his various wives. 
He was followed by his principal chiefs and warriors, and by a 
multitude of his people. The Spaniards were conducted with 
great ceremony to the village, where quarters were assigned them, 
and they wei'e furnished with abundance of provisions, and men 
and women were appointed to attend upon them. 

The dwelling of the cacique surpassed any they had yet seen 
for magnitude, and for the skill and solidity of the ai'chitecture. 
It was one hundred and fifty paces in length, and eighty in 
breadth, founded upon great logs, surrounded with a stone wall; 
while the upper part was of wood work, cui'iously interwoven, 

VOL. iir. 7 



146 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



and wrought with such beauly as to cause surprise and admira- 
tion. It contained many commodious apartments. There were 
store-rooms also ; one filled with bread, with venison, and other 
provisions ; another with various spirituous beverages, which the 
Indians made from maize, from a species of the palm, and from 
roots of different kinds. There was also a great hall in a retired 
and secret part of the building, wherein Comagre preserved the 
bodies of his ancestors and relatives. These had been dried by the 
fire, so as to fi-ee them from corruption, and afterwards wrapped 
in mantles of cotton, richly wrought and interwoven with pearls 
and jewels of gold, and with certain stones held precious by the 
natives. They wei*e then hung about the hall with cords of cotton, 
and regarded with great reverence, if not with religious devo- 
tion. 

The eldest son of the cacique was of a lofty and generous 
spirit, and distinguished above the rest by his superior intelligence 
and sagacity. Perceiving, says old Peter Martyr, that the Span- 
iards were a " wandering kind of men, living only by shifts and 
spoil," he sought to gain favor for himself and family by grati- 
fying their avarice. He gave Vasco Nuiiez and Colmenares, 
therefore, 4000 ounces of gold, wrought into various ornaments, 
too'ether with sixty slaves, captives taken in the wars. Vasco 
Nuriez ordered one-fifth of the gold to be weighed out and set 
apart for the crown, and the rest to be shared among his fol- 
lowers. 

The division of the gold took place in the porch of the dwell- 
ing of Comagre, in the presence of the youthful cacique who had 
made the gift. As the Spaniards were weighing it out, a violent 
quarrel arose among them as to the size and value of the 
pieces which fell to their respective shares. The high-minded 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 147 



savage was disgusted at this sordid brawl among beings whom he 
had regarded with such reverence. In the first impulse of his 
disdain he struck the scales with his fist, and scattered the glitter- 
ing gold about the porch. '" Why," said he, " should you quarrel 
for such a trifle ? If this gold is indeed so precious in your eyes, 
that for it alone you abandon your homes, invade the peaceful 
lands of others, and expose yourselves to such sufferings and 
perils, I will tell you of a region where you may gratify your 
wishes to the utmost. Behold those lofty mountains," continued 
he, pointing to the south ; " beyond these lies a mighty sea, which 
may be discerned from their summit. It is navigated by people 
who have vessels almost as large as yours, and furnished, like 
them, with sails and oars. All the streams which flow down the 
southern side of those mountains into that sea abound in gold ; 
and the kings who reign upon its borders eat and drink out of 
golden vessels. Gold, in fact, is as plentiful and common among 
those people of the south as iron is among you Spaniards." 

Vasco Nuiiez inquired eagerly as to the means of penetrating 
to this sea and to the opulent regions on its shores. " The task," 
replied the prince, " is difficult and dangerous. You must pass 
through the territories of many powerful caciques, who will 
oppose you with hosts of warriors. Some parts of the moun- 
tains are infested by fierce and cruel cannibals, a wandering 
lawless race : but, above all, you will have to encounter the 
great cacique Tubanama, whose territories are at the distance 
of six days' journey, and more rich in gold than any other pro- 
vince ; this cacique will be sui'e to come forth against you with 
a mighty force. To accomplish your enterprise, therefore, will 
require at least a thousand men armed like those who follow 
you." 



148 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



The youthful cacique gave him farther information on the 
subject, collected from various captives taken in battle, and 
from one of his own nation, who had been for a long time in 
captivity to Tubanamu, the powerful cacique of the golden realm. 
He moreover offered to prove the sincerity of his words by 
accompanying Vasco Nunez, in any expedition to those parts, at 
the head of his father's warriors. 

Such was the first intimation received by Vasco Nunez of the 
Pacific Ocean and its golden realms, and it had an immediate 
effect upon his whole character and conduct. This hitherto wan- 
dering and desperate man had now an enterprise opened to his 
ambition, which, if accomplished, would elevate him to fame and 
fortune, and entitle him to rank among the great captains and 
discoverers of the earth. Henceforth the discovery of the sea 
beyond the mountains was the great object of his thoughts, and 
his whole spirit seemed roused and ennobled by the idea. 

He hastened his return to Darien, to make the necessary pre- 
parations for this splendid enterprise. Before departing from 
the province of Comagre he baptized that cacique by the name 
of Don Carlos, and performed the same ceremony upon his sons 
and several of his subjects ; — thus singularly did avarice and 
religion go hand in hand in the conduct of the Spanish disco- 
verers. 

Scarcely had Vasco Nuiiez returned to Darien when the Re- 
gidor Valdivia arrived from Hispaniola, but with no more provi- 
sions than could be brought in his small caravel. These were 
soon consumed, and the general scarcity continued. It was 
heightened by a violent tempest of thunder, lightning, and rain, 
which brought such torrents from the mountains that the river 
swelled and overflowed its banks, laying waste all the adjacent 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 149 



fields which had been cultivated. In this extremity Vasco Nunez 
dispatched Valdivia a second time to Ilispaniola for provisions. 
Animated also by the loi'tier views of his present ambition, he 
wrote to Don Diego Columbus, Avho governed at San Domin"-o, 
informing him of the intelligence he had received of a great sea 
and opulent realms beyond the mountains, and entreating him to 
use his influence with the king that one thousand men might be 
immediately furnished him for the prosecution of so grand a dis- 
covery. He sent him also the amount of fifteen thousand crowns 
in gold, to be remitted to the king as the royal fifths of what had 
already been collected under his jurisdiction. Many of his fol- 
lowers, likewise, forwarded sums of gold to be remitted to their 
creditors m Spain. In the meantime, Vasco Nuiiez prayed the 
admiral to yield him prompt succor to enable him to keep his 
footing in the land, representing the difficulty he had in maintain- 
ing, with a mere handful of men, so vast a country in a state of 
subjection. 



CHAPTER IV. 

EXPEDITION OF VASCO NUNEZ IN QUEST OF THE GOLDEN 
TEMPLE OF DOBATBA. 

[1512.] 

While Vasco Nuiiez awaited the result of this mission of Val- 
divia, his active disposition prompted foraging excursions into the 
surrounding country. 

Among various rumors of golden realms in the interior of 



150 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



this unknown land, was one concerning a province called Dobayba, 
situated about ibrty leagues distant, on the banks of a great river 
which emptied itself, by several mouths, into a corner of the Gulf 
of Uraba. 

This province derived its name, according to Indian tradition, 
from a mighty female of the olden time, the mother of the god 
who created the sun and moon and all good things. She had 
power over the elements, sending thunder and liglitning to lay 
waste the lands of those who displeased her, but showering down 
fertility and abundance upon the possessions of her faithful wor- 
shipers. Others described her as having been an Indian prin- 
cess, who once reigned among the mountains of Dobayba, and 
was renowned throughout the land for her supernatural power 
and wisdom. After her death, divine honors were paid her, and 
a great temple was erected for her worship. Hither the natives 
repaired from far and near, on a kind of pilgrimage, bearing 
offerings of their most valuable effects. The caciques Avho ruled 
over distant territories also sent golden tributes, at certain times 
of the year, to be deposited in this temple, and slaves to be sacri- 
ficed at its shrine. At one time, it was added, this worship fell 
into disuse, the pilgrimages were discontinued, and the caciques 
neglected to send their tributes ; whereupon the deity, as a pun- 
ishment, inflicted a drought upon the country. The springs and 
fountains failed, the rivers were dried up ; the inhabitants of the 
mountains were obliged to descend into the plains, where they 
digged pits and wells, but these likewise failing, a great part of 
the nations perished with thirst. The remainder hastened to 
propitiate the deity by tributes and sacrifices, and thus succeeded 
in averting her displeasure. In consequence of offerings of the 
kind, made for generations from all parts of the country, the tern 



iu 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 151 



pie was said to be filled with treasure, and its walls to be covered 
with golden gifts.* In addition to the tale of this temple, the 
Indians gave marvelous accounts of the general wealth of tliis 
province, declaring that it abounded with mines of gold, the veins 
of which reached from the dwelling of the cacique to the borders 
of his dominions. 

To penetrate to this territory, and above all to secure tli<i 
treasures of the golden temple, was an enterprise suited to the 
adventurous spirit of the Spaniards. Vasco Nuiiez chose one 
hundred and seventy of his hardiest men for the purpose. Em- 
barking them in two brigantines and a number of canoes, he set 
sail from Darien, and, after standing about nine leagues to the 
east, came to the mouth of the Rio Grande de San Juan, or the 
Great River of St. John, also called the Atrato, which is since 
ascertained to be one of the branches of the river Darien. Here 
he detached Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares with one-third of 
bis forces, to explore the stream, while he himself proceeded with 
the residue to another branch of the river, which he was told 
flowed from the province of Dobayba, and which he ascended, 
fljushed with sanguine expectations.! 

* Peter Martyr, decad. iii. cap 6. Idem, decad. vii. cap. 10. 

t In recording this expedition, the author has followed the old Spanish nar- 
ratives, written when the face of the country was but little known, and he was 
much perplexed to reconcile the accounts given of numerous streams with the 
rivers laid dovra on modern maps. By a clear and judicious explanation, given 
in the recent work of Don Manuel Josef Quintana, it appears that the different 
streams explored by Vasco Nunez and Colmenares were all branches of one 
grand river, which, descending from the mountains of the interior, wmds about 
in crystal streams among the plains and morasses bordering the bottom of the 
great Gulf of Darien, and discharges itself by various mouths into the gulf Ir 



152 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



His old enemy Zemaco, the cacique of Darien, however, had 
discovered the object of his expedition, and had taken measures to 
disappoint it ; repairing to the province of Dobayba, he had pre- 
vailed upon its cacique to retire at the approach of the Spaniards, 
leaving his country deserted. 

Vasco Nunez found a village situated in a marshy neighbor- 
hood, on the banks of the river, and mistook it for the residence 
of the cacique : it was silent and abandoned. There was not an 
Indian to be met with from whom he could obtain any informa- 
tion about the country, or who could guide him to the golden tem- 
ple. He was disappointed, also, in his hopes of obtaining a supply 
of provisions, but he found weapons of various kinds hanging in 
the deserted houses, and gathered jewels and pieces of gold to 
the value of seven thousand castellanos. Discouraged by the 
savage look of the surrounding wilderness, which was perplexed 
by deep morasses, and having no guides to aid him in exploring 
it, he put all the booty he had collected into two large canoes, and 
made his way back to the Gulf of Uraba. Here he was assailed 
by a violent tempest which nearly wrecked his two brigantines, 
and obliged him to throw a great part of their cargoes overboard. 
The two canoes containing the booty were swallowed up by the 
raging sea, and all their crews perished. 

Thus baffled and tempest-tost, Vasco Nufiez at length suc- 
ceeded in getting into what is termed the Grand River, which he 
ascended, and rejoined Colmenares and his detachment. They 
now extended their excursions up a stream which emptied itself 
into the Grand River, and which, from the dark hue of its waters, 

fact, the stream which ran by the infant city of Santa Maria de la Antigua wae 
but one of its branches, a fact entirely unknown to Vasco Nunez and his com- 
panions. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 153 



they called Rio Negro, oi* the Black River. They also explored 
cei'tain other tributary streams, branching from it, though not 
without occasional skirmishes with the natives. 

Ascending one of these minor rivers with a part of his men, 
Vasco Nunez came to the territories of a cacique named Abi- 
beyba, who reigned over a region of marshes and shallow lakes. 
The habitations of tlie natives were built amidst the branches of 
immense and lofty trees. They were large enough to contain 
whole family connections, and were constructed partly of wood, 
partly of a kind of wicker-work, combining strength and plia- 
bility, and yielding uninjured to the motion of the branches when 
agitated by the wind. The inhabitants ascended to them, with 
great agility, by light ladders, formed of great reeds split through 
the middle, for the reeds on this coast grow to the thickness of a 
man's body. These ladders they drew up after them at night, or 
in case of attack. These habitations were well stocked with pro- 
visions ; but the fermented beverages, of which these people had 
always a supply, were buried in vessels in the earth, at the foot 
of the tree, lest they should be rendered turbid by the rocking of 
the houses. Close by, also, were the canoes with which they 
navigated the rivers and ponds of their marshy country, and fol- 
lowed their main occupation of fishing. 

On the approach of the Spaniards, the Indians took refuge in 
their tree-built castles, and drew up the ladders. The former 
called upon them to descend and to fear nothing. Upon this the 
cacique replied, entreating that he might not be molested, seeing 
he had done them no injury. They threatened, unless he came 
down, to fell the trees, or to set fire to them and burn him and his 
wives and children. The cacique was disposed to consent, but 
was prevented by the entreaties of his people. Upon this the 

VOL. TIT. 7* 



154 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



Spaniards prepared to hew down the trees, but were assailed by 
showers of stones. They covered themselves however with their 
bucklers, assailed the trees vigorously with their hatchets, and 
soon compelled the inhabitants to capitulate. The cacique de- 
scended with his wife and two of his children. The first demand 
of the Spaniards was for gold. He assured them he had none ; 
for, having no need of it, he had never made it an object of his 
search. Being importuned, however, he said that if he were per- 
mitted to repair to certain mountains at a distance, he would in a 
few days return, and bring them what they desired. They per- 
mitted him to depart, retaining his wife and children as hostages, 
but they saw no more of the cacique. After remaining here a 
few days, and regaling on the provisions which they found in 
abundance, they continued their foraging expeditions, often op- 
posed by the bold and warlike natives, and suffering occasional 
loss, but inflicting great havoc on their opposers. 

Having thus overrun a considerable extent of country, and no 
grand object presenting to lure him on to further enterprise, Vasco 
Nuiiez at length returned to Darien with the spoils and captives 
he had taken, leaving Bartolome Hurtado with thirty men in an 
Indian village on the Rio Negro, or Black River, to hold the 
country in subjection. Thus terminated the first expedition in 
quest of the golden temple of Dobayba, which, for some time, con- 
tinued to be a favorite object of enterprise among the adventurers 
of Darien. 



Mi 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 155 



CHAPTER V. 

DISASTER ON THE BLACK KIVER. INDIAN PLOT AGAINST 

DARIEN. 

Bartolome Hurtado, being left to his own discretion on the 
banks of the Black River, occupied himself occasionally in hunt- 
ing the scattered natives who straggled about the surrounding 
forests. Having in this way picked up twenty-four captives, he 
put them on board of a large canoe, like so much live stock, to be 
ti'ansported to Darien and sold as slaves. Twenty of his follow- 
ers, who were infirm either from wounds or the diseases of the 
climate, embarked also in the canoe, so that only ten men re- 
mained with Hurtado. 

The great canoe, thus heavily freighted, descended the Black 
River slowly, between banks overhung with forests. Zemaco, the 
indefatigable cacique of Darien, was on the watch, and waylaid 
the ark with four canoes filled with warriors, armed with war- 
clubs and lances hardened in the fire. The Spaniards, being sick, 
could make but feeble resistance ; some were massacred, others 
leaped into the river and were drowned. Two only escaped, by 
clinging to two trunks of trees that were floating down the river, 
and covering themselves with the branches. Reaching the shore 
in safety, they returned to Bartolome Hurtado with the tragical 
tidings of the death of his followers. Hurtado was so disheart- 
ened by the news, and so dismayed at his own helpless situation, 
in the midst of a hostile country, that he resolved to abandon the 
fatal shores of the Black River, and return to Darien. He was 
quickened in this resolution by receiving intimation of a con 



156 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



spir.acy forming among the natives. The implacable Zemaco had 
drawn four other caciques into a secret plan to assemble their 
vassals and make a sudden attack upon Darien : Ilurtado has- 
tened with the remnant of his followers to carry tidings to the 
settlement of this conspiracy. Many of the inhabitants were 
alarmed at his intelligence ; others treated it as a false rumor of 
the Indians, and no preparations were made against what might 
be a mere imaginary danger. 

Fortunately for the Spaniards, among the female captives 
owned by Vasco Nuiiez was an Indian damsel named Fulvia ; to 
whom, in consequence of her beauty, he had shown great favor, 
and who had become strongly attached to him. She had a brother 
among the warriors of Zemaco, who often visited her in secret. 
In one of his visits, he informed her that on a certain night the 
settlement would be attacked and every Spaniard destroyed. He 
charged her, therefore, to hide herself that night in a certain place 
until he should come to her aid, lest she should be slain in the 
confusion of the massacre. 

When her brother was gone, a violent struggle took place in 
the bosom of the Indian girl, between her feeling for her family 
and her people, and her affection for Vasco Nunez. The latter 
at length prevailed, and she revealed all that had been told to 
her. The Spaniard prevailed on her to send for her brother un- 
der pretence of aiding her to escape. Having him in his power, 
he extorted from him all that he knew of the designs of the ene- 
my. His confessions showed what imminent danger had been 
lurking round Vasco Nuiiez in his most unsuspecting moments. 
The prisoner informed him that he had been one of forty Indians 
sent some time before by the cacique Zemaco to Vasco Nunez, 
in seeming friendship, to be employed by him in cultivating the 



i'i 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 157 



fields adjacent to the settlement. They had secret orders, how- 
ever, to take an opportunity, when the Spaniard should come forth 
to inspect their work, to set upon him in an unguarded moment, 
and destroy him. Fortunately, Vasco Nunez always visited the 
fields mounted on his war-horse, and armed with lance and target, 
and the Indians were so awed by his martial appearance, and by 
the terrible animal he bestrode, that they dared not attack him. 

Foiled in this and other attempts of the kind, Zemaco resorted 
to the conspiracy with which the settlement was now menaced. 
Five caciques had joined in the confederacy : they had prepared 
a hundred canoes ; amassed provisions for an army ; and con- 
certed to assemble five thousand picked warriors at a certain time 
and place ; with these they were to make an attack on the settle- 
ment by land and water, in the middle of the night, and to 
slaughter every Spaniai-d. 

Having learnt where the confederate chiefs were to be found, 
and where they had deposited their provisions, Vasco Nuriez 
chose seventy of his best men Avell armed, and made a circuit by 
land, while Colmenares, with sixty men, sallied forth secretly in 
four canoes, guided by the Indian prisoner. In this way they 
surprised the general of the Indian army and several of the prin- 
cipal confederates, and got possession of all their provisions, 
though they failed to capture the formidable Zemaco. The In- 
dian general was shot to death with arrows, and the leaders of the 
conspiracy were hanged in presence of their captive followers. 
•The defeat of this deep-laid plan, and the punishment of its devi- 
sers, spread terror throughout the neighboring provinces, and pre- 
vented any further hostilities. Vasco Nunez, however, caused a 
strong fortress of wood to be immediately erected, to guard against 
any future assaults of the savages. 



i58 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



CHAPTER VL 



FURTHER FACTIONS IN THE COLONY. ARROGANCE OF ALONZ 

PEREZ AND THE BACHELOR CORRAL. 

A CONSIDERABLE time had now elapsed since the departure of 
Valdivia for Hispaniola, yet no tidings had been received from 
him. Many began to fear that some disaster had befallen him; 
while others insinuated that it was possible both he and Zamudio 
might have neglected the objects of their mission, and, having 
appropriated to their own use the gold with which they had been 
intrusted, abandoned the colony to its fate. 

Vasco Nunez himself was harassed by these surmises ; and 
by the dread lest the Bachelor Enciso should succeed in preju- 
dicing the mind of his sovereign against him. Impatient of this 
state of anxious suspense, he determined to repair to Spain, to 
communicate in person all that he had heard concerning the 
Southern Sea, and to ask for the troops necessary for its discovery. 

Every one, however, both friend and foe, exclaimed against 
such a measure, representing his presence as indispensable to the 
safety of the colony, from his great talents as a commander, and 
the fear entertained of him by the Indians. 

After much debate and contention, it was at length agreed 
that Juan de Cayzedo and Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares 
should go in his place, instructed to make all necessary represen- 
tations to the king. Letters were written also, containing extra- 
vagant accounts of the riches of the country, partly dictated by 
the sanguine hopes of the writers, and partly by the fables of the 
natives. The rumored wealth of the province of Dobayba, and 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 159 



the treasures of its golden temple were not forgotten ; and an 
Indian was taken to Spain by the commissioners, a native of the 
province of Zenu, where gold was said to be gathered in nets 
stretched across the mountain streams. To give more weight to 
all these stories, every one contributed some portion of gold from 
his private hoard, to be presented to J,he king in addition to the 
amount arising from his fifths. 

But little time had elapsed after the departure of the commis- 
sioners, when new dissensions broke out in the colony. It was 
hardly to be expected that a fortuitous assemblage of adventurers 
could remain long tranquil during a time of suffering under rulers 
of questionable authority. Vasco Nunez, it is true, had risen by 
his courage and abilities ; but he had risen from among their 
ranks ; he was in a manner of their own creation ; and they had 
not become sufficiently accustomed to him as a governor, to forget 
that he was recently but a mere soldier of fortune, and an ab- 
sconding debtor. 

Their factious discontent, however, was directed at first against 
a favorite of Vasco Nunez, rather than against himself. He had 
invested Bartolome Hurtado, the commander of the Black River, 
with considerable authority in the colony, and the latter gave 
great offence by his oppressive conduct. Hurtado had particu- 
larly aggrieved by his arrogance one Alonzo Perez de la Rua, a 
touchy cavalier, jealous of his honor, and peculiarly gifted with 
the sensitive punctilio of a Spaniard. Firing at some indignity, 
whether real or fancied, Alonzo Perez threw himself into the 
ranks of the disaffected, and was immediately chosen as their 
leader. Thus backed by a faction, he clamored loudly for the 
punishment of Hurtado ; and, jfinding his demands unattended to, 
threw out threats of deposing Vasco Nunez. The latter, with 



160 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



his usual spirit and j^i'omptness, seized upon the testy Alonzo 
Perez, and threw him into pi'ison, to digest his indignities and 
cool his passion at leisure. 

The conspirators flew to arms to liberate their leader. The 
friends of Vasco Nuiiez were equally on the alert. The two par- 
ties di-ew out in battle array in the public square, and a san- 
guinary conflict was on the point of taking place. Fortunately 
there were some cool heads left in the colony. These interfered 
at the critical moment, representing to the angry adversaries that, 
if they fought among themselves, and diminished their already 
scanty numbers, even the conquerors must eventually fall a prey 
to the Indians. 

Their remonstrances had effect. A parley ensued, and, after 
much noisy debate, a kind of compromise ^vas made. Alonzo 
Perez was liberated, and the mutineers dispersed quietly to their 
homes. The next day, however, they were again in arms, and 
seized upon Bartolome Hurtado ; but after a little while were pre- 
vailed upon to set him free. Their factious views seemed turned 
to a higher object. They broke forth into loud murmurs against 
Vasco Nufiez, complaining that he had not made a fair division 
of the gold and slaves taken in the late expeditions, and threaten- 
ing to arrest him and bring him to account. Above all, they 
clamored for an immediate distribution of ten thousand castella- 
nos in gold, yet unshared. 

Vasco Nuiiez understood too well the riotous nature of the 
people under him, and his own precarious hold on their obedi- 
ence, to attempt to cope with them in this moment of turbulence. 
He shrewdly determined, therefore, to withdraw from the sight 
of tlie multitude, and to leave them to divide the spoil among 
themselves, trusting to their own strife for his security. That 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 161 

very night he sallied forth into the country, under pretence of 
going on a hunting expedition. 

The next morning the mutineers found themselves in posses- 
sion of the field. Alonzo Perez, the pragmatical ringleader, im- 
mediately assumed the command, seconded by the Bachelor Cor- 
ral. Their first measure was to seize upon the ten thousand cas- 
tellanos, and to divide them among the multitude, by way of 
securing their own popularity. The event proved the sagacity 
and forethought of Vasco Nunez. Scarcely had these hotheaded 
intermeddlers entered upon the partition of the gold, than a furi- 
ous strife arose. Every one was dissatisfied with his share, 
considering his merits entitled to peculiar recompense. Every 
attempt to appease the rabble only augmented their violence, and 
in their rage they swore that Vasco Nunez had always shown 
more judgment and discrimination in his distributions to men of 
merit. 

The adherents of the latter noAV ventured to lift up their 
voices ; " Vasco Nuiiez," said they, " won the gold by his enter- 
prise and valor, and would have shared it with the brave and 
the deserving ; but these men have seized upon it by factious 
means, and would squander it upon their minions." The multi- 
tude, who, in fact, admired the soldier-like qualities of Vasco 
Nuiiez, displayed one of the customary reverses of popular feel- 
ing. The touchy Alonzo Perez, his coadjutor the Bachelor 
Corral, and several other of the ringleaders were seized, put 
into irons, and confined in the fortress ; and Vasco Nuiiez was 
recalled with loud acclamations to the settlement. 

How long this pseudo-commander might have been able to 
manage the unsteady populace, it is impossible to say ; but just 
at this juncture two ships arrived from Hispaniola, freighted with 



162 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



supplies, and bringing a reinforcement of one hundred and fifty 
men. They brought also a commission to Vasco Nunez, signed 
by Miguel de Pasamonte, the royal treasurer of Hispaniola, (to 
whom he had sent a private present of gold,) constituting him 
captain-general of the colony. It is doubtful whether Pasamonte 
possessed the power to confer such a commission, though it is ai 
firmed that the king had clothed him with it, as a kind of check 
upon the authority of the admiral Don Diego Columbus, then 
governor of Hispaniola, of whose extensive sway in the New 
"World the monarch was secretly jealous. At any rate, the trea- 
surer appears to have acted in full confidence of the ultimate 
approbation of his sovereign. 

Vasco Nunez was rejoiced at receiving a commission which 
clothed him with at least the semblance of royal sanction. Feel- 
ing more assured in his situation, and being naturally of a gen- 
erous and forgiving temper, he was easily prevailed upon, in his 
moment of exultation, to release and pardon Alonzo Perez, the 
Bachelor Corral, and the other ringleaders of the late commo- 
tions ; and for a time the feuds and factions of this petty commu- 
nity were lulled to repose. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 163 



CHAPTER VII. 



VASCO NUNEZ DETERMINES TO SEEK THE SEA BEYOND THE 
MOUNTAINS. 

[1513.] 

The temporary triumph of Vasco Nunez was soon overcast by 
tidings from Spain. His late colleague, the alcalde Zamudio, 
wrote him word, that the Bachelor Enciso had carried his com- 
plaints to the foot of the throne, and succeeded in rousing the 
indignation of the king, and had obtained a sentence in his favor, 
condemning Vasco Nufiez in costs and damages. Zamudio in- 
formed him in addition, that he would be immediately summoned 
to repair to Spain, and answer in person the criminal charges 
advanced against him on account of the harsh treatment and 
probable death of the unfortunate Nicuesa. 

Vasco Nunez was at first stunned by this intelligence, Avhieli 
seemed at one blow to annihilate all his hopes and fortunes. He 
was a man, however, of px'ompt decision and intrepid spirit. The 
information received from Spain was private and informal ; no 
order had yet arrived from the king ; he was still master of his 
actions, and had control over the colony. One brilliant achieve- 
ment might atone for all the past, and fix him in the favor of the 
monarch. Such an achievement was within his reach — the dis- 
covery of the southern sea. It is true, a thousand soldiers had 
been required for the expedition, but were he to wait for their 
arrival from Spain, his day of grace would be past. It was a 
desperate thing to undertake the task with the handful of men at 
his command, but the circumstan(;es of the case were desperate. 



164 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



Fame, fortune, life itself, depended upon the successful and the 
prompt execution of the enterprise. To linger was to be lost. 

Vasco Nunez looked round upon the crew of daring and 
reckless adventurers that formed the colony, and chose one 
hundred and ninety of the most resolute, vigorous, and de- 
voted to his person. These he armed with swords, targets, cross- 
bows, and arquebuses. He did not conceal from them the 
danger of the enterprise into which he was about to lead them ; 
but the spirit of these Spanish adventurers was always roused by 
the idea of perilous and extravagant exploit. To aid his slender 
forces, he took with him a number of bloodhounds, which had 
been found to be terrific allies in Indian warfare. 

The Spanish writers make particular mention of one of those 
animals, named Leoncico, which was a constant companion, and 
as it were body-guai'd of Vasco Nuiiez, and describe him as 
minutely as they would a favorite warrior. He was of a middle 
size, but immensely strong : of a dull yellow or reddish color, with 
a black muzzle, and his body was scarred all over with wounds 
received in innumerable battles with the Indians. Vasco Nunez 
always took him on his expeditions, and sometimes lent him to 
others, receiving for his services the same share of booty allotted 
to an armed man. In this way he gained by him in the course 
of his campaigns upwards of a thousand crowns. The Indians, 
it is said, had conceived such terror of this animal, that the very 
sight of him was sufficient to put a host of them to flight.* 

In addition to these forces, Vasco Nuiiez took with him a num- 
ber of the Indians of Dari^n, whom he had won to him by kind- 
ness, and whose services were important, from their knowledge 
of the wilderness, and of the habits and resources of savage life. 

* Oviedo, Hist. Iiitl., p. 2, cap. 3, MS. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 165 



Such was the motley armament that set forth from the little 
colony of Darien, under the guidance of a daring, if not desperate 
commander, in quest of the great Pacific Ocean. 



CHAPTER VIII 

EXPEDITION IN QUEST OF THE SOUTHERN SEA. 

It was on the first of September that Vasco Nunez embarked 
with his folloAvers in a brigantine and nine large canoes or pi- 
rogues, followed by the cheers and good wishes of those who re- 
mained at the settlement. Standing to the northwestward, he 
arrived without accident at Coyba, the dominion of the cacique 
Careta, whose daughter he had received as a pledge of amity. 
That Indian beauty had acquired a great influence over Vasco 
Nuiiez, and appears to have cemented his friendship with her 
father and her people. He was received by the cacique with 
open arras, and furnished with guides and warriors to aid him in 
his enterprise. 

Vasco Nuiiez left about half of his men at Coyba to guard 
the brigantine and canoes, while he should penetrate the wilder- 
ness with the residue. The importance of his pi'esent expedition, 
not merely as affecting his own fortunes, but as it were unfolding 
a mighty secret of nature, seems to have impressed itself upon 
his spirit, and to have given correspondent solemnity to his con- 
duct. Before setting out upon his march, he caused mass to be 
performed, and offered up prayers to God for the success of his 
perilous undertaking. 

It was on the sixth of September, that he struck off for the 



166 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



mountains. The march was difficult and toilsome. The Span- 
iards, encumbered with the weight of their armor and weapons, 
and oppressed by the heat of a tropical climate, were obliged to 
climb rocky precipices, and to struggle through close and tangled 
forests. Their Indian allies aided them by carrying their ammu- 
nition and provisions, and by guiding them to the most practica- 
ble paths. 

On the eighth of September they arrived at the village of 
Ponca, the ancient enemy of Careta. The village was lifeless 
and abandoned ; the cacique and his people had fled to the fast- 
nesses of the mountains. The Spaniards remained here several 
days to recruit the health of some of their number who had fallen 
ill. It was necessary also to procure guides acquainted with the 
mountain wilderness they were approaching. The retreat of 
Ponca was at length discovered, and he was prevailed upon, 
though reluctantly, to come to Vasco Nunez. The latter had a 
peculiar facility in winning the confidence and friendship of the 
natives. The cacique was soon so captivated by his kindness that 
he revealed to him in secret all he knew of the natural riches of 
the country. He assured him of the truth of what had been told 
him about a great pechry or sea beyond the mountains, and gave 
him several ornaments ingeniously wrought of fine gold, which 
had been brought from the countries upon its borders. He told 
him, moreover, that when he had attained the summit of a lofty 
ridge,. to which he pointed, and which seemed to rise up to the 
skies, he would behold that sea spread out far below him. 

Animated by these accounts, Yasco Nuiiez procured fresh 
guides from the cacique, and prepared to ascend the mountains. 
Numbers of his men having fallen ill from fatigue and the heat 
of the climate, he ordered them to return slowly to Coyba, 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 167 



taking with him none bnt such as were in robust and vigorous 
health. 

On the 20th of September, he again set forward through a 
broken rocky country, covered with a matted forest, and inter- 
sected by deep and turbulent streams, many of which it was ne- 
cessary to cross upon rafts. 

So toilsome was the journey, that in four days they did not 
advance above ten leagues, and in the meantime they suffered 
excessively from hunger. At the end of this time they arrived 
at the province of a warlike cacique, named Quaraqua, who was 
at war with Ponca. 

Hearing that a band of strangers were entering his territo- 
ries, guided by the subjects of his inveterate foe, the cacique took 
the field with a large number of warriors, some armed with bows 
and arrows, others with long spears, or with double-handed maces 
of palm-wood, almost as heavy and hard as iron. Seeing the 
inconsiderable number of the Spaniards, they set upon them with 
furious yells, thinking to overcome them in an instant. The first 
discharge of firearms, however, struck them with dismay. They 
thought they were contending with demons who vomited forth 
thunder and lightning, especially v.daen they saw their companions 
fall bleeding and dead beside them, without receiving any appa- 
rent blow. They took to headlong flight, and were hotly pursued 
by the Spaniards and their bloodhounds. Some were transfixed 
with lances, others hewn down with swords, and many were torn 
to pieces by the dogs, so that Quaraqua and six hundred of his 
warriors were left dead upon the field. 

A brother of the cacique and several chiefs were taken pris- 
oners. They were clad in robes of white cotton. Either from 
their effeminate dress, or from the accusations of their enemies, 



168 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



the Spaniards were induced to consider them guiUy of unnatural 
crimes, and, in their abhorrence and disgust, gave them to be torn 
to pieces by the bloodhounds.* 

It is also affirmed, that among the prisoners were several ne- 
groes, who had been slaves to the cacique. The Spaniards, we 
are told, were informed by the othtr captives, that these black 
men came from a region at no great difctance, where there was a 
people of that color, with whom th»jy were frequently at war. 
" These," adds the Spanisn writer, " were the first negroes ever 
found in the New World, ;ind I believe no others have since been 
discovered."! 

After this sanguinary triumph, the Spaniards marched to the 
village of Quaraqua, where they found considerable booty in gold 
and jewels. Of (his Vasco Nunez reserved one fifth for the 
crown, and shared the rest liberally among his followers. The 
village was at the foot of the last mountain that remained for 
them to climb ; several of the Spaniard,-, however, were so disa- 
bled by wounds received in battle, or so exhausted by the fatigue 
and hunger they had endured, <hat they were unable \0 proceed. 
They were obliged therefore rductantly to remain in the village, 
within sight of the mountain-top that commanded the long-sought 

* Herrera, Hist Ind., decad. i. lib. x.. cap. 1 

t Peter Martyr, in his third Decade, make,; mr ntion of these negroes in the 
following words; — " About two days' journey dista it from Quaraqua. is a region 
inhabited only by black moors, ej ceeding fierce and cruel. It is supposed that 
in time past certain black moors sailed thither out of Ethiopia, to rob, and that 
by shipwreck, or some other chance, they were driven to these mountains." As 
Martyr lived and wrote at the time, he of course related the mere rumor of the 
day, which all subsequent accounts have disproved. The other historians who 
mentioned the circumstance, have probably repeated it from him. It must have 
fisen from some misrepresentation, and is not entitled lo credit. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 169 



prospect. Vasco Nunez selected fresh guides from among his 
prisoners, who were natives of the province, and sent back the 
subjects of Ponca. Of the band of Spaniards who had set out 
witli him in this enterprise, sixty-seven alone remained in suih- 
cient health and spirits for this last effort. These he ordered to 
retire early to repose, that they might be ready to set off at the 
cool and fresh hour of daybreak, so as to reach the summit of 
the mountain before the noontide heat. 



CHAPTER IX. 

DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

The day had scarce dawned, when Vasco Nuiiez and his follow- 
ers set forth from the Indian village and began to climb the 
height. It was a severe and rugged toil for men so wayworn ; 
but they were filled with new ardor at the idea of the triumphant 
scene that was so soon to repay them for all their hardships. 

About ten o'clock in the morning they emerged from the thick 
forests through which they had hitherto struggled, and arrived at 
a lofty and airy region of the mountain. The bald summit alone 
remained to be ascended ; and their guides pointed to a mod- 
erate eminence, from which they said the southern sea was 
visible. 

Upon this Vasco Nuiiez commanded his followers to halt, and 
that no man should stir from his place. Then, with a palpitating 
heart, he ascended alone the bare mountain-top. On reaching 
the summit the long-desired prospect burst upon his view. It 

VOL. III. 8 



170 VOYAGES AND DISGOVERIES OF 



was as if a new world were unfolded to him, separated from all 
hitherto known by this mighty barrier of mountains. Below him 
extended a vast chaos of rock and forest, and green savannas and 
wandering streams, while at a distance the waters of the promised 
ocean glittered in the morning sun. 

At this glorious prospect Vasco Nunez sank upon his knees, 
and poured out thanks to God for being the first European to 
whom it was given to make that great discovery. He then called 
his people to ascend : " Behold, my friends," said he, " that glo- 
rious sight which we have so much desired. Let us give thanks 
to God that he has gi-anted us this great honor and advantage. 
Let us pray to Him to guide and aid us to conquer the sea and 
land which we have discovered, and which Christian has never 
entered to preach the holy doctrine of the Evangelists. As to 
yourselves, be as you have hitherto been, faithful and true to me, 
and by the favor of Christ you will become the richest Spaniards 
that have ever come to the Indies ; you will render the greatest 
services to your king that ever vassal rendered to his lord ; and 
you will have the eternal glory and advantage of all that is here 
discovei'ed, conquered, and converted to our holy Catholic faith." 

The Spaniards answered this speech by embracing Vasco 
Nunez and promising to follow him to death. Among them was 
a. priest, named Andres de Vara, who lifted up his voice and 
chanted Te Deum laudamus — the usual anthem of Spanish dis- 
coverers. The rest, kneeling down, joined in the strain with 
pious enthusiasm and tears of joy ; and never did a more sincere 
oblation rise to the Deity from a sanctified altar, than from that 
mountain summit. It was indeed one of the most sublime disco- 
veries that had yet been made in the New World, and must have 
opened a boundless field of conjecture to the wondering Spaniards. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 17J 



The imagination delights to picture forth the splendid confusion 
of their thoughts. Was this the great Indian Ocean, studded 
with precious islands, abounding in gold, in gems, and spices, and 
bordered by the gorgeous cities and wealthy marts of the East ? 
or was it some lonely sea, locked up in the embraces of savage 
uncultivated continents, and never traversed by a bark, excepting 
the light pirogue of the savage ? The latter could hardly be the 
case, for the natives had told the Spaniards of golden realms, and 
populous and powerful and luxurious nations upon its shores. 
Perhaps it might be boi'dered by various people, civilized in fact, 
though differing from Europe in their civilization ; who might 
have peculiar laws and customs and arts and sciences ; who might 
form, as it were, a world of their own, intercommuning by this 
mighty sea, and carrying on commerce between their own islands 
and continents ; but who might exist in total ignorance and inde- 
pendence of the other hemisphere. 

Such may naturally have been the ideas suggested by the 
sight of this unknow^n ocean. It was the prevalent belief of the 
Spaniards, however, that they were the first Christians who had 
made the discovery. Vasco Nuiiez, therefore, called upon all 
present to witness that he took possession of that sea, its islands, 
and surrounding lands, in the name of the sovereigns of Castile, 
and the notary of the expedition made a testimonial of the same, 
to which all present, to the number of sixty-seven men, signed 
their names. He then caused a fair and tall tree to be cut down 
and wrought into a cross, w^hich was elevated on the spot whence 
he had first beheld the sea. A mound of stones was likewise 
piled up to serve as a monument, and the names of the Castilian 
sovereigns were carved on the neighboring trees. The Indians 
beheld all these ceremonials and rejoicings in silent wonder, and 



472 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



while they aided to erect the cross and pile up the mound of 
stones, marveled exceedingly at the meaning of these monu- 
ments, little thinking that they marked the subjugation of their 
land. 

The memorable event here recorded took place on the 26th 
of September, 1513 ; so that the Spaniards had spent twenty 
days in performing the journey from the province of Careta to 
the summit of the mountain, a distance which at present, it is 
said, does not require more than six days' travel. Indeed the 
isthmus in this neighborhood is not more than eighteen leagues in 
breadth in its widest part, and in some places merely seven ; but 
it consists of a ridge of extremely high and rugged mountains. 
When the discoverers traversed it, they had no route but the 
Indian paths, and often had to force their way amidst all kinds of 
obstacles, both from the savage country and its savage inhabitants. 
In fact, the details of this narrative sufficiently account for the 
slowness of their progress, and present an array of difficulties 
and perils, which, as has been well observed, none but those "men 
of iron " could have subdued and overcome.* 



CHAPTER X. 

VASCO NUNEZ MARCHES TO THE SHORES OF THE SOUTH SEA. 

[1513.] 

Having taken possession of the Pacific Ocean and all its realms 
from the summit of the mountain, Vasco Nuilez now descended 

* Vidas de Espanoles C^lebres, por Don Manuel Josef Quintana, torn. ii. 
p. 40, 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 173 



with his little band, to seek the regions of reputed wealth upon 
its shores. He had not proceeded far when he came to the 
province of a warlike cacique, named Cheapes, who, issuing forth 
at the head of his warriors, looked with scorn upon the scanty 
number of straggling Spaniards, and forbade them to set foot 
within his territories. Vasco Nunez depended for safety upon 
his power of striking terror into the ignorant savages. Ordering 
his arquebusiers to the front, he poured a volley into the enemy, 
and then let loose the bloodhounds. The flash and noise of the 
firearms, and the sulphurous smoke which was carried by the 
wind among the Indians, overwhelmed them with dismay. Some 
fell down in a panic as though they had been struck by thunder- 
bolts, the rest betook themselves to headlong flight. 

Vasco Nuiiez commanded his men to refrain from needless 
slaughter. He made many prisoners, and on arriving at the vil- 
lage, sent some of them in search of their cacique, accompanied 
by sevei'al of his Indian guides. The latter informed Cheapes 
of the supernatural power of the Spaniards, assuring him that 
they exterminated with thunder and lightning all who dared to 
oppose them, but loaded all such as submitted to them with bene- 
fits. They advised him, therefore, to throw himself upon their 
mercy and seek their friendship. 

The cacique listened to their advice, and came trembling to 
the Spaniards, bringing with him five hundi-ed pounds' weight of 
wrought gold as a peace offering, for he had already learnt the 
value they set upon that metal. Vasco Nuiiez received him with 
great kindness, and graciously accepted his gold, for which he 
gave him beads, hawks'-bells, and looking-glasses, making him in 
his own conceit the richest potentate on that side of the mountains. 

Friendship being thus established between them, Vasco Nuiiez 



174 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



remained at the village for a few days, sending back the guides 
who had accompanied him fi-om Quaraqua, and ordering his peo- 
ple whom he had left at that place to rejoin him. In the mean- 
time he sent out three scouting parties of twelve men each, under 
Francisco Pizarro, Juan de Escaray, and Alonzo Martin de Bon 
Benito, to explore the surrounding country and discover the best 
route to the sea. Alonzo Martin was the most successful. After 
two days' journey, he came to a beach, where he found two large 
canoes lying high and dry, without any water being in sight. 
While the Spaniards were regarding these canoes, and wondering 
why they should be so far on land, the tide, which rises to a great 
height on that coast, came rapidly in and set them afloat ; upon 
this, Alonzo Martin stepped into one of them, and called his com- 
panions to bear witness that he was the first European that em- 
barked upon that sea ; his example was followed by one Bias de 
Etienza, who called them likewise to testify that he was the 
second.* 

We mention minute particulars of the kind, as being charac- 
teristic of these extraordinary enterprises, and of the extraordi- 
nary people who undertook them. The humblest of these Span- 
ish adventurers seemed actuated by a swelling and ambitious 
spirit, which rose superior at times to mere sordid considerations, 
and aspired to share the glory of these great discoveries. The 
scouting party having thus explored a direct route to the sea- 
coast, returned to report their success to their commander. 

Vasco Nuiiez being rejoined by his men from Quarequa, now 
left the greater part of his followers to repose and recover from 
their sickness and fatigues in the village of Chiapes ; and, taking 
with him twenty-six Spaniards, well armed, he set out on the 

* Herrera, Hist. Iiid., decad. i. lib. x. cap. 2. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 175 



twenty -ninth of September, for the sea-coast, accompanied by the 
cacique and a number of his warriors. The thick forests, which 
covered the mountains, descended to the very margin of the sea, 
surrounding and overshadowing the wide and beautiful bays that 
penetrated far into the land. The whole coast, as far as the eye 
could reach, was perfectly wild, the sea without a sail, and botli 
seemed never to have been under the dominion of civilized man. 
Vasco Nuiiez arrived on the borders of one of those vast 
bays, to which he gave the name of Saint Michael, it being dis- 
covered on that saint's day. The tide was out, the water was 
above half a league distant, and the intervening beach was 
covered with mud ; he seated himself, therefore, under the shade 
of the forest trees until the tide should rise. After a while, the 
water came rushing in with great impetuosity, and soon reached 
nearly to the place where the Spaniards were reposing. Upon this 
Vasco Nuiiez rose and took a banner on which were painted the 
Virgin and child, and under them the arms of Castile and Leon ; 
then drawing his sword and throwing his buckler on his shoulder, 
he marched into the sea until the water reached above his knees, 
and waving his banner, exclaimed with a loud voice, " Long live 
the high and mighty monarchs Don Ferdinand and Donna Juana, 
sovereigns of Castile, of Leon, and of Arragon, in whose name, 
and for the royal crown of Castile, I take real, and corporal, and 
actual possession of these seas, and lands, and coasts, and ports, 
and islands of the south, and all thereunto annexed ; and of the 
kingdoms and provinces which do or may appertain to them, in 
whatever manner, or by whatever right or title, ancient or modern, 
in times past, present, or to come, without any contradiction ; and 
if other prince or captain. Christian or infidel, or of any law, 
sect or condition whatsoever, shall pretend any right to these 



176 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



lands and seas, I am ready and prepared to maintain and defend 
them in tlie name of the Castilian sovereigns, present and future, 
whose is the empire and dominion over these Indian islands, and 
Terra Firma, northern and southern, with all their seas, both at 
the arctic and antarctic poles, on either side of the equinoctial 
line, whether within or without the tropics of Cancer and Capri- 
corn, both now and in all times, as long as the world endures, and 
until the final day of judgment of all mankind." 

This swelling declaration and defiance being uttered with a 
loud voice, and no one appearing to dispute his pretensions, 
Vasco Nunez called upon his companions to bear witness of the 
fact of his having duly taken possession. They all declared 
themselves ready to defend his claim to the uttermost, as became, 
true and loyal vassals to the Castilian sovereigns ; and the notary 
having drawn up a document for the occasion, they subscribed it 
with their names. 

This done, they advanced to the margin of the sea, and stoop- 
ing down tasted its waters. When they found, that, though sev- 
ered by intervening mountains and continents, they were salt 
like the seas of the north, they felt assured that they had indeed 
discovered an ocean, and again returned thanks to God. 

Having concluded all these ceremonies, Vasco Nunez drew a 
dagger from his girdle and cut a cross on a tree which grew 
within the water, and made two other crosses on two adjacent 
trees, in honor of the Three Persons of the Trinity, and in token 
of possession. His followers likewise cut crosses on many of the 
trees of the adjacent forest, and lopped off branches with their 
swords to bear away as trophies.* 

* Many of the foregoing particulars are from the unpublished volume of 
Oviedo's Histoi'y of the Indies. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 177 



Such was the singular medley of chivalrous and religious cer- 
emonial, with which these Spanish adventurers took possession of 
the vast Pacific Ocean, and all its lands — a scene strongly char 
acteristic of the nation and the age. 



CHAPTER XI. 

ADVENTURES OF VASCO NUiVEZ ON THE BORDERS OF THE 
PACIFIC OCEAN. 

[1513.] 

"While he made the village of Chiapes his head-quarters, Vasco 
Nuiiez foraged the adjacent country, and obtained considerable 
quantities of gold from the natives. Encouraged by his success, 
he undertook to explore by sea the borders of a neighboring gulf 
of great extent, which penetrated far into the land. The cacique 
Chiapes warned him of the danger of venturing to sea in the 
stormy season, which comprises the months of October, Novem- 
ber, and December, assuring him that he had beheld many canoes 
swallowed up in the mighty waves and whirlpools, which at such 
time render the gulf almost unnavigable. 

These remonstrances were unavailing : Vasco Nunez ex- 
pressed a confident belief that God would protect him, seeing 
that his voyage was to redound to the propagation of the faith, 
and the augmentation of the power of the Castilian monarchs 
over the infidels ; and in truth this bigoted reliance on the im- 
mediate protection of Heaven seems to have been, in a great 
measure, the cause of the extravagant daring of the Spaniard? 

VOL. III. 8* 



178 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



in their expeditions in those dayp, whether against Moors or 
Indians. 

Finding liis representations of no effect, Chiapes volunteered 
to take part in this perilous cruise, lest he should appear wantinc 
in courage, or in good will to his guest. Accompanied by the 
cacique, therefore, Vasco Nuiiez embarked on the 17th of Octo- 
ber with sixty men in nine canoes, managed by Indians, leaving 
the residue of his followers to recruit their health and strength 
in the village of Chiapes. 

Scarcely however had they put forth on the broad bosom of 
the gulf, when the wisdom of the cacique's advice was made 
apparent. The wind began to blow freshly, raising a heavy and 
tumultuous sea, which broke in roaring and foaming surges on 
the rocks and reefs, and among the numerous islets with which 
the gulf was studded. The light canoes were deeply laden with 
men unskilled in their management. It was frightful to those in 
one canoe to behold their companions, one instant tossed high on 
the breaking crest of a wave, the next plunging out of sight, in 
a watery abyss. The Indians themselves, though almost amphi- 
bious in their habits, showed signs of consternation ; for amidst 
these rocks and breakers even the skill of the expert swimmer 
would be of little avail. At length the Indians succeeded in ty- 
ing the canoes in pairs, side by side, to prevent their being over- 
turned, and in this way they kept afloat, until towards evening 
they were enabled to reach a small island. Here they landed, 
and fastening the canoes to the rocks, or to small trees that grew 
upon the shore, they sought an elevated dry place, and stretched 
themselves to take repose. They had but escaped from one 
danger to encounter another. Having been for a long time ac- 
customed to the sea on the northern side of the isthmus, where 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 179 



there is little, if any, rise or tall of the tide, they had neglected to 
take any precaution against such an occurrence. In a little while 
they were awakened by the rapid rising of the water. They shifted 
their situation to a higher ground, but the waters continued to gain 
upon them, the breakers rushing and roaring and foaming upon 
the beach like so many monsters of the deep seeking for their prey. 
Nothing, it is said, can be more dismal and appalling than the 
sullen bellowing of the sea among the islands of that gulf at the 
rising and falling of the tide. By degrees, rock after rock, and 
one sand-bank after another disappeared, until the sea covered 
the whole island and rose almost to the girdles of the Spaniards. 
Their situation was now agonizing. A little more and the waters 
would overwhelm them : or, even as it was, the least surge might 
break over them and sweep them from their unsteady footing. 
Fortunately the wind had lulled, and the sea, having risen above 
the rocks which had fretted it, became calm. The tide had 
reached its height and began to subside, and after a time 
they heard the retiring waves beating against the rocks below 
them. 

When the day dawned they sought their canoes ; but here a 
sad spectacle met their eyes. Some were broken to pieces, others 
yawning open in many parts. The clothing and food left in 
them had been washed away, and replaced by sand and water. 
The Spaniards gazed on the scene in mute despair ; they were 
faint and weary, and needed food and repose, but famine and 
labor awaited them, even if they should escape with their lives. 
Vasco Nniiez, however, rallied their spirits, and set them an ex- 
ample by his own cheerful exertions. Obeying his directions, 
they set to work to repair, in the best manner they were able, the 
damages of the canoes. Such as were not too much shattered 



180 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



they bound and braced up with their girdles, with slips of the 
bark of trees, or with the tough long stalks of certain sea-weeds. 
They then peeled off the bark from the small sea-plants, pounded 
it between stones, and mixed it with grass, and with this endea- 
vored to calk the seams and stop the leaks. When re-embarked, 
their numbers weighed down the canoes almost to the water's 
edge, and as they rose and sank with the swelling waves there 
was danger of their being swallowed up. All day they labored 
with the sea, suffering excessively from hunger and thirst, and at 
nightfall they landed in a corner of the gulf, near the abode of a 
cacique named Tumaco. Leaving a part of his men to guard 
the canoes, Vasco Nunez set out with the residue for the Indian 
town. He arrived there about midnight, but the inhabitants were 
on the alert to defend their habitations. The firearms and dogs 
soon put them to flight, and the Spaniards pursuing them with 
their swords, drove them howling into the woods. In the village 
were found pi'ovisions in abundance, beside a considerable amount 
of gold and a great quantity of pearls, many of them of a large 
size. In the house of the cacique were several huge shells of 
mother of pearl, and four pearl oysters quite fresh, which showed 
that there was a pearl fishery in the neighborhood. Eager to 
learn the sources of this wealth, Vasco Nuiiez sent several of the 
Indians of Chiapes in search of the cacique, who traced him to 
a wild retreat among the rocks. By their persuasions Tumaco 
sent his son, a fine young savage, as a mediator. The latter re- 
turned to his father loaded with presents, and extolling the be- 
nignity of these superhuman beings, who had shown themselves 
so terrible in battle. By these means, and by a mutual exchange 
of presents, a friendly intercourse was soon established. Among 
other things the cacique gave Vasco Nunez jewels of gold weigh 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 181 



ing six hundred and fourteen crowns, and two hundred pearls of 
great size and beauty, excepting that they were somewhat dis- 
colored in consequence of the oysters having been opened by 
fire. 

The cacique seeing the value which the Spaniards set upon 
the pearls, sent a number of his men to fish for them at a place 
about ten miles distant. Certain of the Indians were trained 
from their youth to this purpose, so as to become expert divers, 
and to acquire the power of remaining a long time beneath the 
water. The largest pearls are generally found in the deepest 
water, sometimes in three and four fathoms, and are only sought 
in calm weather ; the smaller sort are found at the depth of two 
and three feet, and the oysters containing them are often driven 
in quantities on the beach dui'ing violent storms. 

The party of pearl-divers sent by the cacique consisted of 
thirty Indians, with whom Vasco Nuiiez sent six Spaniards as 
eye-witnesses. The sea, however, was so furious at that stormy 
season that the divers dared not venture into the deep water. 
Such a number of the shell-fish, however, had been driven on 
shore, that they collected enough to yield pearls to the value of 
twelve marks of gold. They were small, but exceedingly beauti- 
ful, being newly taken and uninjured by fire. A number of these 
shell-fish and their pearls were selected to be sent to Spain as 
specimens. 

In reply to the inquiries of Vasco Nuiie'?, the cacique informed 
him that the coast which he saw stretching to the west continued 
onwards without end, and that far to the south there was a coun- 
try abounding in gold, where the inhabitants made use of certain 
quadrupeds to carry burdens. He moulded a figure of clay to 
represent these animals, which some of the Spaniards supposed 



182 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



to be a deer, others a camel, others a tapu*; for as yet they knew 
nothing of the hima, the native beast of burden of South America. 
This was the second intimation received by Vasco Nunez of the 
great empire of Peru ; and, while it confirmed all that had been 
told him by the son of Comagre, it awakened glowing anticipa- 
tions of the glorious triumphs that awaited him. 



CHAPTER XII. 

FARTHER ADVENTURES AND EXPLOITS OF VASCO NUNEZ ON 
THE BORDERS OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

[1513] 

Lest any ceremonial should be wanting to secure this grand dis- 
covery to the crown of Spain, Vasco Nunez determined to sally 
from the gulf and take possession of the main-land beyond. The 
cacique Tumaco furnished him with a canoe of state, formed from 
the trunk of an enormous tree, and managed by a great number 
of Indians. The handles of the paddles were inlaid with small 
pearls, a circumstance which Vasco Nuiiez caused his companions 
to testify before the notary, that it might be reported to the 
sovereigns as a proof of the wealth of this newly discovered sea.* 
Departing in the canoe on the 29th of October, he was piloted 
cautiously by the Indians along the borders of the gulf, over 
drowned lands where the sea was fringed by inundated forests, 
and as still as a pool. Arrived at the point of the gulf, Vasco 
Nuiiez landed on a smooth sandy beach, laved by the waters of 

* Oviedo, Hist. Gen., p. 2, MS. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 183 



the broad ocean, and, with buckler on arm, sword in hand, and 
banner displayed, again marched into the sea and took possession 
of it, with like ceremonials to those observed in the Gulf of St. 
Michael's. 

The Indians now pointed to a line of land rising above the 
horizon about four or five leagues distant, which they described 
as being a great island, the principal one of an archipelago. The 
whole group abounded with pearls, but those taken on the coasts 
of this island were represented as being of immense size, many 
of them as large as a man's eye, and found in shell-fish as big as 
bucklers. This island and the surrounding cluster of small ones, 
they added, were under the dominion of a tyrannical and puissant 
cacique, who often, during the calm seasons, made descents upon 
the main-land with fleets of canoes, plundering and desolating the 
coasts, and carrying the people into captivity. 

Vasco Nunez gazed with an eager and wistful eye at this 
land of riches, and would have immediately undertaken an expe- 
dition to it, had not the Indians represented the danger of ven- 
turing on such a voyage in that tempestuous season, in their frail 
canoes. His own recent experience convinced him of the wisdom 
of their remonstrances. He postponed his visit, therefore, to a 
future occasion, when, he assured his allies, he would avenge 
them upon this tyrant invader, and deliver their coasts from his 
maraudings. In the meantime he gave to this island the name 
of Isla Rica, and the little archipelago surrounding it the general 
appellation of the Pearl Islands. 

On the 3d of November he departed from the province of 
Tumaco, to visit other parts of the coast. He embarked with his 
men in the canoes, accompanied by Chiapes and his Indians, and 
guided by the son of Tumaco, who had become strongly attached 



184 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



to the Spaniards. The young man piloted them along an arm of 
the sea, wide in some places, but in others obstructed by groves 
of mangrove trees, which grew within the water and interlaced 
their branches from shore to shore, so that at times the Spaniards 
were obliged to cut a passage with their swords. 

At length they entered a great and turbulent river, which 
they ascended with difficulty, and, early the next morning sur- 
prised a village on its banks, making the cacique Teaochan pris- 
oner ; who purchased their favor and kind treatment by a quantity 
of gold and pearls, and an abundant supply of provisions. As it 
was the intention of Vasco Nuiiez to abandon the shores of the 
Southern Ocean at this place, and to strike across the mountains 
for Darien, he took leave of Chiapes and of the youthful son of 
Tumaco, who were to return to their houses in the canoes. He 
sent at the same time, a message to his men, whom he had left 
in the village of Chiapes, appointing a place in the mountains 
where they were to rejoin him on his way back to Darien. 

The talent of Vasco Nunez for conciliating and winning the 
good will of the savages is often mentioned, and to such a degree 
had he exerted it in the pi'esent instance that the two chieftains 
shed tears at parting. Their conduct had a favorable effect upon 
the cacique Teaochan ; he entertained Vasco Nuiiez with the 
most devoted hospitality during three days that he remained in 
his village ; when about to depart he furnished him with a stock 
of provisions sufficient for several days, as his route would be 
over rocky and sterile mountains. He sent also a numerous band 
of his subjects to carry the burdens of the Spaniards. These he 
placed under the command of his son, whom he ordered never to 
separate from the strangers, nor to permit any of his men to 
return without the consent of Vasco Nunez. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 185 



CHAPTER XIII. 



VASCO NUNEZ SETS OUT ON HIS RETURN ACROSS THE MOUN 
TAINS. HIS CONTESTS WITH THE SAVAGES. 

Turning their backs upon the Southern Sea, the Spaniards now 
began painfully to clamber the rugged mountains on their return 
to Darien. 

In the early part of their route an unlooked-for suffering 
awaited them : there was neither brook nor fountain nor standing 
pool. The burning heat, which produced intolerable thirst, had 
dried up all the mountain torrents, and they were tantalized by 
the sight of naked and dusty channels where water had once 
flowed in abundance. Their sufferings at length increased to such 
a height that many threw themselves fevered and panting upon 
the earth, and were ready to give up the ghost. The Indians, 
however, encouraged them to proceed, by hopes of speedy relief, 
and after a while, turning aside from the direct course, led them 
into a deep and narrow glen, refreshed and cooled by a fountain 
which bubbled out of a cleft of the rocks. 

While refreshing themselves at the fountain, and reposing in 
the little valley, they learnt from their guides that they were in 
the territories of a powerful chief named Poncra, famous for his 
riches. The Spaniards had already heard of the golden stores 
of this CrcBSUs of the mountains, and being now refreshed and 
invigorated, pressed forward with eagerness for his village. The 
cacique and most of his people fled at their approach, but they 
found an earnest of his wealth in the deserted houses, amounting 
to the value of three thousand crowns in gold. Their avarice thus 



186 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



whetted, they dispatched Indians in search of Poncra, who found 
him trembling in his secret retreat, and partly by threats, partly 
by promises, prevailed upon liim and three of his principal sub- 
jects to come to Vasco Nunez. He was a savage, it is said, so 
hateful of aspect, so misshapen in body and deformed in all his 
members, that he was hideous to behold. The Spaniards en- 
deavored by gentle means to draw from him information of the 
places whence he procured his gold. He professed utter ignor- 
ance in the matter, declaring that the gold found in his village 
had been gathered by his predecessors in times long past, and that 
as he himself set no value on the metal, he had never troubled 
himself to seek it. The Spaniards resorted to menaces, and even, 
it is said, to tortures, to compel him to betray his reputed trea- 
sures, but with no better success. Disappointed in their expecta- 
tions, and enraged at his supposed obstinacy, they listened too 
readily to charges advanced against him by certain caciques of 
the neighborhood, who represented him as a monster of cruelty, 
and as guilty of crimes repugnant to nature ;* whereupon, in the 
heat of the moment, they gave him and his three companions, 
who w^ere said to be equally guilty, to be torn in pieces by the 
dogs. — A rash and cruel sentence, issued on the evidence of 
avowed enemies ; and which, however it may be palliated by the 
alleged horror and disgust of the Spaniards at the imputed crimes 
of the cacique, bears visibly the stamp of haste and passion, and 
remains accordingly a foul blot on the character of Vasco Nunez. 
The Spaniards staid for thirty days reposing in the village of 
the unfortunate Poncra, during which time they were rejoined by 
their companions, who had been left behind at the village of 
Chiapes. They were accompanied by a cacique of the moun- 

* Peter Martyr, decad. iii. cap. 2. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 187 



tains, who had lodged and fed them, and made them presents of 
the value of two thousand crowns in gold. This hospitable sav- 
age approached Vasco Nunez with a serene countenance, and 
taking him by the hand, " Behold," said he, " most valiant and 
powerful chief, I bring thee thy companions safe and well, as they 
entered under my roof. May he who made the thunder and 
lightning, and who gives us the fruits of the earth, preserve thee 
and thine in safety !" So saying, he raised his eyes to the sun, 
as if he worshiped that as his deity and the dispenser of all tem- 
poral blessings.* 

Departing from this village, and being still accompanied by 
the Indians of Teaochan, the Spaniards now bent their course 
along the banks of the river Comagre, which descends the north- 
ern side of the Isthmus, and flows through the territories of the 
cacique of the same name. This wild stream, which in the course 
of ages had worn a channel through the deep clefts and ravines 
of the mountains, was bordered by precipices, or ovei'hung by 
shagged forests ; they soon abandoned it, therefore, and wandered 
on without any path, but guided by the Indians. They had to 
climb terrible precipices, and to descend into deep valleys, dark- 
ened by thick forests and beset by treacherous morasses, where, 
but for their guides, they might have been smothered in the 
mire. 

In the course of this rugged journey they suffered excessively 
in consequence of their own avarice. They had been warned of 
the sterility of the country, and of the necessity of providing am- 
ply for the journey. When they came to lade the Indians, how- 
ever, who bore their burdens, their only thought was how to 
convey the most treasure ; and they grudged even a slender sup- 

* Herrera, decad. i. lib. x. cap. 4. 



188 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



ply of provisions, as taking up the place of an equal weight of 
gold. The consequences were soon felt. The Indians could 
carry but small burdens, and at the same time assisted to consume 
the scanty stock of food which formed part of their load. Scar- 
city and famine ensued, and relief was rarely to be procured, for 
the villages on this elevated part of the mountains Avere scattered 
and poor, and nearly destitute of provisions. They held no com- 
munication with each other ; each contenting itself with the scanty' 
produce of its own fields and forest. Some were entirely de- 
serted ; at other places, the inhabitants, forced from their reti-eats, 
imploi'ed pardon, and declared they had hidden themselves through 
shame, not having the means of properly entertaining such celes- 
tial visitors. They brought peace-offerings of gold, but no pro- 
visions. For once the Spaniards found that even their darling 
gold could fail to cheer their drooping spirits. Their sufferings 
from hunger became intense, and many of their Indian compan- 
ions sank down and perished by the way. At length they reached 
a village where they were enabled to obtain supplies, and where 
they remained thirty days, to recruit their wasted strength. 



CHAPTER XIV. 



ENTERPRISE AGAINST TUBANAMA, THE WARLIKE CACIQUE OF 
THE MOUNTAINS. RETURN TO DARIEN. 

The Spaniards had now to pass through the territories of Tuba- 
nama, the most potent and warlike cacique of the mountains. 
This was the same chieftain of whom a formidable character had 
been given by the young Indian prince, who fix'st informed Vascc 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 189 



Nunez of the southern sea. He had erroneously represented the 
dominions of Tubanaraa as lying beyond the mountains ; and, 
while he dwelt upon the quantities of gold to be found in them, 
liad magnified the dangers of any attempt to pass their borders. 
The name of this redoubtable cacique was in fact a terror through- 
out the country ; and when Vasco Nunez looked round upon his 
handful of pale and emaciated followers, he doubted whether 
even the superiority of their weapons, and their military skill, 
would enable them to cope with Tubanama and his armies in 
open contest. He resolved, therefore, upon a perilous stratagem. 
When he made it known to his men, every one pressed forward to 
engage in it. Choosing seventy of the most vigorous, he ordered 
the rest to maintain their post in the village. 

As soon as night had fallen he departed secretly with his 
chosen band, and made his way with such rapidity through the 
forests and defiles of the mountains, that he arrived in the neigh- 
borhood of the residence of Tubanama by the following evening, 
tlx)ugh at the distance of two regular days' journey. 

There waiting until midnight he assailed the village suddenly, 
and captured the cacique and his whole family, in which were 
eighty females. Tubanama lost all presence of mind, and wept 
bitterly. The Indian allies beholding their once dreaded enemy 
thus fallen and captive, urged that he should be put to death, ac- 
cusing him of various crimes and cruelties. Vasco Nuiiez pre- 
tended to listen to their prayers, and gave orders that his captive 
should be tied hand and foot, and given to the dogs. The 
cacique approached him trembling, and laid his hand upon the 
pommel of his sword. " Who can pretend," said he, " to strive 
with one who bears this weapon, which can cleave a man asunder 
with a blow? Ever since thy fame has reached among these 



190 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



mountains have I reverenced thy valor. Spare my life, and thou 
shalt have all the gold I can procure." 

' Vasco Nunez, wliose anger was assumed, was readily paci- 
fied. As soon as the day dawned, the cacique gave him armlets 
and other jewels of gold to the value of three thousand crowns, 
and sent messengers throughout his dominions ordering his sub- 
jects to aid in paying his ransom. The poor Indians, with their 
accustomed loyalt}^ hastened in crowds, bringing their golden 
ornaments, until in the course of three days they had produced an 
amount equal to six thousand crowns. This done, Vasco Nunez 
set the cacique at liberty, bestowing on him several European 
trinkets, with which he considered himself richer than he had 
been with all his gold. Nothing would draw from him, however, 
the disclosure of the mines whence this treasure was procured. 
He declared that it came from the territories of his neighbors, 
where gold and pearls were to be found in abundance ; but that 
his lands produced nothing of the kind. Vasco Nuriez doubted 
his sincerity, and secretly caused the brooks and rivers in his 
dominions to be searched, where gold was found in such quanti- 
ties, that he determined, at a future time, to found two settlements 
in the neighborhood. 

On parting with Tubanama, the cacique sent his son with the 
Spaniards to learn their language and religion. It is said, also, 
that the Spaniards carried oiF his eighty women ; but of this par- 
ticular fact Oviedo, who writes with the papers of Vasco Nuiiez 
before him, says nothing. He affirms, generally, however, that 
the Spaniards, throughout this expedition, were not scrupulous in 
their dealings with the wives and daughters of the Indians ; and 
adds, that in this their commander set them the example.* 

* Oviedo, Hist. Gen. Part. II. cap 4, MS. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 191 



Having returned to the village where he had left the greater 
part of his men, Yasco Nunez resumed his homeward march. 
His people were feeble and exhausted, and several of them sick ; 
so that some had to be carried and others led by the arms. He 
himself was part of the time afflicted by a fever, and had to be 
borne in a hammock on the shoulders of the Indians. 

Proceeding thus slowly and toilfully, they at length arrived 
on the northern sea-coast, at the territories of their ally, Comagre, 
The old cacique was dead, and had been succeeded by his son, the 
same intelligent youth who had first given information of the 
southern sea and the kingdom of Peru. The young chief, who 
had embraced Christianity, received them with great hospitality, 
making them presents of gold. Vasco Nuiiez gave him trinkets 
in return, and a shirt and a soldier's cloak ; with which, says 
Peter Martyr, he thought himself half a god among his naked 
countrymen. After having reposed for a few days, Vasco Nunez 
proceeded to Ponca, where he heard that a ship and caravel had 
arrived at Darien from Hispaniola, with reinforcements and sup- 
plies. Hastening, therefore, to Coyba, the territories of his ally, 
Careta, he embarked on the 18th of January, 1514, with twenty 
of his men, in the brigantine which he had left there, and arrived 
at Santa Maria de la Antigua, in the river of Darien, on the fol- 
lowing day. All the inhabitants came forth to receive him ; and 
when they heard the news of the great southern sea, and of his 
returning from its shores laden with pearls and gold, there were 
no bounds to their joy. He immediately dispatched the ship and 
caravel to Coyba for the companions left behind, who brought 
with them the remaining booty, consisting of gold and pearls, 
mantles, hammocks, and other articles of cotton, and a great num- 
ber of captives of both sexes. A fifth of the spoil was set apar< 



192 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



for the crown ; the rest was shared, in just proportions, among 
those who had been in the expedition, and those who had remained 
at Darien. All were contented with their allotment, and elated 
with the prospect of still greater gain from future enterprises. 

Thus ended one of the most remarkable expeditions of the 
early discoverers. The intrepidity of Vasco Nunez in penetrating, 
with a handful of men, far into the interior of a wild and moun- 
tainous country, peopled by warlike tribes ; his skill in managing 
his band of rough adventurers, stimulating their valor, enforcing 
their obedience, and attaching their affections, show him to have 
possessed great qualities as a general. We are told that he was 
always foremost in peril, and the last to quit the field. He shared 
the toils and dangers of the meanest of his followers, ti-eating 
them with frank affability ; watching, fighting, fasting, and labor- 
ing with them ; visiting and consoling such as were sick or infirm, 
and dividing all his gains with fairness and liberality. He was 
chargeable at times with acts of bloodshed and injustice, but it is 
pi'obable that these were often called for as measures of safety 
and precaution ; he certainly offended less against humanity than 
most of the early discoverers ; and the unbounded amity and 
confidence reposed in him by the natives, when they became inti- 
mately acquainted with his character, speak strongly in favor of 
his kind treatment of them. 

The character of Vasco Nuiiez had, in fact, risen with his 
circumstances, and now assumed a nobleness and grandeur from 
the discovery he had made, and the important charge it had 
devolved upon him. He no longer felt himself a mere soldier of 
fortune, at the head of a band of adventurers, but a great com- 
mander conducting an immortal enterprise. " Behold," says old 
Peter Martyr, " Vasco Nuiiez de Balboa, at once transformed 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 193 



from a rash royster to a politic and discreet captain :" and thus it 
is that men are often made by their fortunes ; that is to say, their 
latent qualities are brought out, and shaped and strengthened by 
events, and by the necessity of every exertion to cope Avith the 
greatness of their destiny. 



CHAPTER XV. 

TRANSACTIONS IN SPAIN. PEDRARIAS DAVILA APPOINTED TO 

THE COMMAND OF DARIEN. TIDINGS RECEIVED IN SPAIN 

OF THE DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

Vasco Nunez de Balboa now flattered himself that he had 
made a discovery calculated to silence all his enemies at court, and 
to elevate him to the highest favor with his sovereign. He wrote 
letters to the king, giving a detail of his expedition, and setting 
forth all that he had seen or heard of this Southern Sea, and of 
the rich countries upon its borders. Beside the royal fifths of 
the profits of the expedition, he prepared a present for the sove- 
reign, in the name of himself and his companions, consisting of 
the largest and most precious pearls they had collected. As a 
trusty and intelligent envoy to bear these tidings, he chose Pedro 
de Arbolancha, an old and tried friend, who had accompanied 
him in his toils and dangers, and was well acquainted with all his 
transactions. 

The fate of Vasco Nunez furnishes a striking instance how 
prosperity and adversity, how even life and death hang balanced 
upon a point of time, and are affected by the improvement or 

vol. III. 9 



194 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



neglect of" moments. Unfortunately tlie ship which was to con- 
vey the messenger to Spain lingered in port until the beginning 
of March ; a delay which had a fatal influence on the fortunes of 
Vasco Nunez. It is necessary here to cast an eye back upon the 
events which had taken place in Spain while he was employed in 
his conquests and discoveries. 

The Bachelor Enciso had ai'rived in Castile full of his wrongs 
and indignities. He had friends at court, who aided him in gain- 
ing a ready hearing, and he lost not a moment in availing himself 
of it. He declaimed eloquently upon the alleged usurpation of 
Vasco Nunez, and represented him as governing the colony by 
force and fraud. It was in vain that the alcalde Zamudio, the 
ancient colleague and the envoy of Vasco Nunez, attempted to 
speak in his defence ; he was unable to cope with the facts and 
arguments of the Bachelor, who was a pleader by profession, and 
now pleaded his own cause. The king determined to send a new 
governor to Darien, with power to inquire into and remedy all 
abuses. For this office he chose Don Pedro Arias Davila, com- 
monly called Pedrarias.* He was a native of Segovia, who had 
been brought up in the royal household, and had distinguished 
himself as a brave soldier, both in the war of Granada and at the 
taking of Oran and Bugia in Africa. He possessed those per- 
sonal accomplishments which captivate the soldiery, and was 
called el Galun, for his gallant array and courtly demeanor, and 
el Justador, or the Tilter, for his dexterity in jousts and tourna- 
ments. These, it must be admitted, were not the qualifications 
most adapted for the government of rude and factious colonies in 
a wilderness ; but he had an all-powerful friend in the Bishop 

* By the English historians he has generally been called Davila. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 195 



Fonseca. The bishop was as thorough-going in patronage as in 
persecution. He assured the king that Pedrarias had under- 
standing equal to his valor ; that he was as capable of managing 
the affairs of peace as of war, and that, having been brought up 
in the royal household, his loyalty might be implicitly relied on. 

Scarcely had Don Pedrarias been appointed, when Cayzedo 
and Colmenares arrived on their mission from Darien, to commu- 
nicate the intelligence received from the son of the cacique 
Comagre, of the Southern Sea beyond the mountains, and to ask 
one thousand men to enable Vasco Nunez to make the discovery. 

The avarice and ambition of Ferdinand were inflamed by 
the tidings. He rewarded the bearers of the intelligence, and, 
after consulting with Bishop Fonseca, resolved to dispatch imme- 
diately a powerful armada, with twelve hundred men, under the 
command of Pedrarias, to accomplish the enterprise. 

Just about this time the famous Gonsalvo Hernandez de Cor- 
dova, commonly called the Great Captain, was preparing to return 
to Naples, where the allies of Spain bad experienced a signal 
defeat, and had craved the assistance of this renowned general to 
retrieve their fortunes. The chivalry of Spain thronged to enlist 
under the banner of Gonsalvo. The Spanish nobles, with their 
accustomed prodigality, sold or mortgaged their estates to buy 
gorgeous armor, silks, brocades, and other articles of martial 
pomp and luxury, that they might figure, with becoming magnifi- 
cence, in the campaigns of Italy. The armament was on the 
point of sailing for Naples with this host of proud and gallant 
spirits, when the jealous mind of Ferdinand took offence at the 
enthusiasm thus shown towards his general, and he abruptly 
countermanded the expedition. The Spanish cavaliers were 
overwhelmed with disappointment at having their dreams of 



196 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



glory thus suddenly dispelled ; when, as if to console them, the 
enterprise of Pedrarias was set on foot, and opened a different 
career of adventure. The very idea of an unknown sea and 
splendid empire, where never European ship had sailed nor foot 
had trodden, broke upon the imagination with the vague wonders 
of an Arabian tale. Even the countries already known, in the 
vicinity of the settlement of Darien, were described in the usual 
terms of exaggeration. Gold was said to lie on the surface of 
the ground, or to be gathered with nets out of the brooks and 
rivers ; insomuch that the region hitherto called Terra Firma, 
now received the pompous and delusive appellation of Castilla 
del Oro, or Golden Castile. 

Excited by these reports, many of the youthful cavaliers, 
who had prepared for the Italian campaign, now offered them- 
selves as volunteers to Don Pedrarias. He accepted their servi- 
ces, and appointed Seville as the place of assemblage. The 
streets of that ancient city soon swarmed with young and noble 
cavaliers splendidly arrayed, full of spirits, and eager for the 
sailing of the Indian armada. Pedrarias, on his arrival at Seville, 
made a general review of his forces, and was embarrassed to 
find that the number amounted to three thousand. He had been 
limited in his first armament to twelve hundred ; on representing 
the nature of the case, however, the number was extended to 
fifteen hundred ; but through influence, entreaty, and stratagem, 
upwards of two thousand eventually embarked.* Happy did he 
think himself who could in any manner, and by any means, get 
admitted on board of the squadron. Nor was this eagerness for 
the enterprise confined merely to young and buoyant and ambi- 
tious adventurers ; we are told that there were many covetous 

* Oviedo, lib. ii. cap. 7, MS. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 197 



old men, who offered to go at their own expense, without seeking 
any pay from the king. Thus every eye was turned with desire 
to this squadron of modern argonauts, as it lay anchored on the 
bosom of the Guadalquiver. 

Tlie pay and appointments of Don Pedrarias Davila were on 
the most liberal scale, and no expense was spared in fitting out 
the armament : for the objects of the expedition were both coloni- 
zation and conquest. Artillery and powder were procured from 
Malaga. Beside the usual weapons, such as muskets, cross-bows, 
swords, pikes, lances, and Neapolitan targets, there was armor 
devised of quilted cotton, as being light and better adapted to the 
climate, and sufficiently proof against the weapons of the Indians ; 
and wooden bucklers from the Canary islands, to ward off the 
poisoned arrows of the Caribs. 

Santa Maria de la Antigua was, by royal ordinance, elevated 
into the metropolitan city of Golden Castile, and a Franciscan 
friar, named Juan de Quevedo, was appointed as bishop, with 
powers to decide in all cases of conscience. A number of friars 
were nominated to accompany him, and he was provided with 
the necessary furniture and vessels for a chapel. 

Among the various regulations made for the good of the in- 
fant colony, it was ordained that no lawyers should be admitted 
there, it having been found at Hispaniola and elsewhere, that they 
were detrimental to the welfare of the settlements, by fomenting 
disputes and litigations. The judicial affairs were to be entirely 
confided to the Licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa, who was to officiate 
as alcalde mayor or chief judge. 

Don Pedrarias had intended to leave his wife in Spain. Her 
name was Doiia Isabella de Bobadilla ; she was niece to the 
Marchioness de Moya, a great favorite of the late Queen Isabella.. 



198 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



who had been instrumental in persuading her royal mistress to 
patronize Columbus.* Her niece partook of her high and gen- 
erous nature. She refused to remain behind in selfish security, 
but declared that she would accompany her husband in every 
peril, whether by sea or land. This self-devotion is the more 
remarkable when it is considered that she was past the romantic 
period of youth ; and that she left behind her in Spain, a family 
of four sons and four daughters. 

Don Pedrarias was instructed to use great indulgence towards 
the people of Darien, who had been the followers of Nicuesa, 
and to remit the royal tithe of all the gold they might have 
collected previous to his arrival. Towards Vasco Nufiez de Bal- 
boa alone the royal countenance was stern and severe. Pedrarias 
was to depose him from his assumed authority, and to call him to 
strict account before the alcalde mayor, Gaspar de Espinosa, for 
his treatment of the Bachelor Enciso. 

The splendid fleet, consisting of fifteen sail, weighed anchor 
at St. Lucar on the 12th of Api-il, 1514, and swept proudly out 
of the Guadalquiver, thronged with the chivalrous adventurers 
for Golden Castile. But a short time had elapsed after its depar- 
ture, when Pedro Arbolancho arrived with the tardy missions of 
Vasco Nuiiez. Had he arrived a few days sooner how difi^erent 
might have been the fortune of his friend ! 

He was injmediately admitted to the royal presence, where he 
announced the adventurous and successful expedition of Vasco 
Nuiiez, and laid before the king the pearls and golden ornaments 

* This was the same Marchioness de Moya, who during the war of Gran- 
ada, while the court and royal army were encamped before Malaga, was mis- 
taken for the queen by a Moorish fanatic, and had nearly fallen beneath his 
dagger. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 199 



brought as the first fruits of the discovery. King Ferdinand 
listened with charmed attention to this tale of unknown seas and 
wealthy realms added to his empire. It filled, in fact, the imagi- 
nations of the most sage and learned with golden dreams, and 
anticipations of unbounded riches. Old Peter Martyr, who re- 
ceived letters from his friends in Darien, and communicated by 
word of mouth with those who came from thence, writes to Leo 
the Tenth in exulting terms of this event. " Spain," says he, 
" will hereafter be able to satisfy with pearls the greedy appetite 
of such as in wanton pleasures are like unto Cleopatra and JEso- 
pus ; so that henceforth we shall neither envy nor reverence the 
nice fruitfulness of Trapoban or the Red Sea. The Spaniards 
will not need hereafter to mine and dig far into the earth, nor to 
cut asunder mountains in quest of gold, but will find it plentifully, 
in a manner, on the upper crust of the earth, or in the sands of 
rivers dried up by the heats of summer. Certainly the reverend 
antiquity obtained not so great a benefit of nature, nor even 
aspired to the knowledge thereof, since never man before, from 
the known world, penetrated to these unknown regions."* 

The tidings of this discovery made all Spain resound with the 
praises of Vasco Nuiiez ; and, from being considered a lawless 
and desperate adventurer, he was lauded to the skies as a worthy 
successor to Columbus. The king repented of the harshness of 
his late measures towards him, and ordered the Bishop Fonseca 
to devise some mode of rewarding his transcendent services. 

* P. Martyr, decad. 3, chap. iii. Lok's translation. 



200 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



CHAPTER XVI. 



ARRIVAL AND GRAND ENTRY OF DON PEDRARIAS DAVILA 
INTO DARIEN. 

While honors and rewards were preparing in Europe for Vasco 
Nunez, that indefatigable commander, inspired by his fortunes 
with redoubled zeal and loftier ambition, was exercising the pa- 
ternal forethought and discretion of a patriotic governor over the 
country subjected to his rule. His most strenuous exertions were 
directed to bring the neighborhood of IJarien into such a state 
of cultivation as might render the settlement independent of 
Europe for supplies. The town was situated on the banks of a 
river, and contained upwards of two hundred houses and cabins. 
Its population amounted to five hundred and fifteen Europeans, 
all men, and fifteen hundred Indians, male and female. Orchards 
and gardens had been laid out, where European as well as native 
fruits and vegetables were cultivated, and already gave promise of 
future abundance. Vasco Nuiiez devised all kinds of means to 
keep up the spirits of his people. On holidays they had their 
favorite national sports and games, and particularly tilting 
matches, of which chivalrous amusement the Spaniards in those 
days were extravagantly fond. Sometimes he gratified their 
restless and roving habits by sending them in expeditions to 
various parts of the country, to acquire a knowledge of its re- 
sources, and to strengthen his sway over the natives. He was 
BO successful in securing the amity or exciting the awe of the 
Indian tribes, that a Spaniard might go singly about the land in 
perfect safety ; while his own followers were zealous in their de- 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 201 



votion to him, both from admiration of his past exploits and from 
hopes of soon being led by him to new discoveries and conquests. 
Peter Martyr, in his letter to Leo the Tenth, speaks in high 
terms of these " old soldiers of Darien," the remnants of those 
well-tried adventurers who had followed the fortunes of Ojeda, 
Nicuesa, and Vasco Nunez. " They were hardened," says he, 
" to abide all sorrows, and were exceedingly tolerant of labor, 
heat, hunger, and watching, insomuch that they merrily make 
their boast that they have observed a longer and sharper Lent 
than even your Holiness enjoined, since, for the space of four 
years, their food has been herbs and fruits, with now and then 
fish, and very seldom flesh."* 

Such were the hardy and well-seasoned veterans that were 
under the sway of Vasco Nuiiez ; and the colony gave signs of 
rising in prosperity under his active and fostering management, 
when, in the month of June, the fleet of Don Pedrarias Davila 
arrived in the Gulf of Uraba. 

The Spanish cavaliers who accompanied the new governor 
were eager to get on shore, and to behold the anticipated wonders 
of the land ; but Pedrarias, knowing the resolute character of 
Vasco Nuiiez, and the devotion of his followers, apprehended 
some difficulty in getting possession of the colony. Anchoring, 
therefore, about a league and a half from the settlement, he sent 
a messenger on shore to announce his arrival. The envoy, hav- 
ing heard so much in Spain of the prowess and exploits of Vasco 
Nunez and the riches of Golden Castile, expected, no doubt, to 
find a blustering warrior, maintaining barbaric state in the go- 
vernment which he had usurped. Great was his astonishment 

* P. Martyr, decad. 3, cap. iii. Lok's translation. 
VOL. III. 9* 



202 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



therefore to find this redoubtable hero a plain unassuming man, 
3lad in a cotton frock and drawers, and hempen sandals, directing 
and aiding the labor of several Indians who wei'e thatching a 
cottage in which he resided. 

The messenger approached him respectfully, and announced 
the arrival of Don Pedrarias Davila as governor of the country. 

Whatever Vasco Nuiiez may have felt at this intelligence, he 
suppressed his emotions, and answered the messenger with great 
discretion ; " Tell Don Pedrarias Davila," said he, " that he is 
welcome, and I congratulate him on his safe arrival, and am 
ready, with all who are here, to obey his orders." 

The little community of rough and daring adventurers was in 
an uproar when they found a new governor had arrived. Some 
of the most zealous adherents of Vasco Nuiiez were disposed to 
sally forth, sword in hand, and repel the intruder ; but they were 
restrained by their more considerate chieftain, who prepared to 
receive the new governor with all due submission. 

Pedrarias disembarked on the thirtieth of June, accompanied 
by his heroic wife, Doiia Isabella ; Avho, according to old Peter 
Martyr, had sustained the roarings and rages of the ocean with 
no less stout courage than either her husband or the mariners who 
had been brought up among the surges of the sea. 

Pedrarias set out for the embryo city at the head of two 
thousand men, all well armed. He led his wife by the hand, and 
on the other side of him was the bishop of Darien in his robes; 
while a brilliant train of youthful cavaliers, in glittering armor 
and brocade, formed a kind of body-guard. 

All this pomp and splendor formed a striking contrast with 
the humble state of Vasco Nuiiez, who came forth unarmed, in 
simple attire, accompanied by his counselors and a handful of the 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 203 



" old soldiers of Darien," scarred and battered, and grown half 
wild in Indian warfare, but without weapons, and in garments 
much the worse for wear. 

Vasco Nuiiez saluted Don Pedrarias Davila with profound 
reverence, and promised him implicit obedience, both in his own 
name and in the name of the community. Having entered the town 
he conducted his distinguished guests to his straw-thatched habi- 
tation, where he had caused a repast to be prepared of such cheer 
as his means afforded, consisting of roots and fruits, maize and 
cassava bread, with no other beverage than water from the river ; 
— a sorry palace and a meagre banquet in the eyes of the gay 
cavaliers, who had anticipated far other things fi'om the usurper 
of Grolden Castile. Vasco Nuiiez, however, acquitted himself in 
his humble wigwam with the courtesy and hospitality of a prince, 
and showed that the dignity of an entertainment depends more 
upon the giver than the feast. In the meantime a plentiful sup- 
ply of European provisions was landed from the fleet, and a tem- 
porary abundance was diffused through the colony. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

PERFIDIOUS CONDUCT OF DON PEDEARIAS TOWARDS VASCO 

NUNEZ. 

On the day after his entrance into Darien, Don Pedrarias held a 
private conference with Vasco Nufiez in presence of the historian 
Oviedo, who had come out from Spain as public notary of the 
colony. The governor commenced by assuring him that he wa? 



204 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



instructed by the king to treat him with great favor and distinc- 
tion, to consult liim about the affairs of the colony, and to apply 
to him for information relative to the surrounding country. At 
the same time he professed the most amicable feelings on his own 
part, and an intention to be guided by his counsels in all public 
measures. 

Vasco Nunez was of a frank confiding nature, and was so 
captivated by this unexpected courtesy and kindness, that he 
threw off all caution and reserve, and opened his whole soul to 
the politic courtier. Pedrarias availed himself of this communi- 
cative mood to draw from him a minute and able statement in 
writing, detailing the circumstances of the colony, and the infor- 
mation collected respecting various parts of the country ; the 
route by which he had traversed the mountains ; his discovery of 
the South Sea ; the situation and reputed wealth of the Pearl 
Islands ; the rivers and ravines most productive of gold ; together 
with the names and territories of the various caciques with whom 
he had made treaties. 

When Pedrarias had thus beguiled the unsuspecting soldier 
of all the information necessary for his purposes, he dropped the 
mask, and within a few days proclaimed a judicial scrutiny into 
the conduct of Vasco Nunez and his officers. It was to be con- 
ducted by the Licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa, who had come as 
alcalde mayor, or chief judge. The Licentiate was an inexpe- 
rienced lawyer, having but recently left the university of Sala- 
manca. He appears to have been somewhat flexible in his opin- 
ions, and prone to be guided or governed by others. At the out- 
eet of his career he was much under the influence of Quevedo, 
the bishop of Darien. Now, as Vasco Nuiiez knew the impor- 
tettice of this prelate in the colony, he had taken care to secure 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 205 



him to his interests by paying him the most profound deference 
and respect, and by giving him a share in his agricultural enter- 
prises and his schemes of traffic. In fact the good bishop looked 
upon him as one eminently calculated to promote his temporal 
prosperity, to which he was by no means insensible. Under the 
influence of the prelate, therefore, the alcalde commenced his 
investigation in the most favorable manner. He went largely 
into an examination of the discoveries of Vasco Nunez, and of 
the nature and extent of his various services. The governor was 
alarmed at the course which the inquiry was taking. If thus 
conducted, it would but serve to illustrate the merits and elevate 
the reputation of the man whom it was his interest and intent to 
ruin. To counteract it he immediately set on foot a secret and 
invidious course of interrogatories of the followers of Nicuesa and 
Ojeda, to draw from them testimony which might support the 
charge against Vasco Nuiiez of usurpation and tyrannical abuse 
of power. The bishop and the alcalde received information of 
the inquisition, carried on thus secretly, and without their sanction. 
They remonstrated warmly against it, as an infringement of their 
rights, being coadjutors in the government; and they spurned the 
testimony of the followers of Ojeda and Nicuesa, as dictated and 
discolored by ancient enmity. Vasco Nuiiez was therefore acquit- 
ted by them of the criminal charges made against him, though he 
remained involved in difficulties from the suits brought against him 
by individuals, for losses and damages occasioned by his measures. 
Predrarias was incensed at this acquittal, and insisted upon 
the guilt of Vasco Nunez, which he pretended to have established 
to his conviction by his secret investigations ; and he even deter- 
mined to send him in chains to Spain, to be tried for the death 
of Nicuesa, and for other imputed offences. 



206 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



It was not the inclination or the interest of the bishop that 
Vasco Nunez should leave the colony; he therefore managed to 
awaken the jealous apprehensions of the governor as to the efifect 
of his proposed measure. He intimated that the arrival of Vasco 
Nuiiez in Spain would be signalized by triumph rather than dis- 
grace. By that time his grand discoveries would be blazoned to 
the world, and would atone for all his faults. He would be re- 
ceived with enthusiasm by the nation, with favor by the king, and 
would probably be sent back to the colony clothed with new dig- 
nity and power. 

Pedrarias was placed in a perplexing dilemma by these sug- 
gestions ; his violent proceedings against Vasco Nunez were also 
in some measure restrained by the influence of his wife. Dona 
Isabel de Bobadilla, who felt a great respect and sympathy for 
the discoverer. In his perplexity, the wily governor adopted a 
middle course. He resolved to detain Vasco Nunez at Darien 
under a cloud of imputation, which would gradually impair his 
popularity ; while his patience and means would be silently con- 
sumed by proti-acted and expensive litigation. In the meantime, 
however, the property which had been sequestrated was restored to 
him. 

While Pedrarias treated Vasco Nunez with this severity, 
he failed not to avail himself of the plans of that able com- 
mander. The first of these was to establish a line of posts across 
the mountains between Darien and the South Sea. It was his 
eager desire to execute this before any order should arrive from 
the king in favor of his predecessor, in order that he might have 
the credit of having colonized the coast, and Vasco Nuiiez, merely 
that of having discovered and visited it.* Before he could com- 

* Oviedo, Hist. Ind., page 2, cap. 8. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 207 



plete these arrangements, however, unlooked-for calamities fell 
upon the settlement, that for a time interrupted every project, and 
made every one turn his thoughts merely to his own security. 



CHAPTER XVIIL 

CALAMITIES OF THE SPANISH CAVALIERS AT DARIEN. 

The town of Darien was situated in a deep valley surrounded by 
lofty hills, which, while they kept off the breezes so grateful in a 
sultry climate, reflected and concentrated the rays of the sun, in- 
somuch, that at noontide the heat was insupportable ; the river 
which passed it was shallow, with a muddy channel and bordered 
by marshes ; overhanging forests added to the general humidity, 
and the very soil on which the town was built was of such a 
nature, that on digging to the depth of a foot there would ooze 
forth brackish water.* 

It is not matter of surprise that a situation of this kind, in a 
tropical climate, should be fatal to the health of Europeans. 
Many who had recently arrived were swept off speedily ; Pedra- 
rias himself fell sick and was removed, with most of his people, 
to a healthier spot on the river Corobari ; the malady, however, 
continued to increase. The provisions brought out in the ships 
had been partly damaged by the sea, the residue grew scanty, and 
the people were put upon short allowance ; the debility thus pro- 
duced increased the ravages of disease ; at length the provisions 
were exhausted and the horrors of absolute famine ensued. 

* Peter Martyr, decad. iii. cap. 6. 



208 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



Every one was more or less affected by these calamities ; even 
the veterans of the colony quailed beneath them ; but to none 
were they more fatal than to the crowd of youthful cavaliers who 
had once glittered so gayly about the streets of Seville, and had 
come out to the New World elated with the most sanguine expec- 
tations. From the very moment of their landing they had been 
disheartened at the savage scenes around them, and disgusted with 
the squalid life they were doomed to lead. They shrunk with 
disdain from the labors with which alone wealth was to be pro- 
cured in this land of gold and pearls, and were impatient of the 
humble exertions necessary for the maintenance of existence. 
As the famine increased, their case became desperate ; for they 
were unable to help themselves, and their rank and dignity com- 
manded neither deference nor aid at a time when common misery 
made every one selfish. Many of them, who had mortgaged 
estates in Spain to fit themselves out sumptuously for their Italian 
campaign, now perished for lack of food. Some would be seen 
bartering a robe of crimson silk, or some garment of rich brocade, 
for a pound of Indian bread or European biscuit; others sought 
to satisfy the cravings of hunger with the herbs and roots of the 
field, and one of the principal cavaliei's absolutely expired of 
hunger in the public streets. 

In this wretched way, and in the short space of one month, 
perished seven hundred of the little army of youthful and buoy- 
ant spirits who had embarked with Pedrarias. The bodies of 
some remained for a day or two without sepulture, their friends 
not having sufficient strength to bury them. Unable to remedy 
the evil, Pedrarias gave permission for his men to flee from it. 
A ship-load of starving adventurers departed for Cuba, where 
gome of them joined the standard of Diego Velasquez, who was 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 309 



colonizing that island ; others made their way back to Spain, 
where they arrived broken in health, in spirits, and in fortune. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

FRUITLESS EXPEDITION OF PEDRARIAS. 

The departure of so many hungry mouths was some temporary 
relief to the colony ; and Pedrarias, having recovered from his 
malady, bestirred himself to send expeditions in various direc- 
tions for the purpose of foraging the country and collecting 
treasure. 

These expeditions, however, were intrusted to his own favor- 
ites and partisans ; while Vasco Nuiiez, the man most competent 
to carry them into effect, remained idle and neglected. A judi- 
cial inquiry, tardily carried on, overshadowed him, and though it 
substantiated nothing, served to embarrass his actions, to cool his 
friends, and to give him the air of a public delinquent. Indeed 
to the other evils of the colony was now added that of excessive 
Htigation, arising out of the disputes concerning the government 
of Vasco Nunez, and which increased to such a degree, that, ac- 
cording to the report of the alcalde Espinosa, if the lawsuits 
should be divided among the people, at least forty would fall to 
each man's share.* This too was in a colony into which tlie 
government had commanded that no lawyer should be admitted ! 
"Wearied and irritated by the check given to his favorite en- 
erprises, and confident of the ultimate approbation of the king, 

* Herrera, deca«l. ii. lib. i. cap. 1. 



210 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



Vasco Nunez determined to take his fortunes in his own hands, 
and to prosecute in secret his grand project of exploring the re- 
gions beyond the mountains. For this purpose, he privately dis- 
patched one Andres Garabito to Cuba to enlist men, and make 
provisions for an expedition across the isthmus, from Nombre de 
Dios, and for the founding a colony on the shores of the Southern 
Ocean ; whence he proposed to extend his discoveries by sea 
and land. 

While Vasco Nuiiez awaited the return of Garabito, he had 
the mortification of beholding various of his colonizing plans pur- 
sued and marred by Pedrarias. Among other enterprises the 
governor dispatched his lieutenant-general Juan de Ayora, at the 
head of four hundred men, to visit the provinces of those caciques 
with whom Vasco Nufiez had sojourned and made treaties on his 
expedition to the Southern Sea. Ayora partook of the rash and 
domineering spirit of Pedrarias, and harassed and devastated the 
countries which he pretended to explore. He was received with 
amity and confidence by various caciques who had formed treaties 
with Vasco Nunez ; but he repaid their hospitality with the 
basest ingratitude, seizing upon their propertj'', taking from them 
their wives and daughters, and often torturing them to make them 
reveal their hidden or supposed treasures. Among those treated 
with this perfidy, we grieve to enumerate the youthful cacique 
who first gave Vasco Nunez information of the sea beyond the 
mountains. 

The enormities of Ayora and of other captains of Pedrarias 
produced the usual effect ; the natives were roused to desperate 
resistance ; caciques, who had been faithful friends, were con- 
verted into furious enemies, and the expedition ended in disap- 
pointment and disaster. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 211 



The adherents of Vasco Nunez did not fail to contrast these 
disastrous enterprises with those which had been conducted with 
so much glory and advantage by their favorite commander ; and 
their sneers and reproaches had such an effect upon the jealous 
and irritable disposition of Pedrarias, that he determined to em- 
ploy their idol in a service likely to be attended with defeat and 
to impair his popularity. None seemed more fitting for the pur- 
pose than an expedition to Dobayba, where he had once already 
attempted in vain to penetrate, and where so many of his fol- 
lowers had fallen victims to the stratagems and assaults of the 
natives. 



CHAPTER XX. 

SECOND EXPEDITION OF VASCO NUNEZ IN QUEST OF THE 
GOLD TEMPLE OF DOBAYBxV, 

The rich mines of Dobayba, and the treasures of its golden tem- 
ple, had continued a favorite theme with the Spanish adventurers. 
It was ascertained that Vasco Nunez had stopped short of the 
wealthy region on his former expedition, and had mistaken a 
frontier village for the residence of the cacique. The enterprise 
of the temple was, therefore, still to be achieved ; and it was so- 
licited by several of the cavaliers in the train of Pedrarias, with 
all the chivalrous ardor of that romantic age. Indeed common 
report had invested the enterprise with difficulties and danger 
sufficient to stimulate the ambition of the keenest seeker of ad- 
venture. The savages who inhabited that part of the country 
were courageous and adroit. They fought by water as well as by 



S12 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



land, forming ambuscades with their canoes in the bays and 
rivers. The country was intersected by dreary fens and morasses, 
infested by all kinds of reptiles. Clouds of gnats and musqui- 
toes filled the air ; there were large bats also, supposed to have 
the baneful properties of the vampire ; alligators lurked in the 
waters, and the gloomy recesses of the fens were said to be the 
dens of dragons !* 

Beside these objects of terror, both true and fabulous, the 
old historian, Peter Martyr, makes mention of another monstrous 
animal, said to infest this golden region, and which deserves to be 
cited, as showing the imaginary dangers with which the active 
minds of the discoverers peopled the unexplored wilderness around 
them. 

According to the tales of the Indians, there had occurred, 
shortly before the arrival of the Spaniards, a violent tempest or 
rather hurricane in the neighborhood of Dobayba, which de- 
molished houses, tore up trees by the roots, and laid waste whole 
forests. When the tempest had subsided and the affrighted in- 
habitants ventured to look abroad, they found that two monstrous 
animals had been brought into the country by the hurricane. 
According to their accounts they were not unlike the ancient 
harpies, and one being smaller than the other was supposed to 
be its young. They had the faces of women, Avith the claws and 
wings of eagles, and wei*e of such prodigious size that the very 
boughs of the trees on which they alighted broke beneath them. 
They would swoop down and carry oif a man as a hawk would 
bear off a chicken, flying with him to the tops of the mountain?, 
where they would tear him in pieces and devour him. For some 
time they were the scourge and terror of the land, until the In- 

* P. Martyr. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 213 



dians succeeded in killing the old one by stratagem, and hanging 
her on their long spears, bore her through all the towns to assuage 
the alarm of the inhabitants. The younger hai'py, says the In- 
dian tradition, was never seen afterwards.* 

Such were some of the perils, true and fabulous, with which 
the land of Dobayba was said to abound ; and, in fact, the very 
Indians had such a dread of its dark and dismal morasses, that, 
in their journeyings they carefully avoided them, preferring the 
circuitous and rugged paths of the mountains. 

Several of the youthful cavaliers, as has been observed, were 
stimulated rather than deterred by these dangers, and contended 
for the honor of the expedition ; but Pedrarias selected his rival 
for the task, hoping, as has been hinted, that it would involve 
him in disgrace. Vasco Nuiiez promptly accepted the enterprise, 
for his pride was concerned in its success. Two hundred resolute 
men were given to him for the purpose ; but his satisfaction was 
diminished when he found that Luis Carillo, an officer of Pe- 
drarias, who had failed in a perilous enterprise, was associated 
with him in the command. 

Few particulars remain to us of the events of this affair. 
They embarked in a fleet of canoes, and, traversing the gulf, 
arrived at the river which flowed down from the region of Do- 
bayba. They were not destined, however, to achieve the enter- 
prise of the golden temple. As they were proceeding rather 
confidently and unguardedly up the river, they were surprised 
and surrounded by a swarm of canoes, filled with armed savages, 
which darted out from lurking places along the shores. Some of 
the Indians assailed them with lances, others with clouds of ar- 
rows, while some, plunging into the water, endeavored to overturn 

* P. Martyr, decad. vii. cap. 10. 



214 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



their canoes. In this way one-half of the Spaniards were killed 
or drowned. Among the number fell Luis Carillo, pierced through 
the breast by an Indian lance. Vasco Nunez himself was wound- 
ed, and had great difficulty in escaping to the shore with the res- 
idue of his forces. 

The Indians pursued him and kept up a skirmishing attack, 
but he beat them off until the night, when he silently aban- 
doned the shore of the river, and directed his retreat towards 
Darien. It is easier to imagine than to describe the toils and 
dangers and horrors which beset him and the remnant of his 
men as they traversed rugged mountains, or struggled through 
the fearful morasses of which they had heard such terrific tales. 
At length they succeeded in reaching the settlement of Darien. 

The partisans of Pedrarias exulted in seeing Vasco Nuiiez 
return thus foiled and wounded, and taunted his adherents with 
their previous boastings. The latter, however, laid all the blame 
upon the unfortunate Carillo. " Vasco Nunez," said they, " had 
always absolute command in his former enterprises, but in this 
he has been embarrassed by an associate. Had the expedition 
been confided to him alone, the event had been far different." 



CHAPTER XXL 



LETTERS FROM THE KING IN FATOR OF VASCO NUNEZ. — • 
ARRIVAL OP GARABITO. ARREST OF VASCO NUNEZ. 

[1515.] 

About this time dispatches arrived from Spain which promised 
to give a new turn to the fortunes of Vasco Nuiiez and to the 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 215 



general affairs of the colony. They were written after the tidings 
of the discovery of the South Sea, and the subjugation of so 
many important provinces of the Isthmus. In a letter addressed 
to Vasco Nunez, the king expressed his high sense of his merits 
and services, and constituted him Adelautado of the South Sea, 
and Governor of the provinces of Panama and Coyba, though 
subordinate to the general command of Pedrarias. A letter was 
likewise written by the king to Pedrarias, informing him of this 
appointment, and ordering liim to consult Vasco Nuiiez on all 
public affairs of importance. This was a humiliating blow to 
the pride and consequence of Pedrarias, but he hoped to parry it. 
In the meantime, as all letters from Spain were first delivered 
into his hands, he withheld that intended for Vasco Nuiiez, until 
he should determine what course of conduct to adopt. The latter, 
however, heard of the circumstance, as did his friend the Bishop 
of Darien. The prelate made loud complaints of this interrup- 
tion of the royal correspondence, which he denounced, even from 
the pulpit, as an outrage upon the rights of the subject, and an 
act of disobedience to the sovereign. 

Upon this the governor called a council of his public officers ; 
and, after imparting the contents of his letter, requested their 
opinion as to the propriety of investing Vasco Nuiiez with the 
dignities thus granted to him. The alcalde mayor, Espinosa, had 
left the party of the bishop, and was now devoted to the governor. 
He insisted, vehemently, that the offices ought in no wise to be 
given to Vasco Nufiez, until the king should be informed of the 
result of the inquest still going on against him. In this he was 
warmly supported by the treasurer and the accountant. The 
birfhop replied, indignantly, that it was presumptuous and disloyal 
in them to dispute the commands of the king, and to intei'fere 



216 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



with the rewards conscientiously given by him to a meritorious 
subject. In this way, he added, they were defeating, by their 
passions, the grateful intentions of their sovereign. The governor 
was overawed by the honest warmth of the bishop, and professed 
to accord with him in opinion. The council lasted until midnight; 
and it was finally agreed that the titles and dignities should be 
conferred on Vasco Nunez on the following day.* 

Pedrarias and his officers reflected, however, that if the juris- 
diction implied by these titles were absolutely vested in Vasco 
Nunez, the government of Darien and Castilla del Oro would 
virtually be reduced to a trifling matter; they resolved, therefore', 
to adopt a middle course ; to grant him the empty titles, but to 
make him give security not to enter upon the actual government 
of the territories in question, until Pedrarias should give him 
permission. The bishop and Vasco Nunez assented to this 
arrangement ; satisfied, for the present, with securing the titles, 
and trusting to the course of events to get dominion over the ter- 
ritories.f 

The new honors of Vasco Nuiiez were now promulgated to 
the world, and he was every where addressed by the title of Ade- 
lantado. His old friends lifted up their heads with exultation, 
and new adherents flocked to his standard. Parties began to 
form for him and for Pedrarias ; for it was deemed impossible 
they could continue long in harmony. 

The jealousy of the governor was excited by these circum- 
stances ; and he regarded the newly-created Adelantado as a 

* Oviedo, part ii. cap. 9, MS. Oviedo, the historian, was present at this 
consultation, and says that he wrote down the opinions given on the occasion, 
which the parties signed with their proper hands. 

t Idem. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 217 



dangerous rival and an insidious foe. Jast at this critical junc- 
ture, Andres Gai-abito, the agent of Vasco Nuiiez, arrived on the 
coast in a vessel which he had procured at Cuba, and freighted 
with arms and ammunition, and seventy resolute men, for the 
secret expedition to the shores of the Pacific Ocean. He 
anchored six leagues from the harbor, and sent word privately to 
Vasco Nunez of his arrival. 

Information was immediately carried to Pedrarias, that a 
mysterious vessel, full of armed men, was hovering on the coast, 
and holding secret communication with his rival. The suspicious 
temper of the governor immediately took the alarm. He fancied 
some treasonable plot against his authority ; his passions mingled 
with his fears ; and, in the first burst of his fury, he ordered that 
Vasco Nuiiez should be seized and confined in a wooden cage. 
The Bishop of Darien interposed in time to prevent an indignity 
which it might have been impossible to expiate. He prevailed 
upon the passionate governor, not merely to retract the order 
respecting the cage, but to examine the whole matter with cool- 
ness and deliberation. The result proved that his suspicions had 
been erroneous ; and that the armament had been set on foot 
without any treasonable intent. Vasco Nufiez was therefore set 
at liberty, after having agreed to certain precautionary conditions; 
but he remained cast down in spirit and impoverished in fortune, 
by the harassing measures of Pedrarias. 

VOL. III. 10 



218 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



CHAPTER XXII. 

EXPEDITION OF MORALES AND TIZARRO TO THE SHORES OF 

THE PACIFIC OCEAN. THEIR VISIT TO THE PEARL ISLANDS. 

THEIR DISASTROUS RETURN ACROSS THE MOUNTAINS. 

The Bishop of Darien, encouraged by the success of his inter- 
cession, endeavored to persuade the governor to permit the 
departure of Vasco Nunez on his expedition to the South Sea. 
The jealousy of Pedrarias, however, was too strong to allow him 
to listen to such counsel. He was aware of the importance of 
the expedition, and was anxious that the Pearl Islands should be 
explored, which promised such abundant treasures ; but he feared 
to increase the popularity of Vasco Nuiiez, by adding such an 
enterprise to the number of his achievements. Pedrarias, there- 
fore, set on foot an expedition, consisting of sixty men, but gave 
the command to one of his own rehitions, named Gaspar Morales. 
The latter was accompanied by Francisco Pizarro, who had 
already been to those parts in the train of Vasco Nuiiez, and who 
soon rose to importance in the present enterprise by his fierce 
courage and domineering genius. 

A brief notice of the principal incidents of this expedition is 
all that is necessary for the present narration. 

Morales and Pizarro traversed the mountains of the isthmus 
by a shoi'ter and more expeditious route than that which had 
been taken by Vasco Nunez, and arrived on the shores of the 
South Sea at the territories of a cacique named Tutibra, by 
whom they were amicably entertained. Their great object was 
to visit the Pearl Islands : the cacique, however, had but four 
canoes, which were insufficient to contain their whole party. One 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 219 



half of their number, therefore, remained at the village of Tuti- 
bra, under the command of a captain named Penalosa ; the resi- 
due embarked in the canoes with Morales and Pizarro. After a 
stormy and perilous voyage, they landed on one of the smaller 
islands, where they had some skirmishing with the natives, and 
thence made their way to the principal island of the archipelago, 
to which, from the report of its great pearl fishery, Vasco Nunez 
had given the name of Isla Rica. 

The cacique of this island had long been the terror of the 
neighboring coasts, invading the main-land with fleets of canoes, 
and carrying the inhabitants into captivity. His reception of the 
Spaniards was worthy of his fame. Four times did he sally forth 
to defend his territory, and as often was he repulsed with great 
slaughter. His warriors were overwhelmed with terror at the fire- 
arms of the Spaniards, and at their ferocious bloodhounds. Find- 
ing all resistance unavailing, the cacique was at length compelled 
to sue for peace. His prayers being gi-anted, he received the 
conquerors into his habitation, which Avas well built and of im- 
mense size. Here he brought them as a peace-offering a basket 
curiously wrought, and filled with pearls of great beauty. Among 
these were two of extraordinary size and value. One weighed 
twenty-five carats ; the other was of the size of a Muscadine 
pear, weighing upwards of three drachms, and of oriental color 
and lustre. The cacique considered himself more than repaid by 
a present of hatchets, beads, and hawks'-bells : and, on the Span- 
iards smiling at his joy, observed, " These things I can turn to 
useful purpose, but of what value are those pearls to me ?" 

Finding, however, that these baubles were precious in the 
eyes of the Spaniards, he took Moi-ales and Pizarro to the sum- 
mit of a wooden tower, commanding an unbounded prospect. 



220 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



" Behold before you," said he, " the infinite sea, which extends 
even beyond the sunbeams. As to these islands which lie to the 
right and left, they are all subject to my sway. They possess but 
little gold, but the deep places of the sea around them are full of 
pearls. Continue to be my friends, and you shall have as many 
as you desire ; for I value your friendship more than pearls, and, 
as far as in me lies, will never forfeit it." 

He then pointed to the main-land, where it stretched away 
towards the east, mountain beyond mountain, until the summit of 
the last faded in the distance, and was scarcely seen above the 
watery horizon. In that direction, he said, there lay a vast coun- 
try of inexhaustible riches, inhabited by a mighty nation. He 
went on to repeat the vague but wonderful rumors which the 
Spaniards had frequently heard about the great kingdom of Peru. 
Pizarro listened greedily to his words, and while his eye followed 
the finger of the cacique, as it ranged along the line of shadowy 
coast, his daring mind kindled with the thought of seeking this 
golden empire beyond the waters.* 

Before leaving the island, the two captains impressed the 
cacique with so great an idea of the power of the King of Cas- 
tile, that he agreed to become his vassal, and to render him an 
annual tribute of one hundred pounds' weight of pearls. 

The party having returned in safety to the main-land, though 
to a diflFerent place from that where they had embarked, Gaspar 
Morales sent his relation, Bernardo Morales, with ten men in 
quest of Peualosa and his companions, who had remained in the 
village of Tutibra. 

Unfortunately for the Spaniards, during the absence of the 

* Herrera, decad. ii. lib. i. cap. 4. Peter Martyr, decad. iii. cap. 10. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 321 



commanders, this Penalosa had so exasperated the natives by his 
misconduct, thftt a conspiracy had been formed by the caciques 
along the coast to massacre the whole of the strangers, when the 
party should return from the islands. 

Bernardo Morales and his companions, on their way in quest 
of Peiialosa, put up for the night in the village of a cacique 
named Chuchama, who was one of the conspirators. They were 
entertained with pretended hospitality. In the dead of the night, 
however, the house in which they were sleeping was wrapped in 
flames, and most of them were destroyed. Chuchama then pre- 
pared with his confederates to attack the main body of the Span- 
iards who remained with Morales and Pizarro. 

Foi'tunately for the latter, there was among the Indians who 
had accompanied them to the islands a cacique named Chiruca, 
who was in secret correspondence with the conspirators. Some 
circumstances in his conduct excited their suspicions ; they put him 
to the torture, and di*ew from him a relation of the massacre of 
their companions, and of the attack with which they were menaced. 

Morales and Pizarro were at first appalled by the overwhelm- 
ing danger which surrounded them. Concealing their agitation, 
however, they compelled Chiruca to send a message to each of 
the confederate caciques, inviting him to a secret conference, un- 
der pretence of giving him important information. The caciques 
came at the summons : they were thus taken one by one to the 
number of eighteen, and put in chains. Just at this juncture 
Penalosa arrived with the thirty men who had remained with him 
at Tutibra. Their arrival was hailed with joy by their comi-ades, 
who had given them up for lost. Encouraged by this unexpected 
reinforcement, the Spaniards now attacked by surprise the main 
body of confederate Indians, who, being ignorant of the discovery 



222 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



of their plot and capture of their caciques, were awaiting the 
return of the latter in a state of negligent security. 

Pixarro led the van, and set upon tlie enemy at daybreak 
with the old Spanish war-cry of Santiago ! It was a slaughter 
rather than a battle, for the Indians were unprepared for resist- 
ance. Before sunrise seven hundred lay dead upon the field. 
Returning from the massacre, the commanders doomed the caciques 
who were in chains to be torn in pieces by the bloodhounds ; nor 
was even Chiruca spared from this sanguinary sentence. Not- 
withstanding this bloody revenge, the vindictive spirit of the com- 
manders was still unappeased, and they set off to surprise the vil- 
lage of a cacique named Birij, who dwelt on the eastern side of 
the Gulf of St. Michael. He was famed for valor and for 
cruelty: his dwelling was surrounded by the weapons and other 
trophies of those whom he had vanquished ; and he was said 
never to give quarter. 

The Spaniards assailed his village before daybreak with fire 
and sword, and made dreadful havoc. Birii escaped from his 
burning habitation, rallied his people, kept up a galling fight 
throughout the greater part of that day, and handled the Span- 
iards so roughly, that, when he drew off at night, they did not 
venture to pursue him, but returned right gladly from his terri- 
tory. According to some of the Spanish writers, the kingdom of 
Peru derived its name from this warlike cacique, through a blun- 
der of the early discoverers ; the assertion, however, is believed 
to be erroneous. 

The Spaniards had pushed their bloody revenge to an ex- 
treme, and were now doomed to suffer from the recoil. In the 
fury of their passions, they had forgotten that they were but a 
handful of men surrounded by savage nations. Returning wearied 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 223 

and disheartened from the battle with Birii, they were waylaid 
and assaulted by a host of Indians led on by the son of Chirnc;i. 
A javelin from his hand pierced one of the Spaniards through 
the breast, and came out between the shoulders ; several others 
were wounded, and the remainder were harassed by a gallinc 
fire kept up from among rocks and bushes. 

Dismayed at the implacable vengeance they had aroused, the 
Spaniards hastened to abandon these hostile shores and make the 
best of their way back to Darien. The Indians, however, were 
not to be appeased by the mere departure of the intruders. They 
followed them perseveringly for seven days, hanging on their 
skirts, and harassing them by continual alarms. Morales and 
Pizarro, seeing the obstinacy of their pursuit, endeavored to gain 
a march upon them by stratagem. Making large fires as usual 
one night about the place of their encampment, they left them 
burning to deceive the enemy while they made a rapid retreat. 
Among their number was one poor fellow named Velasquez, who 
was so grievously wounded that he could not walk. Unable to 
accompany his countrymen in their flight, and dreading to fall 
into the merciless hands of the savages, he determined to hang 
himself, nor could the prayers and even tears of his comrades 
dissuade him from his purpose. 

The stratagem of the Spaniards, however, was unavailing. 
Their retreat was perceived, and at daybreak, to their dismay, 
they found themselves surrounded by three squadrons of savages. 
Unable, in their haggard state, to make head against so many 
foes, they remained drawn up all day on the defensive, some 
watching while others reposed. At night they lit their fires and 
again attempted to make a secret retreat. The Indians, however, 
were as usual on their traces, and wound'ed several with arrowa. 



224 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



Thus pressed and goaded, the Spaniards became desperate, and 
fought like madmen, rushing upon the very darts of the enemy. 

Morales now resorted to an inhuman and fruitless expedient 
to retard his pursuers. He caused several Indian prisoners to be 
slain, hoping that their friends would stop to lament over them ; 
but the sight of their mangled bodies only increased the fury of 
the savages and the obstinacy of their pursuit. 

For nine days were the Spaniards hunted in this manner 
about the woods and mountains, the swamps and fens, wandering 
they knew not whither, and returning upon their steps, until, to 
their dismay, they found themselves in the very place where, 
several days previously, they had been surrounded by the three 
squadrons. 

Many now despaired of ever escaping with life from this 
trackless wilderness, thus teeming with deadly foes. It was with 
difficulty their commanders could rally their spirits, and encourage 
them to persevere. Entering a thick forest, they were again 
assailed by a band of Indians, but despair and fury gave them 
strength : they fought like wild beasts rather than like men, and 
routed the foe with dreadful carnage. They had hoped to gain a 
breathing time by this victory, but a new distress attended them. 
They got entangled in one of those deep and dismal marshes 
which abound on those coasts, and in which the wanderer is often 
drowned or suffijcated. For a whole day they toiled through 
brake and bramble, and miry fen, with the water reaching to 
their girdles. At length they extricated themselves from the 
swamp, and arrived at the sea-shore. The tide was out, but was 
about to return, and on this coast it rises rapidly to a great height. 
Fearing to be overwhelmed by the rising surf, they hastened to 
climb a rock out of reach of the swelling waters. Here they 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 225 



threw themselves on the earth panting with fatigue and abandoned 
to despair. A savage wilderness, filled with still more savage 
foes, was on one side, on the other the roaring sea. How were 
they to extricate themselves from these surrounding perils ? 
While reflecting on their desperate situation, they heard the 
voices of Indians. On looking cautiously round, they beheld four 
canoes entering a neighboring creek. A party was immediately 
dispatched who came upon the savages by surprise, drove them 
into the woods, and seized upon the canoes. In these frail barks 
the Spaniards escaped from their perilous neighborhood, and, 
traversing the Gulf of St. Michael, landed in a less hostile part, 
whence they set out a second time across the mountains. 

It is needless to recount the other hardships they endured, 
and their further conflicts with the Indians ; suffice it to say, after 
a sei'ies of almost incredible sufferings and disasters, they at 
length arrived in a battei'ed and emaciated condition at Darien. 
Throughout all their toils and troubles, however, they had man- 
aged to preserve a part of the treasure gained in the islands ; 
especially the pearls given them by the cacique of Isla Rica. 
These were objects of universal admiration. One of them was 
put up at auction, and bought by Pedrai'ias, and was afterwards 
presented by his wife Doiia Isabella de Bobadilla to the empress, 
who, in return, gave her four thousand ducats.* 

Such was the cupidity of the colonists, that the sight of these 
pearls and the reputed wealth of the islands of the Southern Sea, 
and the kingdoms on its borders, made far greater impression on 
the public mind, than the tale told by the adventurers of the hor- 
rors they had past ; and every one was eager to seek these wealthy 
regions beyond the mountains. 

* Ilenein, llist. Ind., decad. ii. lib. i. cap. 4. 
VOL. III. 10* 



226 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

UNFORTUNATE ENTERPRISES OF THE OFFICERS OF PEDRARIAS. 

MATRIMONIAL COMPACT BETWEEN THE GOVERNOR AND 

VASCO NUNEZ. 

In narrating the preceding expedition of Morales and Pizarro, 
we have been tempted into what may almost be deemed an epi- 
sode, though it serves to place in a proper light the lurking diffi- 
culties and dangers which beset the expeditions of Vasco Nuiiez 
to the same regions, and his superior prudence and management 
in avoiding them. It is not the object of this narrative, however, 
to record tlie general events of the colony under the administra- 
tion of Don Pedrarias Davila. We refrain, therefore, from de- 
tailing various expeditions set on foot by him to explore and 
subjugate the surrounding country ; and which, being ignorantly 
or rashly conducted, too often ended in misfortune and disgrace. 
One of these was to the province of Zenu, where gold was sup- 
posed to be taken in the rivers in nets ; and where the Bachelor 
Enciso once undertook to invade the sepulchres. A captain, 
named Francisco Becerra, penetrated into this country at the 
head of one hundred and eighty men, well armed and equipped, 
and provided with three pieces of artillery ; but neither the 
commander nor any of his men returned. An Indian boy who 
accompanied them was the only one who escaped, and told the 
dismal tale of their having fallen victims to the assaults and strat- 
agems and poisoned arrows of the Indians. 

Another band was defeated by Tubanama, tlie ferocious ca- 
cique of the mountains, who bore as his banners the bloody 
shirts of Spaniards slain in former battles. In fine, the colony 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 22T 



became so weakened by these repeated losses, and the savages so 
emboldened by success, that the latter beleaguered it with their 
forces, harassed it by assaults and ambuscades, and reduced it to 
great extremity. Such was the alarm in Darien, says the Bishop 
Las Casas, that the people feared to be burnt in their houses. 
They kept a watcb/'ul eye upon the mountains, the plains, and 
the very brancJies of the trees. Their imaginations were in- 
fected by their fears. If they looked towards the land, the long 
waving grass of the Savannas appeared to them to be moving 
hosts of Indians. If they looked towards the sea, they fancied 
thej beheld fleets of canoes in the distance. Pedrarias endea- 
vored to prevent all rumors from abroad that might increase this 
fevered state of alarm ; at the same time he ordered the smelt- 
ing-house to be closed, which was never done but in time of war. 
This was done at the suggestion of the bishop, who caused 
prayers to be put up, and fasts proclaimed, to avert the impend- 
ing calamities. 

While Pedrarias was harassed and perplexed by these com- 
plicated evils, he Avas haunted by continual apprehensions of the 
ultimate ascendency of Vasco Nunez. He knew him to be be- 
loved by the people, and befriended by the bishop ; and he had 
received proofs that his services were highly appreciated by the 
king. He knew also that representations had been sent home by 
him and his partisans, of the evils and abuses of the colony under 
the present rule, and of the necessity of a more active and effi- 
cient governor. He dreaded lest these representations should 
ultimately succeed ; that he should be undermined in the royal 
favor, and Vasco Nufiez be elevated upon his ruins. 

The politic bishop perceived the uneasy state of the gover- 
nor's mind, and endeavored, by means of his apprehensions, to 



228 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



effect that reconciliation which he had souglit in vain to produce 
through more generous motives. He represented to him that his 
treatment of Vasco Nunez was odious in the eyes of the people, 
and must eventually draw on him thedispleasureof his sovereign. 
" But why persist," added he, " in driving a man to become your 
deadliest enemy, whom you may grapple to your side as your 
firmest friend ? You have several daughters — give him one in 
marriage ; you will then have for a son-in-law a man of merit 
and popularity, who is a hidalgo by birth, and a favorite of the 
king. You are advanced in life and infirm ; he is in the prime 
and vigor of his days, and possessed of great activity. You can 
make him your lieutenant; and while you repose from your toils, 
he can carry on the affairs of the colony with spirit and enter- 
prise ; and all his achievements will redound to the advancement 
of your family and the splendor of your administration." 

The governor and his lady were won by the eloquence of the 
bishop, and readily listened to his suggestion ; and Vasco Nunez 
was but too happy to effect a reconciliation on such flattering 
terms. Written articles were accordingly drawn up and ex- 
changed, contracting a marriage between him and the eldest 
daughter of Pedrarias. The young lady was then in Spain, but 
was to be sent for, and the nuptials were to be celebrated on her 
arrival at Darien. 

Having thus fulfilled his office of peace-maker, and settled, as 
he supposed, all feuds and jealousies on the sure and permanent 
foundation of family alliance, the worthy bishop departed shortly 
afterwards for Spain. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

VASCO NUXEZ TRANSPORTS SHIPS ACROSS THE MOUNTAINS TO 
THE PACIFIC OCEAN. 

[1516] 

Behold Vasco Nunez once more in the high career of prosper- 
ity ! His most implacable enemy had suddenly been converted 
into his dearest friend ; for the governor, now that he looked 
upon him as his son-in-law, loaded him with favors. Above all, 
he authorized him to build brigantines and make all the necessary 
preparations for his long desired expedition to explore the South- 
ern Ocean. The place appointed for these purposes was the port 
of Careta, situated to the west of Darien ; whence there was 
supposed to be the most convenient route across the mountains. 
A town called Ada had been founded at this port ; and the for- 
tress was already erected, of which Lope de Olano was alcalde ; 
Yasco Nunez was now empowered to continue the building of the 
town. Two hundred men were placed under his command, to 
aid him in carrying his plans into execution, and a sum of money 
was advanced to him out of the royal treasury. His supply of 
funds, however, was not sufficient ; but he received assistance 
from a private source. There was a notaiy at Darien, Hernando 
de Arguello, a man of some consequence in the community, and 
who had been one of the most furious opponents of the unfortu- 
nate Nicucsa. He had amassed considerable property, and now 
embarked a great part of it in the proposed enterprise, on condi- 
tion, no doubt, of sharing largely in its anticipated profits. 

On arriving at Ada, Vasco Nufiez set to work to prepare the 



230 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



materials of four brigantines to be launched into the South Sea. 
The timber was felled on the Atlantic seaboard ; and was then, 
with the anchors and rigging, transported across the lofty ridge 
of mountains to the opposite shores of the Isthmus. Several 
Spaniards, thirty Negroes, and a great number of Indians were 
employed for the purpose. They had no other roads but Indian 
paths, straggling through almost impervious forests, across tor- 
rents, and up rugged defiles, broken by rocks and precipices. In 
this way they toiled like ants up the mountains, with their pon- 
derous burthens, under the scorching rays of a tropical sun. 
Many of the poor Indians sank by the way and perished under 
this stupendous task. The Spaniards and Negroes, being of 
hardier constitutions, were better able to cope with the incredible 
hardships to which they were subjected. On the summit of the 
mountains a house had been provided for their temporary repose. 
After remaining here a little time to refresh themselves and gain 
new strength, they renewed their labors, descending the opposite 
side of the mountains until they reached the navigable part of a 
river, which they called the Balsas, and which flowed into the 
Pacific. 

Much time and trouble, and many lives were expended on 
this arduous undertaking, before they had transported to the river 
sufficient timber for two brigantines ; while the timber for the other 
two, and the rigging and munitions for the whole, yet remained to 
be brought. To add to their difficulties, they had scarcely begun 
to work upon the timber before they discovered that it Avas totally 
useless, being subject to the ravages of the worms from having 
been cut in the vicinity of salt water. They were obliged, there- 
fore, to begin anew, and fell trees on the border of the river. 

Vasco Nufiez maintained his patience and perseverance, and 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 231 



displayed admirable management under these delays and difficul- 
ties. Their supply of food being scanty, he divided his people, 
Spaniards, Negroes, and Indians, into three bands ; one was to 
cut and saw the wood, another to bring the rigging and iron-work 
from Ada, which was twenty-two leagues distant ; and the third 
to forage the neighboring country for provisions. 

Scarcely was the timber felled and shaped for use when the 
rains set in, and the river swelled and overflowed its banks so 
suddenly, that the workmen barely escaped with their lives, by 
clambering into trees ; while the wood on which they had been 
working was either buried in sand or slime, or swept away by the 
raging torrent. Famine was soon added to their other distresses. 
The foraging party did not return with food ; and the swelling of 
the river cut them off from that part of the country whence they 
obtained their supplies. They were reduced, therefore, to such 
scarcity, as to be fain to assuage their hunger with roots gathered 
in the forests. 

In this extremity the Indians bethought themselves of one of 
their rude and simple expedients. Plunging into the river they 
fastened a number of logs together with withes, and connected 
thera with the opposite bank, so as to make a floating bridge. On 
this a party of the Spaniards crossed with great difficulty and 
peril, from the violence of the current, and the flexibility of the 
bridge, which often sank beneath them until the water rose above 
their girdles. On being safely landed they foraged the neighbor- 
hood, and procured a supply of provisions sufficient for the present 
emergency. 

When the river subsided the workmen again resumed their 
labors ; a number of recruits arrived from Ada, bringing various 
supplies, and the business of the enterprise was pressed with re- 



232 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



doubled ardor, until, after a series of incredible toils and hard- 
ships, Vasco Nunez had the satisfaction to behold two of his 
brigantines floating on the river Balsas. As soon as they could 
be equipped for sea, he embarked in them with as many Span- 
iards as they could carry ; and, issuing from the river, launched 
triumphantly on the great ocean he had discovered. 

We can readily imagine the exultation of this intrepid adven- 
turer, and how amply he was repaid for all his sufferings, when 
he first spread a sail on that untraversed ocean, and felt that the 
range of an unknown world was open to him. 

There are points in the history of these Spanish discoveries 
of the western hemisphere, which make us pause with wonder 
and admiration at the daring spirit of the men who conducted 
them, and the appalling difficulties surmounted by their courage 
and perseverance. We know few instances, however, more 
striking than this piecemeal transportation, across the mountains 
of Darien, of the first European ships that ploughed the waves 
of the Pacific ; and we can readily excuse the boast of the old 
Castilian writers, when they exclaim, " that none but Spaniards 
could ever have conceived or persisted in such an undertaking ; 
and no commander in the New World but Vasco Nuiiez could 
have conducted it to a successful issue."* 

* Herrera, decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 11. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 233 



CHAPTER XXV. 



CRUISE OP VASCO NDXEZ IN THE SOUTHERN SEA. RUMORS 

FROM ACLA. 

The first cruise of Vasco Nuiiez was to the group of Pearl 
Islands, on the principal one of which he disembarked the greater 
part of his crews, and dispatched the brigan tines to the main-land 
to bring off the remainder. It was his intention to construct the 
other two vessels of his proposed squadron at this island. During 
the absence of the brigantines he ranged the island with his men, 
to collect provisions, and to establish a complete sway over the 
natives. On the return of his vessels, and while preparations 
were making for the building of the others, he embarked with a 
hundred men, and departed on a reconnoitering cruise to the east- 
ward, towards the region pointed out by the Indians as abounding 
in riches. 

Having passed about twenty leagues beyond the Gulf of San 
Miguel, the mariners were alarmed at beholding a great number 
of whales, which resembled a reef of rocks stretching far into 
the sea, and lashed by breakers. In an unknown ocean like this 
every unusual object is apt to inspire alarm. The seamen feared 
to approach these fancied dangers in the dark ; Vasco Nuiiez an- 
chored, therefore, for the night, under a point of land, intending 
to continue in the same direction on the following day. When 
the morning dawned, however, the wind had changed, and was 
contrary ; whereupon he altered his course, and thus abandoned 
a cruise, which, if persevered in, might have terminated in the 
discovery of Peru ! Steering for the main-land, he anchored on 
that part of the coast governed by the cacique Chuchama, who 



VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



had massacred Bernardo Morales and his companions, when 
reposing in his village. Here landing with his men, Vasco Nunez 
came suddenly upon the dwelling of (he cacique. The Indians 
sallied forth to defend their homes, but were routed with great 
loss ; and ample vengeance was taken upon them for their out- 
rage upon the laws of hospitality. Having thus avenged the 
death of his countrymen, Vasco Nuiiez re-embarked and returned 
to Isla Rica. 

He now applied himself diligently to complete the building 
of his brigantines, dispatching men to Ada to bring the necessary 
stores and rigging across the mountains. While thus occupied, a 
rumor reached him that a new governor named Lope de Sosa 
was coming out from Spain to supersede Pedrarias. Vasco 
Nuiiez was troubled at these tidings. A new governor would be 
likely to adopt new measures, or to have new favorites. He 
feared, therefore, that some order might come to suspend or em- 
barrass his expedition ; or that the command of it might be given 
to another. In this perplexity he held a consultation with several 
of his confidential officers. 

After some debate, it was agreed among them that a trusty 
and intelligent person should be sent as a scout to Ada, under 
pretence of procuring munitions for the ships. Should he find 
Pedrarias in quiet possession of the government, he was to ac- 
count to him for the delay of the expedition ; to request that the 
time allotted to it might be extended, and to request reinforce- 
ments and supplies. Should he find, however, a new governor 
actually ari'ived, he was to return immediately with the tidings. 
In such case it was resolved to put to sea before any contrary 
orders could arrive, trusting eventually to excuse themselves on 
Che plea of zeal and good intentions. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 235 



CHAPTER XXVI. 



RECONNOITERING EXPEDITION OP GARABITO. STRATAGEM OF 

PEDRARIAS TO ENTRAP VASCO NUNEZ, 

The person intrusted Avith the reconnoitering expedition to Ada 
was Andres Garabito, in whose fidelity and discretion Vasco 
Nuiiez had impHcit confidence. His confidence was destined to 
be fatally deceived. According to the assertions of contemporaries, 
this Garabito cherished a secret and vindictive enmity against his 
commander, ai'ising from a simple but a natural cause. Vasco 
Nunez had continued to have a fondness for the Indian damsel, 
daughter of the cacique Careta, whom he had received from her 
father as a pledge of amity. Some dispute arose concerning her 
on one occasion between him and Garabito, in the course of which 
he expressed himself in severe and galling language. Garabito 
was deeply mortified at some of his expressions, and, being of a 
malignant spirit, determined on a dastardly revenge. He wrote 
privately to Pedrarias, assuring him that Vasco Nuilez had no 
intention of solemnizing his marriage with his daughter, being 
completely under the influence of an Indian paramour ; that he 
made use of the friendship of Pedrarias merely to further his 
own selfish views, intending, as soon as his ships Avere ready, to 
throw off all allegiance, and put to sea as an independent com- 
mander. 

This mischievous letter Garabito had written immediately after 
the last departure of Vasco Nunez from Ada. Its effect upon 
the proud and jealous spirit of the governor may easily be con- 
ceived. All his former suspicions were immediately revived. 
They acquired strength during a long interval that elapsed v/ith 



VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



out tidings being received from the expedition. There Avere de- 
signing and prejudiced persons at hand, who perceived and 
quickened these jealous feelings of the governor. Among these 
was the Bachelor Corral, who cherished a deep grudge against 
Vasco Nufiez for having once thrown him into prison for his 
factious conduct ; and Alonzo de la Puente, the royal treasurer, 
whom Vasco Nunez had affronted by demanding the repayment 
of a loan. Such was the tempest gradually gathering in the 
factious little colony of Darien, 

The subsequent conduct of Garabito gives much confirmation 
to the charge of pei'fidy advanced against him. When he arrived 
at Acla he found that Pedrarias remained in possession of the 
government; for his intended successor had died in the very har- 
boi'. The conduct and conversation of Garabito was such as to 
arouse suspicions ; he was arrested, and his papers and letters 
were sent to Pedrarias. When examined, he readily suffered 
himself to be wrought upon by threats of punishment and 
promises of pardon, and revealed all that he knew, and de- 
clared still more that he suspected and surmised, of the plans 
and intentions of Vasco Nufiez. 

The arrest of Garabito, and the seizure of his letters, pro- 
duced a great agitation at Darien. It was considered a revival 
of the ancient animosity between the governor and Vasco Nuiiez, 
and the friends of the latter trembled for his safety. 

Hernando de Arguello, especially, was in great alarm. He 
had embarked the most of his fortune in the expedition, and the 
failure of it would be ruinous to him. He wrote to Vasco Nunez 
informing him of the critical posture of affairs, and urging him 
to put to sea without delay. He would be protected at all events, 
he said, by the Jeronimite Fathers at San Domingo, who were at 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 237 



that time all-powerful in the New World, and who regarded his 
expedition as calculated to promote the glory of God as well as 
the dominion of the king.* This letter fell into the hands of Pe- 
drarias, and convinced lura of the existence of a dangerous plot 
against his authority. He immediately ordered Arguello to be 
arrested ; and now devised means to get Vasco Nunez within his 
power. While the latter remained on the shores of the South Sea 
with his brigantines and his band of hearty and devoted followers, 
Pedrarias knew it would be vain to attempt to take him by force. 
Dissembling his suspicions and intentions, therefore, he wrote to 
him in amicable terms, requesting him to repair immediately to 
Ada, as he wished to confer with him about the impending expe- 
dition. Fearing, however, that Vasco Nuiiez might suspect his 
motives and refuse to comply, he at the same time ordered Fran- 
cisco Pizarro to muster all the armed force he could collect, and 
seek and arrest his late pati-on and commander wherever he 
might be found. 

So great was the terror inspired by the arrest of Arguello, 
and by the general violence of Pedrarias, that, though Vasco 
Nunez was a favorite with the great mass of the people, no one 
ventured to warn him of the danger that attended his return 
to Ada. 

* In consequence of the eloquent representations made to the Spanish go- 
vernment by the venerable Las Casas, of the cruel wrongs and oppressions 
practised upon the Indians in the colonies, the Cardinal Ximenes, in 1516, sent 
out three Jeronimite Friars, chosen for their zeal and abilities, clothed with full 
powers to inquire into and remedy all abuses, and to take all proper measures 
for the good government, religious instruction, and effectual protection of the 
natives. The exercise of their powers at San Domingo made a great sensa- 
tion in the New World, and, for a time, had a beneficial effect in checking the 
oppressive and licentious conduct of th-e colonists. 



238 VOVAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



CHAPTER XXVIL 

VASCO NUNKZ AND THE ASTROLOGER. HIS RETURN TO ACLA 

The old Spanish writers who have treated of the fortunes of 
Vasco Nunez, record an anecdote which is worthy of being cited, 
as characteristic of the people and the age. Among the motley 
crowd of adventurers lured across the ocean by the reputed wealth 
and wonders of the New World, was an Italian astrologer, a na- 
tive of Venice, named Micer Codro. At the time that Vasco 
Nunez held supreme sway at Darien, this reader of the stars had 
cast his horoscope, and pretended to foretell his destiny. Pointing 
one night to a certain star, he assured him that in the year in 
which he should behold that star in a part of the heavens which 
he designated, his life would be in imminent jeopardy ; but should 
he survive this year of peril, he would become the richest and 
most renowned captain throughout the Indies. 

Several years, it is added, had elapsed since this prediction 
Avas made ; yet, that it still dwelt in the mind of Vasco Nunez, 
was evident from the following circumstance. While waiting the 
return of his messenger, Garabito, he was on the shore of Isla 
Rica one sei-ene evening, in company with some of his officers, 
when, regarding the heavens, he beheld the fated star exactly in 
that part of the firmament which had been pointed out by the 
Italian astrologer. Turning to his companions, with a smile, 
"Behold," said he, "the wisdom of those who believe in sooth- 
sayers, and, above all, in such an astrologer as Micer Codro ! 
According to his prophecy, I should now be in imminent peril of 
my life ; yet, here I am, within reach of all my wishes ; sound in 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 239 

health, with four l)rigantines ami three hundred men at ray com- 
maud. and on the point of exploring this great southern ocean." 

At this fated junetui-e, say the chroniclers, arrived the hypo- 
critical letter of Pedrai-ias, inviting him to an interview at Ada! 
The discreet reader will decide for himself what credit to give to 
this anecdote, or rather, what allowance to make for the little 
traits of coincidence gratuitously added to the original fact by 
writers who delight in the marvelous. The tenor of this letter 
awakened no suspicion in the breast of Vasco Nuilez, who re- 
posed entire confidence in the amity of the governor as his 
intended father-in-law, and appears to have been unconscious of 
any thing in his own conduct that could warrant hostility. Leav- 
ing his ships in command of Francisco Companon, he departed 
immediately to meet the governor at Ada, unattended by any 
armed force. 

The messengers who had brought the letter maintained at first 
a cautious silence as to the events which had transpired at Darlen. 
They were gradually won, however, by the frank and genial 
manners of Vasco Nunez, and grieved to see so gallant a soldier 
hurrying into the snare. Having crossed the mountains, and 
drawn near to Ada, their kind feelings got the better of their 
caution, and they revealed the true nature of their errand, and 
the hostile intentions of Pedrarias. Vasco Nuiiez was struck 
with astonishment at the recital ; but, being unconscious, it is 
said, of any evil intention, he could scarcely credit this sudden 
hostility in a man who had but recently promised him his daugh- 
ter in maiTiage. He imagined the whole to be some groundless 
jealousy which his own appearance would dispel, and accordingly 
continued on his journey. He had not proceeded far, however, 
when he was iffet by a band of armed men, led by Francisco 



240 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



Pizarro. The latter stepped forward to arrest his ancient com 
mander. Vasco Nuiiez paused for a moment, and regarded him 
with a look of reproachful astonishment, " How is this, Fran- 
cisco ?" exclaimed he. " Is this the way you have been accus- 
tomed to receive me ?" Offering no further remonstrance, he 
suffered himself quietly to be taken prisoner by his former adhe- 
rent, and conducted in chains to Ada. Here he was thrown into 
prison, and Bartolome Hurtado, once his favorite officer, was sent 
to take command of his squadron. 



CHAPTER XXVin. 

TRIAL OF VASCO NUNEZ. 



Don Pedrarias concealed his exultation at the success of the 
stratagem by which he had ensnared his generous and confiding 
rival. He even visited him in prison, and pretended deep con- 
cern at being obliged to treat him Avith this temporary rigor, 
attributing it entirely to certain accusations lodged against hira 
by the Treasurer, Alonzo de la Puente, which his official situation 
compelled him to notice and investigate. 

" Be not afflicted, however, my son !" said the hypocrite, " an 
investigation will, doubtless, not merely establish your innocence, 
but serve to render your zeal and loyalty towards your sovereign 
still more conspicuous." 

While Pedrarias assumed this soothing tone towards his pris- 
oner, he urged the alcalde mayor, Espinosa, to proceed against 
hira with the utmost rigor of the law. 

The charge brought against hira of a treasfJnable conspiracy 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 241 



to cast off all allegiance to tlie crown, and to assume an indepen- 
dent sway on the borders of the Southern Sea, was principally 
supported by the confessions of Andres Garabito. The evidence 
is also cited of a soldier, who stood sentinel one night near the 
quarters of Vasco Nunez on Isla Rica, and who, being driven to 
take shelter from the rain under the eaves of his house, overheard 
a conversation between that commander and certain of his officers, 
wherein they agreed to put to sea with the squadron on their own 
account, and to set the governor at defiance. This testimony, 
according to Las Casas, arose from a misconstruction on the part 
of the sentinel, who only heard a portion of their conversation, 
relating to their intention of sailing without waiting for orders, in 
case a new governor should arrive to supersede Pedrarias. 

The governor in the meantime informed himself from day to 
(lay and hour to hour, of the progress of the trial, and, consider- 
ing the evidence sufficiently strong to warrant his personal hos- 
tility, he now paid another visit to his prisoner, and, throwing off 
all affectation of kindness, upbraided him in the most passionate 
manner. 

" Hitherto," said he, " I have treated you as a son, because I 
thought you loyal to your king, and to me as his representative ; 
but as I find you have meditated rebellion against the crown of 
Castile, I cast j'ou off from my affection, and shall henceforth 
treat you as an enemy." 

Vasco Nunez indignantly repelled the charge, and appealed 
to the confiding frankness of his conduct as a proof of his inno- 
cence. " Had I been conscious of my guilt," said he, " what 
could have induced me to come here and })iit myself into your 
hands ? Had I meditated rebellion, what prevented me from 
carrying it into effect ? I had four ships ready to weigh anchor, 

VOL. III. 11 



242 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



three hundred brave men at my command, and an open sea before 
me. What had I to do but to spread sail and press forward ? 
There was no doubt of finding a hind, whether ricli or poor, suf- 
ficient for me and mine, far beyond the reach of your controL In 
the innocence of my heart, however, I came here promptly, at 
your mere request, and my reward is slander, indignity, and 
chains !" 

The noble and ingenuous appeal of Vasco Nunez had no 
effect on the prejudiced feelings of the governor : on the contrary, 
he was but the more exasperated against his prisoner, and ordered 
that his irons should be doubled. 

The trial was now urged by him with increased eagerness. 
Lest the present accusation should not be sufficient to effect the 
ruin of his victim, the old inquest into his conduct as governor, 
which had remained suspended for many years, was revived, and 
he was charged anew with the wrongs inflicted on the Bachelor 
Enciso, and with the death of the unfortunate Nicuesa. 

Notwithstanding all these charges, the trial went on slowly, 
with frequent delays, for the alcalde mayor, Gaspar de Espinosa, 
seems to have had but little relish for the task assigned him, and 
to have needed frequent spurring from the eager and passionate 
governor. He probably considered the accused as technically 
guilty, though innocent of all intentional rebellion, but was 
ordered to decide according to the strict letter of the law. He 
therefore, at length, gave a reluctant verdict against Vasco Nufiez, 
but recommended him to mercy, on account of his great services, 
or entreated that, at least he might be permitted to appeal. " No," 
said the unrelenting Pedrarias ; " if he has merited death, let him 
suffer death !" He accordingly condemned him to be beheaded. 
The same sentence was passed upon several of his officers, who 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 243 



were implicated in his alleged conspiracy ; among these was Her- 
nando de Arguello, who had written the letter to Vasco Nunez, 
informing him of the arrest of his messenger, and advising him 
to put to sea, without heeding the hostility of Pedrarias. As to 
the perfidious informer Garabito, he was pardoned and set at 
liberty. 

In considering this case as far as we are enabled, from the 
imperfect testimony on record, we are inclined to think it one 
where passion and self-interest interfered with the pure adminis- 
tration of justice. Pedrarias had always considered Vasco Nuiiez 
as a dangerous rival, and, though his jealousy had been for some 
time lulled by looking on him as an intended son-in-law, it was 
revived by the suggestion that he intended to evade his alliance 
and dispute his authority. His exasperated feelings hurried him 
too far to retreat, and, having loaded his prisoner with chains 
and indignities, his death became indispensable to his own secu- 
rity. 

For our own part, we have little doubt that it was the fixed 
intention of Vasco Nunez, after he had once succeeded in the 
arduous undertaking of transporting his ships across the moun- 
tains, to suffer no capricious order from Pedrarias, nor any other 
governor, to defeat the enterprise which he had so long meditated 
and for which he had so laboriously prepared. It is probable he 
may have expressed such general determination in the hearing 
of Garabito and of others of his companions. We can find ample 
excuse for such a resolution in his consciousness of his own de- 
serts ; his experience of past hinderances to his expedition, arising 
from the jealousy of others ; his feeling of some degree of autho- 
rity, from his office of Adelantado ; and his knowledge of the 
favorable disposition and kind intentions of his sovereign towards 



244 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



him. We acquit liim entirely of tlie senseless idea of rebelling 
against the crown ; and suggest these considerations in palliation 
of any meditated disobedience of Pedrarias, should such a charge 
be supposed to have been substantiated. 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

EXECUTION OF VASCO NUNEZ. 

[1517.] 



It was a day of gloom and horror at Ada, when Vasco Nunez 
and his companions were led forth to execution. The populace 
were moved to tears at the unhappy fate of a man, whose gallant 
deeds had excited their admiration, and whose generous qualities 
had won their hearts. Most of them regarded him as the victim 
of a jealous tyrant ; and even those who thought him guilty saw 
something brave and brilliant in the very crime imputed to him. 
Such, however, was the general dread inspired by the severe 
measures of Pedrarias, that no one dared lift up his voice, either 
in murmur or remonstrance. 

Tlie public crier walked before Vasco Nunez, proclaiming: 
" This is the punishment inflicted by command of the king and 
liis lieutenant, Don Pedrarias Davila, on this man, as a traitor 
and an usurper of the territories of the crown." 

When Vasco Nuiiez heard these words, he exclaimed, indig- 
nantly, " It is false ! never did such a crime enter my mind. I 
have ever served my king with truth and loyalty, and sought to 
aus;ment his dominions." 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 245 



These words were of no avail in his extremity, but they were 
fully believed by the populace. 

The execution took place in the public square of Ada ; and 
we are assured by the historian Oviedo, who was in the colony at 
the time, that the cruel Pedrarias was a secret witness of the 
bloody spectacle ; which he contemplated from between the 
reeds of the wall of a house, about twelve paces from the scaf- 
fold!* 

Vasco Nuiiez was the first to suffer death. Having confessed 
himself and partaken of the sacrament, he ascended the scaffold 
with a firm step and a calm and manly demeanor ; and, laying 
his head upon the block, it was severed in an instant from his 
body. Three of his officers, Valderrabano, Botello, and Hernan 
Munos, were in like manner brought one by one to the block, 
and the day had nearly expired before the last of them was exe- 
cuted. 

One victim still remained. It was Hernando de Arguello, 
who had been condemned as an accomplice, for having written 
the intercepted letter. 

The populace could no longer restrain their feelings. They 
had not dared to intercede for Vasco Nunez, knowing the impla- 
cable enmity of Pedrarias ; but they now sought the govei'nor, 
and, throwing themselves at his feet, entreated that this man 
might be spared, as he had taken no active part in the alleged 
treason. The daylight, they said, was at an end, and it seemed 
as if God had hastened the night to prevent the execution. 

The stern heart of Pedrarias was not to be touched. " No," 
said he, " I would sooner die myself than spare one of them." 
The unfortunate Arguello was led to the block. The brief tro- 

« Oviedo, Hist. Ind., p. 2, cap. 9, MS. 



24G VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



pical twilight was past, and in the gathering gloom of the night 
the operations on the scaffold could not be distinguished. The 
multitude stood listening in breathless silence, until the stroke of 
the executioner told that all was accomplished. They then dis- 
persed to their homes with hearts filled with grief and bitterness, 
and a night of lamentation succeeded to this day of horrors. 

The vengeance of Pedrarias was not satisfied with the death 
of his victim ; he confiscated his property and dishonored his 
remains, causing his head to be placed upon a pole and exposed 
for several days in the public square.* 

Thus perished, in his forty-second year, in the prime and 
vigor of his days and the full career of his glory, one of the most 
illustrious and deserving of Spanish discoverers ; a victim to the 
basest and most perfidious envy. 

How vain are our most confident hopes, our brightest tri- 
umphs ! When Vasco Nunez from the mountains of Darien 
beheld the Southern Ocean revealed to his gaze, he considered 
its unknown realms at his disposal. When he had launched his 
ships upon its waters, and his sails were in a manner flapping in 
the wind, to bear him in quest of the wealthy empire of Peru, 
he scoffed at the prediction of the astrologer, and defied the in- 
fluence of the stars. Behold him interrupted at the very moment 
of his departure, betrayed into the hands of his most invidious 
foe, the very enterprise that was to have crowned him with glory 
wrested into a crime, and himself hurried to a bloody and igno- 
minious grave at the foot, as it were, of the mountain whence he 
had made his discovery ! His fate, like that of his renowned 
predecessor, Columbus, proves that it is sometimes dangerous even 
to deserve too greatly. 

* Oviedo, ubi sup. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 247 



FORTUNES OF VALDIVIA AND HIS COMPANIONS. 

It was in the year 1512 that Valdivia, the regldor of Darien, 
was sent to Hispaniola by Vasco Nunez de Balboa for reinforce- 
ments and supplies for the colony. He set sail in a caravel, and 
pursued his voyage prosperously until he arrived in sight of the 
island of Jamaica. Here he was encountered by one of the 
violent hurricanes which sweep those latitudes, and driven on the 
shoals and sunken rocks called the Vipers, since infamous for 
many a shipwreck. His vessel soon went to pieces, and Valdivia 
and his crew, consisting of twenty men, escaped with difficulty in 
the boat, without having time to secure a supply either of water 
or provisions. Having no sails, and their oars being scarcely fit 
for use, they were driven about for thirteen days, at the mercy 
of the currents of those unknown seas. During this time their 
sufferings from hunger and thirst were indescribable. Seven of 
their number perished, and the rest were nearly famished when 
they were stranded on the eastern coast of Yucatan, in a province 
called Maya. Here they were set upon by the natives, who 
broke their boat in pieces, and carried them off captive to the 
cacique of the province, by whose orders they were mewed up in 
a kind of pen. 

At first their situation appeared tolerable enough, considering 
the horrors from which they had escaped. They were closely 



248 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



confined, it is true, but they had plenty to eat and drink, and 
soon began to recover flesh and vigor. In a little while, however^ 
their enjoyment of this good cheer met with a sudden check, for 
the unlortunate Valdivia, and four of his companions, were singled 
out by the cacique, on account of their improved condition, to be 
offered up to his idols. The natives of this coast, in fact, were 
cannibals, devouring the flesh of their enemies and of such stran- 
gers as fell into their hands. Tlie wretched Valdivia and his 
fellow victims, therefore, were sacrificed in the bloody temple 
of the idol, and their limbs were afterwards served up at a grand 
feast held by the cacique and his subjects. 

The horror of the survivors may be more readily imagined 
than described. Their hearts died within them when they heard 
the yells and bowlings of the savages over their victims, and the 
still more horrible revelry of their cannibal orgies. They turned 
with loathing from the food set so abundantly before them, at 
the idea that it was but intended to fatten them for a future 
banquet. 

Recovering from the first stupor of alarm, their despair lent 
them additional force. They succeeded in breaking in the night 
from the kind of cage in which they were confined, and fled to 
the depths of the forest. Here they wandered about forlorn, 
exposed to all the dangers and miseries of the wilderness ; famish- 
ing with hunger, yet dreading to approach the haunts of men. 
At length their suifeiings drove them forth from the woods into 
another part of the country, where they were again taken cap- 
tive. The cacique of this province, however, was an enemy to 
the one from whom they had escaped, and of less cruel propensi- 
ties. He spared their lives and contented himself with making 
them slaves, exacting from them the severest labor. They had 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 249 



to cut and draw wood, to procure water from a distance, and to 
carry enormous burdens. The cacique died soon after their cap- 
ture, and was succeeded by another called Taxmar. He was a 
chief of some talent and sagacity, but he continued the same 
rigorous treatment of the captives. By degrees they sank be- 
neath the hardships of their lot, until only two were left ; one of 
them a sturdy sailor named Gonzalo Guerrero, the other a kind 
of clerical adventurer named Jei'onimo de Aguilar. The sailor 
had the good luck to be transferred to the service of the cacique 
of the neighboi'ing province of Chatemal, by whom he was treated 
with kindness. Being a thorough son of the ocean, seasoned to 
all weathers, and ready for any chance or change, he soon ac- 
commodated himself to his new situation, followed the cacique to 
the wars, rose by his hardihood and prowess to be a distinguished 
warrior, and succeeded in gaining the heart and hand of an 
Indian princess. 

The other survivor, Jeronimo de Aguilar, was of a different 
complexion. He was a native of Ecija, in Andalusia, and had 
been brought up to the church, and regularly ordained, and shortly 
afterwards had sailed in one of the expeditions to San Domingo, 
whence he had passed to Darien. 

He proceeded in a different mode from that adopted by his 
comrade, the sailor, in his dealings with the Indians, and in one 
more suited to his opposite calling. Instead of playing the hero 
among the men, and the gallant among the women, he recollected 
his priestly obligations to humility and chastity. Accordingly, he 
made himself a model of meekness and obedience to the cacique 
and his warriors, while he closed his eyes to the charms of the in- 
fidel women. Nay, in the latter respect, he reinforced his clerical 
vows by a solemn promise to God to resist all temptations of the 

VOL. TIT. 11* 



250 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



flesh, so he might be delivered out of the hands of these 
Gentiles. 

Such were the opposite measures of the sailor and the saint, 
and they appear to have been equally successful. Aguilar, by 
his meek obedience to every order, however arbitrary and capri- 
cious, gradually won the good will of the cacique and his family. 
Taxmar, however, subjected him to many trials before he admit- 
ted him to his entire confidence. One day when the Indians, 
painted and decorated in warlike style, were shooting at a mark, 
a warrior, who had for some time fixed his eyes on Aguilar, ap- 
proached suddenly and seized him by the arm. " Thou seest," 
said he, " the certainty of these archers ; if they aim at the eye, 
they hit the eye — if at the mouth, they hit the mouth — what 
wouldst thou think, if thou wert to be placed instead of the mark, 
and they were to shoot at and miss thee ?" 

Aguilar secretly trembled lest he should be the victim of some 
cruel caprice of the kind. Dissembling his fears, however, he 
replied with great submission, " I am your slave, and you may 
do with me as you please ; but you are too wise to destroy a 
slave who is so useful and obedient." His answer pleased the 
cacique, who had secretly sent this warrior to try his humility. 

Ajiother trial of the worthy Jeronimo was less stern and fear- 
ful indeed, but equally perplexing. The cacique had remarked 
his unexampled discretion with respect to the sex, but doubted 
his sincerity. After laying many petty temptations in his way, 
which JeroniAo resisted with the self-denial of a saint, he at 
length determined to subject him to a fiery ordeal. He accord- 
ingly sent him on a fishing expedition accompanied by a buxom 
damsel of fourteen years of age : they were to pass the night by 
the sea-side, so as to be ready to fish at the first dawn of day, and 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 251 



were allowed but one hammock to sleep in. It was an embar- 
i-assing predicament — not apparently to the Indian beauty, but 
certainly to the scrupulous Jeronimo. He remembered, however, 
his double vow, and, suspending his hammock to two trees, re- 
signed it to his companion ; while, lighting a fire on the sea- shore, 
he stretched himself before it on the sand. It was, as he ac- 
knowledged, a night of fearful trial, for his sandy couch was cold 
and cheerless, the hammock warm and tempting ; and the infidel 
damsel had been instructed to assail him with all manner of blan- 
dishments and reproaches. His resolution, however, though often 
shaken, was never overcome ; and the morning dawned upon 
him still faitliful to his vow. 

The fishing over, he returned to the residence of the cacique, 
where his companion being closely questioned, made known the 
triumph of his self-denial before all the people. From that time 
forward he was held in great respect; the cacique especially 
treated him with unlimited confidence, intrusting to him the care, 
not merely of his house, but of his wives, during his occasional 
absence. 

Aguilar now felt ambitious of rising to greater consequence 
among the savages, but this he knew was only to be done by 
deeds of arms. He had the example of the sturdy seaman, Gon- 
zalo Guerrero, before his eyes, who had become a great captain 
in the province in which he resided. He enti-eated Taxmar, 
therefore, to intrust him with bow and arrows, buckler and war- 
club, and to enroll him among his warriors. The cacique com- 
plied. Aguilar soon made himself expert at his new weapons, 
signalized himself repeatedly in battle, and, from his superior 
knowledge of the arts of war, rendered Taxmar such essential 
service, as to excite the jealousy of some of the neighboring 



252 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



caciques. One of them remonstrated with Taxmar for employing 
a warrior who was of a different religion, and insisted that Agui- 
lar should be sacrificed to tlieir gods. " No," replied Taxraar, 
" I will not make so base a return for such signal services : 
surely the gods of Aguilar must be good, since they aid him so 
effectually in maintaining a just cause." 

The cacique was so incensed at this reply that he assembled 
his warriors and marched to make war upon Taxmar. Many of 
the counselors of the latter urged him to give up the stranger 
who was the cause of this hostility. Taxmar, however, rejected 
their counsel Avith disdain and prepared for battle. Aguilar 
assured him that his faith in the Christians' God would be 
rewarded with victory ; he, in fact, concerted a plan of battle, 
which was adopted. Concealing himself, with a chosen band of 
warriors, among thickets and herbage, he suffered the enemy to 
pass by in making their attack. Taxmar and his host pretended 
to give way at the first onset. The foe rushed heedlessly in pur- 
suit ; whereupon Aguilar and his ambuscade assaulted them in 
the rear. Taxmar turned upon tliem in front ; they were thrown 
in confusion, routed with great slaughter and many of their chiefs 
taken prisoners. This victory gave Taxraar tlie sway over the 
land, and strengthened Aguilar more than ever in his good 
graces. 

Several years had elapsed in this manner, when intelligence 
was brought to the province of the arrival on the neighboring 
coast of great vessels of wonderful construction, filled with white 
and bearded men, who fought with thunder and lightning. It 
was, in fact, the squadron of Francisco Hernandez de Cordova, 
then on a voyage of discovery. The tidings of this strange inva- 
sion spread consternation through the country, heightened, if we 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 253 



may credit the old Spanish writers, by a prophecy current amonc 
the savages of these parts, and uttered in former times by a priest 
named Chilam Cambal, who foretokl that a white and bearded 
people would come from the region of the rising sun, who would 
overturn their idols and subjugate the land. 

The heart of Jeronimo de Aguilar beat quick with hope when 
he heard of European ships at hand ; he was distant from the 
coast, however, and perceived that he was too closely watched by 
the Indians to have any chance of escape. Dissembling his feel- 
ings, therefore, he affected to hear of the ships with perfect indif- 
ference, and to have no desire to join the strangers. The ships 
disappeared from the coast, and he remained disconsolate at heart, 
but ^vas regarded with increased confidence by the natives. 

His hopes were again revived in the course of a year or two 
by the arrival on the coast of other ships, which were those 
commanded by Juan de Grijalva, who coasted Yucatan in 1518 ; 
Aguilar, however, was again prevented by the jealous watchful- 
ness of the Indians from attempting his escape, and when this 
squadron left the coast he considered all chance of deliverance at 
an end. 

Seven years had gone by since his capture, and he had given 
up all hopes of being restored to his country and friends, when, 
in 1519, there arrived one day at the village three Indians, 
natives of the small island of Cozumel, which lies a few leagues 
in the sea, opposite the eastern coast of Yucatan. They brought 
tidings of another visit of white and bearded men to their shores, 
and one of them delivered a letter to Aguilar, which, being en- 
tirely naked, he had concealed in the long tresses of his hair 
which were bound round his head. 

Aguilar received the letter with wonder and delight, and read 



254 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



it in presence of the cacique and his warriors. It proved to be 
from Hernando Cortez, who was at that time on his great expedi- 
tion, which ended in the conquest of Mexico. He had been 
obliged by stress of weather to anchor at the island of Cozumel, 
where he learned from the natives that sevei'al white men were 
detained in captivity among the Indians on the neighboring coast 
of Yucatan. Finding it impossible to approach the main-land 
with his ships, he prevailed upon three of the islanders, by means 
of gifts and promises, to venture upon an embassy among their 
cannibal neighbors, and to convey a letter to the captive white 
men. Two of the smallest caravels of the squadron were sent 
under the command of Diego de Ordas, who was ordered to land 
the three messengers at the point of Cotoche, and to wait there 
eight days for their return. 

The letter brought by these envoys informed the Christian 
captives of the force and destination of the squadron of Cortes, 
and of his having sent the caravels to wait for them at the point 
of Cotoche, with a ransom for their deliverance, inviting them to 
hasten and join him at Cozumel. 

The transport of Aguilar on first reading the letter, was mo- 
derated when he reflected on the obstacles that might prevent him 
from profiting by this chance of deliverance. He had made him- 
self too useful to the cacique to hope that he would readily give 
him his liberty, and he knew the jealous and irritable nature of 
the savages too well not to fear that even an application for leave 
to depart might draw upon him the severest treatment. He en- 
deavored, therefore, to operate upon the cacique through his ap- 
prehensions. To this end he informed him that the piece of 
paper which he held in his hand brought him a full account of 
the mighty armament that had arrived on the coast. He de- 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 255 



scribed the number of the ships and various particulars concern- 
ing the squadron, all which were amply corroborated by the 
testimony of the messengers. The cacique and his warriors were 
astonished at this strange mode of conveying intelligence from a 
distance, and regarded the letter as something mysterious and 
supernatural. Aguilar went on to relate the tremendous and 
superhuman powers of the people in these ships, who, armed with 
thunder and lightning, wreaked destruction on all who displeased 
them, while they dispensed inestimable gifts and benefits on such 
as proved themselves their friends. He, at the same time, spread 
before the cacic^ue various presents brought by the messengers, as 
specimens of the blessings to be expected from the friendship of 
the strangers. The intimation was effectual. The cacique was 
filled with awe at the recital of the terrific powers of the white 
men, and his eyes were dazzled by the glittering trinkets dis- 
played before him. He entreated Aguilar, therefore, to act as 
his ambassador and mediator, and to secure him the amity of the 
strangers. 

Aguilar saw with transport the prospect of a speedy deliver- 
ance. In this moment of exultation, he bethought himself of the 
only surviving comrade of his past fortunes, Gonzalo Guerrero, 
and, sending the letter of Cortez to him, invited him to accom- 
pany him in his escape. The sturdy seaman was at this time a 
great chieftain in his province, and his Indian bride had borne 
him a numerous progeny. His heart, however, yearned after his 
native country, and he might have been tempted to leave his hon- 
ors and dignities, his infidel wife and half savage offspring behind 
him, but an insuperable, though somewhat ludicrous, obstacle pre- 
sented itself to his wishes. Having long since given over all ex- 
pectation of a return to civilized life, he had conformed to the 



256 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



customs of the country, and had adopted the external signs and 
decorations that marked him as a warrior and a man of rank. 
His face and hands were indelibly painted or tattooed ; his ears 
and lips were slit to admit huge Indian ornaments, and his nose 
was drawn down almost to his mouth by a massy ring of gold, 
and a dangling jewel. 

Thus cui-iously garbled and disfigured, the honest seaman felt, 
that, however he might be admired in Yucatan, he should be apt 
to have a hooting rabble at his heels in Spain. He made up his 
mind, therefore, to remain a great man among the savages, rathei* 
than run the risk of being shown as a man monster at home. 

Finding that he declined accompanying him, .Jeronimo de 
Aguilar set off for the point of Cotoche, escorted by three In- 
dians. The time he had lost in waiting for Guerrero had nearly 
proved fatal to his hopes, for when he arrived at the point, the 
caravels sent by Cortez had departed, though several crosses of 
reeds set up in different places gave tokens of the recent presence 
of Christians. 

The only hope that remained was, that the squadron of Cor- 
tez might yet linger at the opposite island of Cozumel ; but how 
was he to get there ? While wandering disconsolately along the 
shore, he found a canoe, half buried in sand and water, and with 
one side in a state of decay ; with the assistance of the Indians 
he cleaned it, and set it afloat, and on looking further found the 
stave of a hogshead which might serve for a paddle. It was a 
frail embarkation in which to cross an arm of the sea, several 
leagues wide, but there was no alternative. Prevailing on the 
Indians to accompany him, he launched forth in the canoe and 
coasted the main-land until he came to the narrowest part of the 
strait, where it was but four leagues across ; here he stood directly 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 25? 



for Cozumel, contending, as well as he was able, with a strong 
current, and at length succeeded in reaching the island. 

He had scarce landed when a party of Spaniards, who had 
been lying in wait, rushed forth from their concealment, sword in 
hand. The three Indians would have fled, but Aguilar reassured 
them, and, calling out to the Spaniards in their own language, as- 
sured them that he Avas a Christian. Then, throwing himself on 
his knees, and raising his eyes streaming with tears to heaven, he 
gave thanks to God for having restored him to his countrymen. 

The Spaniards gazed at him with astonishment : from his lan- 
guage he was evidently a Castilian, but to all appearance he was 
an Indian. He was perfectly naked ; wore his hair braided 
round his head in the manner of the country, and his complexion 
was burnt by the sun to a tawny color. He had a bow in his 
hand, a quiver at his shoulder, and a net-work pouch at his side 
in which he carried his provisions. 

The Spaniards proved to be a reconnoitering party, sent out 
by Cortez to watch the approach of the canoe, which had been 
descried coming fi-om Yucatan. Cortez had given up all hopes 
of being joined by the captives, the caravel having waited the 
allotted time at Cotoche, and returned without news of them. 
He had in fact made sail to prosecute his voyage, but fortunately 
one of his ships sprung a leak, which obliged him to return to the 
island. 

When Jeronimo de Aguilar and his companions arrived in 
presence of Cortez, who was surrounded by his officers, they made 
a profound reverence, squatted on the ground, laid their bows and 
arrows beside them, and touching their right hands, wet with spit- 
tle on the ground, rubbed them about the region of the heart, 
6uch being their sign of the most devoted submission. 



258 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



Cortez greeted Aguihir with a liearty welcome, and raising 
him from the earth, took from his own person a large yellow 
mantle lined with crimson, and threw it over his shoulders. The 
latter, however, had for so long a time gone entirely naked, that 
even this scanty covering was at lirst almost insupportable, and 
he had become so accustomed to the diet of the natives, that he 
found it difficult to reconcile his stomach to the meat and drink 
set before him. 

When he had sufficiently recovered from the agitation of his 
arrival among Christians, Cortez drew from him the particulars 
of his story, and found that he was related to one of his own 
friends, the licentiate Marcos de Aguilar. He treated him, there- 
fore, with additional kindness and respect, and retained him about 
his person to aid him as an interpreter in his great Mexican ex- 
pedition. 

The happiness of Jeronimo de Aguilar at once more being 
restored to his countrymen, was doomed to suffer some alloy from 
the disasters that had happened in his family. Peter Martyr re- 
cords a touching anecdote of the effect produced upon his mother 
by the tidings of his misfortune. A vague report reached her in 
Spain, that her son had fallen into the hands of cannibals. All 
the horrible tales concerning the treatment of these savages to 
their prisoners rushed to her imagination, and she went distracted. 
Whenever she beheld roasted meat, or flesh upon the spit, she 
would fill the house with her outcries. " Oh, wretched mother ! 
oh, most miserable of women !" would she exclaim ; " behold the 
limbs of my murdered son !"* 

It is to be hoped that the tidings of his deliverance had a 
favorable effect upon her intellects, and that she lived to rejoice 

* P. Martyr, decad. iv. cap 6. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 259 



at his after fortunes. He served Hernando Cortez with great 
courage and ability throughout his Mexican conquests, acting 
sometimes as a soldier, sometimes as interpreter and ambassador 
to the Indians, and in reward of his fidelity, and services, was 
appointed regidor, or civil governor of the city of Mexico. 



2G0 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



MICER CODRO, THE ASTROLOGER. 

The fate of the Italian astrologer, Micer Codro, who predicted 
the end of Vasco Nuiiez, is related by the historian Oviedo, with 
some particulars that border upon the marvelous. It appears 
that, after the death of his patron, he continued for several years 
rambling about the New World, in the train of the Spanish dis- 
coverers ; but intent upon studying the secrets of its natural his- 
tory, rather than searching after its treasures. 

In the course of his wanderings he was once coasting the 
shores of the Southern Ocean, in a ship commanded by one Ge- 
ronimo de Valenzuela, from whom he received such cruel treat- 
ment as to cause his death, though, what the nature of the treat- 
ment was, we are not precisely informed. 

Finding his end approaching, the unfortunate astrologer 
addressed Valenzuela in the most solemn manner : " Captain," 
said he, " you have caused my death by your cruelty ; I now 
summon you to appear with me, within a year, before the Judg- 
ment Seat of God !" 

The captain made a light and scoffing answer, and treated his 
summons with contempt. 

They were then off the coast of Veragua, near the verdant 
islands of Zebaco, which lie at the entrance of the Gulf of Parita 
or Paria. The poor astrologer gazed wistfully with his dying 
eyes upon the green and shady groves, and entreated the pilot or 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 261 



mate of the caravel to land liiin on one of the islands, that he 
might die in peace. " Micer Codro," replied the pilot, " those 
are not islands, but points of land : there are no islands here- 
about." 

" There are, indeed," replied the astrologer, " two good and 
pleasant islands, well watered, and near to the coast, and within 
them is a great bay with a harbor. Land me, I pray you, upon 
one of these islands, that I may have comfort in my dying 
hour." 

The pilot, whose rough nature had been touched with pity for 
the condition of the unfortunate astrologer, listened to his prayer, 
and conveyed him to the shore, where he found the opinion he 
had given of the character of the coast to be correct. He laid 
him on the herbage in the shade, where the poor wanderer soon 
expired. The pilot then dug a grave at the foot of a ti-ee, where 
he buried him with all possible decency, and carved a cross on 
the bark to mark the grave. 

Some time afterwards, Oviedo, the historian, was on the island 
with this very pilot, who showed him the cross on the tree, and 
gave his honest testimony to the good character and worthy con- 
duct of Micer Codro. Oviedo, as he regarded the nameless 
grave, passed the eulogium of a scholar upon the poor astrologer : 
" lie died," says he, " like Pliny, in the discharge of his duties, 
traveling about the world to explore the secrets of nature." Ac- 
cording to his account, the prediction of Micer Codro held good 
with respect to Valenzuela, as it had in the case of Vasco 
Nunez. — The captain died within the term in which he had sura 
moned him to appear before the tribunal of God !* 

* Vide Oviedo, Hist. Gen , lib. xxxix. cap. 2. 



262 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



JUAN PONCE DE LEON, 

CONQUEROR OF PORTO RICO, AND DISCOVERER OF FLORIDA. 

CHAPTER I. 

RECONNOITERING EXPEDITION OP JUAN PONCE DE LEON TO 
THE ISLAND OF BOKIQUEN. 

[1508.] 

Many years had elapsed since the discovery and colonization of 
Hayti, yet its neighboring island of Boriquen, or as the Spaniards 
called it, St. Juan (since named Porto Rico), remained unex- 
plored. It was beautiful to the eye as beheld from the sea, hav- 
ing lofty mountains clothed with forest trees of prodigious size 
and magnificent foliage. There were broad fertile valleys also, 
always fresh and green ; for the frequent showers and abundant 
streams in these latitudes, and the absence of all wintry frosts, 
produce a perpetual verdure. Various ships had occasionally 
touched at the island, but their crews had never penetrated into 
the interior. It was evident, however, from the number of ham- 
lets and scattered houses, and the smoke rising in all directions 
from among the trees, that it was well peopled. The inhabitants 
still continued to enjoy their life of indolence and freedom, unmo- 
lested by the ills that overwhelmed the neighboring island of 
Hayti. The time had arrived, however, when they were to share 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 263 



the common lot of their fellow savages, and to sink beneath the 
yoke of the white man. 

At the time when Nicholas de Ovando, governor of Hispani- 
ola, nndertook to lay waste the great province of Higuey, wliich 
lay at the eastern end of Hayti, he sent as commander of part of 
the troops a veteran soldier, named Juan Ponce de Leon. He 
was a native of Leon in Spain, and in his boyhood had been page 
to Pedro Nuiiez de Guzman, Senor of Toral.* From an early 
age he had been schooled to war, and had served in various cam- 
paigns against the Moors of Granada. He accompanied Columbus 
in his second voyage in 1493, and was afterwards, it is said, one 
of the partisans of Francisco Roldan, in his rebellion against the 
admiral. Having distinguished himself in various battles with 
the Indians, and acquired a name for sagacity as well as valor, 
he received a command subordinate to Juan de Esquibel in the 
campaign against Higuey, and seconded his chief so valiantly in 
that sanguinary expedition, that, after the subjugation of the pro- 
vince, he was appointed to the command of it, as lieutenant of 
the governor of Hispaniola. 

Juan Ponce de Leon had all the impatience of quiet life and 
the passion for exploit of a vetei'an campaigner. He had not 
been long in the tranquil command of his province of Higuey, 
before he began to cast a wistful eye towards the green mountains 
of Boriquen. They were directly opposite, and but twelve or 
fourteen leagues distant, so as to be distinctly seen in the transpa- 
rent atmosphere of the tropics. The Indians of the two islands 
frequently visited each other, and in this way Juan Ponce 
received the usual intelligence, that the mountains he had eyed so 

* Incas, Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Florida, torn. iv. cap. 37. 



264 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



wistfully .'ibourulcd with gold. He roadily obtained permission 
from Governor Ovando, to make an expedition to this island, and 
embarked in the year 1508 in a caravel, with a few Spaniards 
and several Indian interpreters and guides. 

After an easy voyage, he landed on the woody shores of the 
island, near to the residence of the principal cacique, Agueybana. 
He found the chieftain seated in patriarchal style, under the 
shade of his native groves, and surrounded by his family, con- 
sisting of his mother, step-father, brother, and sister, who vied 
with each other in paying homage to the strangers. Juan Ponce, 
in fact, was received into the bosom of the family, and the cacique 
exchanged names with him, which is the Indian pledge of per- 
petual amity. Juan Ponce also gave Christian names to the 
mother and step-father of the cacique, and would fain have bap- 
tized them, but they declined the ceremony, though they always 
took a pride in the names thus given them. 

In the zeal to gratify his guests, the cacique took them to 
various parts of the island. They found the interior to corres- 
jiond with the external appearance. It was wild and mountain- 
ous, but magnificently wooded, with deep rich valleys fertilized 
by limpid streams. Juan Ponce requested the cacique to reveal 
to him the riches of the island. The simple Indian showed him 
his most productive fields of Yuca, groves laden with delicious 
fruit, the sweetest and purest fountains, and the coolest runs of 
water. 

Ponce de Leon heeded but little these real blessings, and de- 
manded whether the island produced no gold. Upon this the 
cacique conducted him to two rivers, the Manatuabon and the 
Zebuco, where the very pebbles seemed richly veined with gold, 
and large grains shone among the sand through the limpid water. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 265 



Some of the largest of these were gathered by the Indians and 
given to the Spaniards. The quantity thus procured confirmed 
the hopes of Juan Ponce ; and leaving several of his companions 
in the house of the hospitable cacique, he returned to Hayti to 
report the success of his expedition. He presented the speci- 
mens of gold to the Governor Ovando, who assayed them in a 
crucible. The ore was not so fine as that of Hispaniola, but, as 
it was supposed to exist in greater quantities, the governor deter- 
mined on the subjugation of the island, and confided the enter- 
prise to Juan Ponce de Leon. 



CHAPTER II. 

JUAN PONCE ASPIRES TO THE GOVERNMENT OF PORTO RICO. 

[1509.] 

The natives of Boriquen were more warlike than those of His- 
paniola ; being accustomed to the use of arms from the necessity 
of repelling the frequent invasions of the Caribs. It was sup- 
posed, therefore, that the conquest of their island would be 
attended with some difficulty, and Juan Ponce de Leon made 
another, and as it were, a preparatory visit, to make himself 
acquainted with the country, and with the nature and resources 
of the inhabitants. He found the companions whom he had left 
there on his former visit, in good health and spirits, and full of 
gratitude towards the cacique Agueybana, who had treated them 
with undiminished hospitality. There appeared to be no need 
of violence to win the island from such simple-hearted and con- 
fiding people. Juan Ponce flattered himself with the hopes of 

VOL. III. 12 



£66 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



being appointed to its government by Ovando, and of" bringing 
it peaceably into subjection. After remaining some time on the 
island, he returned to San Domingo to seek the desired appoint- 
ment, but to liis surprise, found the whole face of affairs had 
changed during his absence. 

His patron, the governor Ovando, had been recalled to Spain, 
and Don Diego Columbus, son of the renowned discoverer, ap- 
pointed in his place to the command of San Domingo. To add 
to the perplexities of Juan Ponce, a cavalier had already arrived 
from Spain, empowered by the king to form a settlement and 
build a fortress on the island of Porto Rico. His name was 
Christoval de Sotomayor ; he was brother to the Count of Ca- 
mina, and had been secretary to Philip I, surnamed the Hand- 
some, king of Castile and father of Charles V. 

Don Diego Columbus was highly displeased with the act of 
the king in granting these powers to Sotomayor, as it had been 
done without his knowledge and consent, and of course in disre- 
gard of his prerogative, as viceroy, to be consulted as to all 
appointments made within his jurisdiction. He refused, therefore, 
to put Sotomayor in possession of the island. He paid as little 
respect to the claims of Juan Ponce de Leon, whom he regarded 
with an ungracious eye as a favorite of his predecessor Ovando. 
To settle the matter effectually, he exerted what he considered 
his official and hereditary privilege, and chose officers to suit 
himself, appointing one Juan Ceron to the government of Porto 
Rico, and Miguel Diaz to serve as his lieutenant.* 

* If the reader has perused the history of Columbus, he may reirember the 
romantic adventure of this Miguel Diaz with a female cacique, which led to 
the discovery of the gold mines of Hayna, and the founding of the city of San 
Domingo. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 267 



Juan Ponce de Leon and his rival candidate Christoval de 
Sotomayor, bore their disappointment with a good grace. ThoJigh 
the command was denied them, they still hoped to improve their 
fortunes in the island, and accordingly joined the crowd of ad- 
venturers that accompanied the newly appointed governoi'. 

New changes soon took place in consequence of the jealousies 
and misunderstandings between king Ferdinand and the admiral 
as to points of privilege. The former still seemed disposed to 
maintain the right of making appointments without consulting 
Don Diego, and exerted it in the present instance ; for, when 
Ovando, on his return to Spain, made favorable representation of 
the merits of Juan Ponce de Leon, and set forth his services in 
exploring Porto Rico, the king appointed him governor of that 
island, and signified specifically that Don Diego Columbus should 
not presume to displace him. 



CHAPTER IIL 

JUAN PONCE RULES AVITH A STRONG HAND. EXASPERATION 

OP THE INDIANS. THEIR EXPERIMENT TO PROVE WHETHER 

THE SPANIARDS WERE MORTAL. 

Juan Ponce de Leon assumed the command of the island of 
Boriquen in the year 1509. Being a fiery high-handed old 
soldier, his first step was to quarrel with Juan Ceron and Miguel 
Diaz, the ex-governor and his lieutenant, and to send them priso- 
ners to Spain.* 

He was far more favorable to his late competitor, Christoval 

* Herrera, decad. i. lib. vii. cap. 13. 



VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



de Sotomayor. Finding him to be a cavalier of noble blood and 
high connections, yet void of pretension, and of most accommo- 
dating temper, he offered to make him his lieutenant, and to give 
him the post of alcalde mayor, an offer which was very thank- 
fully accepted. 

The pride of rank, however, which follows a man even into 
the wilderness, soon interfered with the quiet of Sotomayor ; he 
was ridiculed for descending so much below his birth and dignity, 
a5 to accept a subaltern situation to a simple gentleman in the 
island which he had oi-iginally aspired to govern. He could not 
withstand these sneers, but resigned his appointment, and re- 
mained in the island as a private individual ; establishing him- 
self in a village where he had a large repartimiento or allotment 
of Indians assigned to him by a grant from the king. 

Juan Ponce fixed his seat of government in a town called 
Caparra, which he founded on the northern side of the island, 
about a league from the sea, in a neighborhood supposed to abound 
in gold. It was in front of the port called Rico, which subsequently 
gave its name to the island. The road to the town was up a moun- 
tain, through a dense forest, and so rugged and miry that it was 
the bane of man and beast. It cost more to convey provisions and 
merchandise up this league of mountain, than it did to bring them 
from Spain. 

Juan Ponce, being firmly seated in his government, began to 
carve and portion out the island, to found towns, and to distri- 
bute the natives into repartimientos, for the purpose of exacting 
their labor. 

The poor Indians soon found the difference between the 
Spaniards as guests, and the Spaniards as masters. They were 
driven to despair by the heavy tasks imposed upon them ; for to 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 269 



• 
their free spirits and indolent habits, restraint and labor were 
worse than death. Many of the most hardy and daring proposed 
a genera] insurrection, and a massacre of their oppressors ; the 
great mass, however, were deterred by the belief that the Span- 
iards were supernatural beings and could not be killed. 

A shrewd and skeptical cacique, named Brayoan, determined 
to put their immortality to the test. Hearing that a young Span- 
iard, named Salzedo, was passing through his lands, he sent a 
party of his subjects to escort him, giving them secret instructions 
how they were to act. On coming to a river they took Salzedo 
on their shoulders to cai'ry him across, but, when in the midst 
of the stream, they let him fall, and, throwing themselves upon 
him, pressed him under water until he was drowned. Then 
dragging his body to the shore, and still doubting his being dead, 
they wept and howled over him, making a thousand apologies 
for having fallen upon him, and kept him so long beneath the 
surface. 

The cacique Brayoan came to examine the body and pro- 
nounced it lifeless ; but the Indians, still fearing it might possess 
lurking immortality and ultimately revive, kept watch over it for 
three days, until it showed incontestable signs of putrefaction. 

Being now convinced that the strangers were mortal men like 
themselves, they readily entered into a general conspiracy to 
destroy them.* 

* Herrera, decad. i. lib. viii. cap. 13. 



29'd- VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



CHAPTER IV. 

CONSPIRACY OF THE CACIQUES. FATE OF SOTOMAYOR. 

The prime mover of the conspiracy among the natives was 
Agueybana, brother and successor to the hospitable cacique of 
the same name, who had first welcomed the Spaniards to the 
island, and who had fortunately closed his eyes in peace, before 
his native groves were made the scenes of violence and oppres- 
sion. The present cacique had fallen within the repartimiento 
of Don Christoval de Sotomayor, and, though treated by that 
cavalier with kindness, could never reconcile his proud spirit to 
the yoke of vassalage. 

Agueybana held secret councils with his confederate caciques, 
in which they concerted a plan of operations. As the Spaniards 
were scattered about in different places, it was agreed that, at a 
certain time, each cacique should dispatch those within his prov- 
ince. In arranging the massacre of those within his own domains, 
Agueybana assigned to one of his inferior caciques the task of 
surprising the village of Sotomayor, giving him 3000 warriors 
for the purpose. He was to assail the village in the dead of the 
night, to set fire to the houses, and to slaughter all the inhabit- 
ants. He proudly, however, reserved to himself the honor of 
killing Don Christoval with his own hand. 

Don Christoval had an unsuspected friend in the very midst 
of his enemies. Being a cavalier of gallant appearance and 
amiable and courteous manners, he had won the affections of an In- 
dian princess, the sister of the cacique Agueybana. She had over- 
heard enough of the war-council of her brother and his warriors 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 271 



to learn that Sotomayor was in danger. The life of her lover 
was more precious in her eyes than the safety of her brother and 
her tribe ; hastening, therefore, to him, she told him all that she 
knew or feared, and warned him to be upon his guard. Soto- 
mayor appears to have been of the most easy and incautious 
nature, void of all evil and deceit himself, and slow to suspect any 
thing of the kind in others. He considered the apprehension of 
the princess, as dictated by her fond anxiety, and neglected to 
profit by her warning. 

He received, however, about the same time, information from 
a different quarter, tending to the same point. A Spaniard, 
versed in the language and customs of the natives, had observed 
a number gathering together one evening, painted and decorated, 
as if for battle. Suspecting some lurking mischief, he stripped 
and painted himself in their manner, and, favored by the obscu- 
rity of the night, succeeded in mingling among them undiscovered. 
They were assembled round a fire performing one of their mystic 
war-dances, to the chant of an areyto or legendary ballad. The 
strophes and responses treated of revenge and slaughter, and re- 
peatedly mentioned the death of Sotomayor. 

The Spaniard withdrew unperceived, and hastened to apprise 
Don Christoval of his danger. The latter still made light of 
these repeated warnings ; revolving them, however, in his mind 
in the stillness of the night, he began to feel some uneasiness, and 
determined to repair in the morning to Juan Ponce de Leon, in his 
strong-hold at Caparra. With his fated heedlessness, or temerity, 
however, he applied to Agueybana for Indians to carry his bag- 
gage, and departed slightly armed, and accompanied by but three 
Spaniards, although he had to pass through close and lonely forests, 
where he would be at the mercy of any treacherous or lurking foe. 



27^ VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 

The cacique watched the departure of his intended victim, 
and set out shortly afterwards, dogging his steps at a distance 
through the forest, accompanied by a few chosen warriors. 
Agueybana and his party had not proceeded far when they met 
a Spaniard named Juan Gonzalez, who spoke the Indian lan- 
guage. They immediately assailed him and wounded him in 
several places. He threw himself at the feet of the cacique, im- 
ploring his life in the most abject terms. The chief spared him 
for the moment, being eager to make sure of Don Christoval. 
He overtook that incautious cavalier in the very heart of the 
woodland, and stealing silently upon him burst forth suddenly 
with his warriors from the covert of the thickets, giving the fatal 
war-whoop. Before Sotomayor could put himself upon his 
guard a blow from the war-club of the cacique felled him to the 
earth, when he was quickly dispatched by repeated blows. The 
four Spaniards who accompanied him shared his fate, being as- 
sailed, not merely by the warriors who had come in pursuit of 
them, but by their own Indian guides. 

When Agueybana had glutted his vengeance on this unfortu- 
nate cavalier, he returned in quest of Juan Gonzalez. The lat- 
ter, however, had recovered sufficiently from his wounds to leave 
the place where he had been assailed, and, dreading the return 
of the savages, had climbed into a tree and concealed himself 
among the branches. From thence, with trembling anxiety, he 
watched his pursuers as they searched all the surrounding forest 
for him. Fortunately they did not think of looking up into the 
trees, but, after beating the bushes for some time, gave up the 
search. Though he saw them depart, he did not venture from his 
concealment until the night had closed ; he then descended from 
the tree, and made the best of his way to the residence of certain 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 273 



Spaniards, where his wounds were dressed. When this was 
done, he waited not to take repose, but repaired by a circuitous 
route to Caparra, and informed Juan Ponce de Leon of the dan- 
ger he supposed to be still impending over Sotomayor, for he 
knew not that the enemy had accomplished his death. .Juan 
Ponce immediately sent out forty men to his relief. They came 
to the scene of massacre, where they found the body of the un- 
fortunate cavalier, partly buried, but with the feet out of the 
earth. 

In the meantime the savages had accomplished the destruction 
of the village of Sotomayor. They approached it unperceived, 
thi'ough the surrounding forest, and entering it in the dead of the 
night, set fire to the straw-thatched houses, and attacked the 
Spaniards as they endeavored to escape from the flames. 

Several were slain at the onset, but a brave Spaniard, named 
Diego de Salazar, rallied his countrymen, inspirited them to beat 
off the enemy, and succeeded in conducting the greater part of 
them, though sorely mangled and harassed, to the strong-hold of 
the governor at Capai'ra. Scarcely had these fugitives gained 
the fortress, when others came hurrying in from all quarters, 
bringing similar tales of conflagration and massacre. For once 
a genei'al insurrection, so often planned in savage life, against the 
domination of the white men, was crowned with success. All 
the villages founded by the Spaniards had been surprised, about 
a hundred of their inhabitants destroyed, and the survivors driven 
to take refuge in a beleaguered fortress. 

VOL. III. 12* 



ST4 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



CHAPTER V. 

WAR OP JUAN PONCE WITH THE CACIQUE AGUEYBANA. 

Juan Ponce de Leon might now almost be considered a go 
vernor without territories and a general without soldiers. His 
villages were smoking ruins, and his whole force did not amount 
to a hundred men, several of whom were disabled by their 
wounds. He had an able and implacable foe in Agueybana, who 
took the lead of all the other caciques, and even sent envoys to 
the Caribs of the neighboring islands, entreating them to forget 
all ancient animosities and to make common cause against these 
strangers — the deadly enemies of the whole Indian race. In the 
meantime the whole of this wild island was in rebellion, and the 
forests around the fortress of Caparra rang with the whoops and 
yells of the savages, the blasts of their war conchs, and the stormy 
roaring of their drums. 

Juan Ponce was a stanch and wary old soldier, and not easily 
daunted. He remained grimly ensconced within his fortress, 
whence he dispatched messengers in all haste to Hispaniola, im- 
ploring immediate assistance. In the meantime, he tasked his 
wits to divert the enemy and keep them at bay. He divided his 
little force into three bodies of about thirty men each, under the 
command of Diego Salazar, Miguel de Toro, and Luis de Anasco, 
and sent them out alternately to make surprises and assaults, to 
form ambuscades, and to practise the other stratagems of partisan 
warfare, which he had learnt in early life, in his campaigns against 
the Moors of Granada. 

One of his most efficient warriors was a dog named Berezillo 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 27S 



renowned for courage, strength, and sagacity. It is said that he 
could distinguish those of the Indians who were allies, from those 
who were enemies of the Spaniards. To the former he was 
docile and friendly, to the latter fierce and implacable. He was 
the terror of the natives, Avho were unaccustomed to powerful and 
ferocious animals, and did more service in this wild warfare, than 
could have been rendered by several soldiers. His prowess was 
so highly appreciated that his master received for him the pay, 
allowance, and share of booty, assigned to a cross-bow man, which 
was the highest stipend given.* 

At length the stout old cavalier Juan Ponce was reinforced in 
his strong-hold, by troops from Hispaniola, whereupon he sallied 
forth boldly to take revenge upon those who had thus held him 
in a kind of durance. His foe Agueybana was at that time en- 
camped in his own territories with more than five thousand war- 
riors, but in a negligent unwatchful state, for he knew nothing of 
the reinforcements of the Spaniards, and supposed Juan Ponce 
shut up with his handful of men in Caparra. The old soldier, 
therefore, took him completely by surprise, and routed him with 
great slaughter. Indeed it is said the Indians were struck with a 
kind of panic when they saw the Spaniards as numerous as ever, 
notwithstanding the number they had massacred. Their belief 
in their immortality revived, they fancied that those whom they 
had slain had returned to life, and they despaired of victory over 

* This famous dog was killed some years afterwards by a poisoned arrow, 
as he was swimming in the sea in pursuit of a Carib Indian. He left, how- 
ever, a numerous progeny and a great name behind him ; and his merits and 
exploits were long a favorite theme among the Spanish colonists. He was 
feiher to the renowned Leoncico, the faithful dog of Vasco Nunez, which re- 
Bembled him in looks and equaled him in prowess. 



276 VOYAGES A.ND DISCOVERIES OF 



beings who could thus arise with renovated vigor from the grave. 
Various petty actions and skirmishes afterwards took place, in 
which the Indians were defeated. Agueybana, however, dis- 
dained this petty warfare, and stirred up his countrymen to assem- 
ble their forces, and by one grand assault to decide the fate of 
themselves and their island. Juan Ponce received secret tidings 
of their intent, and of the place where they were assembling. He 
had at that time barely eighty men at his disposal, but they were 
cased in steel and proof against the weapons of the savages. With 
out stopping to reflect, the high-mettled old cavalier put himself at 
their head, and led them through the forest in quest of the foe. 

It was nearly sunset when he came in sight of the Indian 
camp, and the multitude of warriors assembled thei'e made him 
pause, and almost repent of his temerity. He was as shrewd, 
however, as he was hardy and resolute. Ordering some of his 
men in the advance to skirmish with the enemy, he hastily threw 
up a slight fortification with the assistance of the rest. When it 
was finished he withdrew his forces into it, and ordered them to 
keep merely on the defensive. The Indians made repeated 
attacks but were as often repulsed with loss. Some of the Span- 
iards, impatient of this covert warfare, would sally forth in open 
field with pike and cross-bow, but were called back within the 
fortification by their wary commander. 

The cacique Agueybana was enraged at finding his host of 
warriors thus baffled and kept at bay by a mere handful of Span- 
iards. He beheld the night closing in, and feared that in tht 
darkness the enemy would escape. Summoning his choicest war- 
riors round him, therefore, he led the way in a general assault, 
when, as he approached the fortress, he received a mortal wound 
from an arquebuse, and fell dead upon the spot. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 277 



The Spaniards were not aware at first of the importance of 
the chief whom they had slain. They soon surmised it, however, 
from the confusion among the enemy, who bore off the body with 
great lamentations, and made no further attack. 

The wary Juan Ponce took advantage of the evident distress 
of tlie foe, to di'aw off his small forces in the night, happy to get 
out of the terrible jeopardy into which a rash confidence had be- 
trayed him. Some of his fiery spirited officers would have kept 
the field in spite of the overwhelming force of the enemy. " No, 
no," said the shrewd veteran ; " it is better to protract the war 
than to risk all upon a single battle." 

While Juan Ponce de Leon was fighting hard to maintain his 
sway over the island, his transient dignity was overturned by 
another power, against which the prowess of the old soldier was 
of no avail. King Ferdinand had repented of the step he had 
ill-advisedly taken, in superseding the governor and lieutenant 
governor appointed by Don Diego Columbus. He became con- 
vinced, though rather tardily, that it was an infringement of the 
rights of the admii'al, and that policy, as well as justice, required 
him to retract it. When Juan Ceron and Miguel Diaz, therefore, 
came prisoners to Spain, he received them graciously, conferred 
many favors on them to atone for their rough ejectment from 
ofiice, and finally, after some time, sent them back empowered to 
resume the command of the island. They Avere ordered, how- 
ever, on no account to manifest rancor or ill-will against Juan 
Ponce de Leon, or to interfere with any property he might hold, 
either in houses, lands, or Indians ; but on the contrary, to culti- 
vate the most friendly understanding with him. The king also 
wrote to the hardy veteran, explaining to him that this restitution 
of Ceron and Diaz had been determined upon in council, as a 



VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



mere act of justice due to them, but was not intended as a cen- 
sure upon his conduct, and that means should be sought to indem- 
nify him for the loss of his command. 

By the time that the governor and his lieutenant reached the 
island, Juan Ponce had completed its subjugation. The death of 
the island champion, the brave Agueybana, had in fact been a 
deathblow to the natives, and shows how much, in savage warfare, 
depends upon a single chieftain. They never made head of war 
afterwards ; but, dispersing among their forests and mountains, 
fell gradually under the power of the Spaniards. Their subse- 
quent fate was like that of their neighbors of Hayti, They were 
employed in the labor of the mines, and in other rude toils so re- 
pugnant to their nature that they sank beneath them, and, in a 
little while, almost all the aboriginals disappeared from the island. 



CHAPTER VI. 

JUAN PONCE DE LEON HEARS OF A WONDERFUL COUNTRT 
AND MIRACULOUS FOUNTAIN. ^ 

Juan Ponce de Leon resigned the command of Porto Rico 
with tolerable grace. The loss of one wild island and wild gov- 
ernment was of little moment, when there was a new world to be 
shared out, where a bold soldier like himself, with sword and 
buckler, might readily carve out new fortunes for himself. Be- 
sides, he had now amassed wealth to assist him in his plans, and, 
like many of the early discoverers, his brain was teeming with 
the most romantic enterprises. He had conceived the idea that 
there was yet a third world to be discovered, and he hoped to be 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 279 



the first to reach its shores, and thus secure a renown equal to 
that of Columbus. 

While cogitating these things, and considering which way he 
should strike forth in the unexplored regions around him, he met 
with some old Indians, who gave him tidings of a country which 
promised, not merely to satisfy the cravings of his ambition, but 
to realize the fondest dreams of the poets. They assured him 
that, far to the north, there existed a land abounding in gold and 
in all manner of delights ; but, above all, possessing a river of 
such wonderful virtue, that whoever bathed in it would be restored 
to youth ! They added, that in times past, before the arrival of 
the Spaniards, a large party of the natives of Cuba had departed 
northward in search of this happy land and this river of life, and, 
having never returned, it was concluded that they were flourish- 
ing in renovated youth, detained by the pleasures of that enchant- 
ing country. 

Here was the dream of the alchemist realized ! one had but 
to find this gifted land, and revel in the enjoyment of boundless 
riches and perennial youth ! nay, some of the ancient Indians 
declared that it was not necessary to go so far in quest of these 
rejuvenating waters, for that, in a certain island of the Bahama 
group, called Bimini, which lay far out in the ocean, there was 
a fountain possessing the same marvelous and inestimable quali- 
ties. 

Juan Ponce de Leon listened to these tales with fond credu- 
lity. He was advancing in life, and the ordinary term of existence 
seemed insuflicient for his mighty plans. Could he but plunge 
into this marvelous fountain or gifted river, and come out with 
his battered war-worn body restored to the strength and freshness 
and suppleness of youth, and his head still retaining the wisdom 



280 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



and knowledge of age, what enterprises might he not accomplish 
in the additional course of vigorous years insured to him ! 

It may seem incredible, at the present day, that a man of 
years and experience could yield any faith to a story which 
resembles the wild fiction of an Arabian tale ; but the wonders 
and novelties breaking upon the world in that age of discovery 
almost realized the illusions of fable, and the imaginations of the 
Spanish voyagers had become so heated, that they were capable 
of any stretch of credulity. 

So fully persuaded was the worthy old cavalier of the exist- 
ence of the region described to him, that he fitted out three ships 
at his own expense to prosecute the discovery, nor had he any 
difficulty in finding adventurers in abundance ready to cruise with 
him in quest of this fairy-land.* 

* It was not the credulous minds of voyagers and adventurers alone that 
were heated by these Indian traditions and romantic fables. Men of learning 
and eminence were likewise beguiled by them : witness the following extract 
from the second decad. of Peter Martyr, addressed to Leo X, then bishop of 
Rome : — 

" Among the islands on the north side of Hispaniola there is one about 325 
leagues distant, as they say which have searched the same, in the which is a 
continual spring of running water, of such marvelous virtue, that the water 
thereof being drunk, perhaps with some diet, maketh olde men young again. 
And here I must make protestation to your holiness not to think this to be said 
lightly or rashly, for they have so spread this rumor for a truth throughout all 
the court, that not only all the people, but also many of them whom wisdom 
or fortune hath divided from the common sort, think it to be true ; but, if you 
will ask my opinion herein, I will answer, that I will not attribute so great 
power to nature, but that God hath no lesse reserved this prerogative to him- 
self than to search the hearts of men," &,c. — P. Martyr, iecad. ii. cap. 10, Lok's 
translation. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 281 



CHAPTER VII. 



CRUISE OF JUAN PONCE DE LEON IN SEARCH OF THE FOUN- 
TAIN OF YOUTH. 

[1512.] 

It was on the 3d of March, 1512, that Juan Ponce sailed with 
his three ships from the port of St. Germain in the island of 
Porto Rico. He kept for some distance along the coast of His- 
paniola, and then, stretching away to the northward, made for the 
Bahama Islands, and soon fell in with the first of the group. 
He was favored with propitious weather and tranquil seas, and 
glided smoothly with wind and current along that verdant archi- 
pelago, visiting one island after another, until, on the fourteenth 
of the month, he arrived at Guanahani, or St. Salvador, where 
Christopher Columbus had first put his foot on the shores of the 
New World. His inquiries for the island of Bimini were all in 
vain, and as to the fountain of youth, he may have drank of every 
fountain, and river, and lake, in the archipelago, even to the salt 
pools of Turk's Island, without being a whit the younger. 

Still he was not discouraged ; but, having repaired his ships, 
he again put to sea and shaped his course to the northwest. On 
Sunday, the 27th of March, he came in sight of what he supposed 
to be an island, but was prevented from landing by adverse wea- 
ther. He continued hovering about it for several days, buffeted 
by the elements, until, in the night of the second of April, he 
succeeded in coming to anchor under the land, in thirty degrees 
eight minutes of latitude. The whole country was in the fresh 
bloom of spring ; the trees were gay with blossoms, and the fields 



VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



covered with flowers ; from which circumstance, as well as from 
having discovered it on Palm Sunday (Pascua Florida), he gave 
it the name of Florida, which it retains to the present day. The 
Indian name of the country was Cautio.* 

Juan Ponce landed, and took possession of the country in the 
name of the Castilian sovereigns. He afterwards continued for 
several weeks ranging the coasts of this flowery land, and strug- 
gling against the gulf-stream and the various currents which sweep 
it. He doubled Cape Caiiaveral, and reconnoitred the southern 
and eastern shores without suspecting that this was a part of Terra 
Firma. In all his attempts to explore the country, he met with 
resolute and implacable hostility on the part of the natives, who 
appeared to be a fierce and warlike race. He was disappointed 
also in his hopes of finding gold, nor did any of the rivers or 
fountains, which he examined, possess the rejuvenating virtue. 
Convinced, therefore, that this was not the promised land of In- 
dian tradition, he turned his prow homeward on the fourteenth 
of June, with the intention, in the way, of making one more 
attempt to find the island of Bimini. 

In the outset of his return he discovered a group of islets 
abounding with sea-fowl and marine animals. On one of them, 
his sailors, in the course of a single night, caught one hundred 
and seventy turtles, and might have taken many more, had they 
been so inclined. They likewise took fourteen sea-wolves, and 
killed a vast quantity of pelicans and other birds. To this group 
Juan Ponce gave the name of the Tortugas, or Turtles, which 
they still retain. 

Proceeding in his cruise, he touched at another group of islets 

* Herrera, Hist Ind., decad. i. lib. ix. cap. 10. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 283 



near the Lucayos, to whom he gave the name of La Vieja, or the 
Old Woman group, because he found no inhabitant there but one 
old Indian woman.* This ancient sibyl he took on board his 
ship, to give him information about the labyrinth of islands into 
which he was entering, and perhaps he could not have had a 
more suitable guide in the eccentric quest he was making. Not- 
withstanding her pilotage, however, he was exceedingly baffled 
and perplexed in his return voyage among the Bahama Islands, 
for he was forcing his way as it were against the course of nature, 
and encountering the currents which sweep westward along these 
islands, and the trade-wind which accompanies them. For a 
long time he struggled with all kinds of difficulties and dangers ; 
and was obliged to remain upwards of a month in one of the 
islands to repair the damages which his ship had suffered in a 
storm. 

Disheartened at length by the perils and trials with which 
nature seemed to have beset the approach to Bimini, as to some 
fairy island in romance, he gave up the quest in person, and sent 
in his place a trusty captain, Juan Perez de Ortubia, who de- 
parted in one of the other ships, guided by the experienced old 
woman of the isles, and by another Indian. As to Juan Ponce, 
he made the best of his way back to Porto Rico, where he ar- 
rived infinitely poorer in purse and wrinkled in brow, by this 
cruise after inexhaustible riches and perpetual youth. 

He had not been long in port when his trusty envoy, Juan 
Perez, likewise arrived. Guided by the sage old woman, he had 
succeeded in finding the long-sought-for Bimini. He described it 
as being large, verdant, and covered with beautiful groves. 
There were crystal springs and limpid streams in abundance, 

• Herrera, decad. i. lib. ix. 



284 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



which kept the island in perpetual verdure, but none that could 
restore to an old man the vernal greenness of his youth. 

Thus ended the romantic expedition of Juan Ponce de Leon. 
Like many other pursuits of a chimera, it terminated in the ac- 
quisition of a substantial good. Though he had failed in finding 
the fairy fountain of youth, he had discovered in place of it 
the important country of Florida.* 



CHAPTER VIIL 



EXPEDITION OF JUAN PONCE AGAINST THE CARIES. HIS 

DEATH. 

[1514] 

Juan Ponce de Leon now repaired to Spain, to make a report 
of his voyage to King Ferdinand. The hardy old cavalier expe- 
rienced much raillery from the witlings of the court, on account 
of his visionary voyage, though many wise men had been as 
credulous as himself at the outset. The king, however, received 
him with great favor, and conferred on him the title of Adelan- 

* The belief of the existence, in Florida, of a river like that sought by 
Joan Ponce, was long prevalent among the Indians of Cuba, and the caciques 
were anxious to discover it. That a party of the nati/es of Cuba once went 
in search of it, and remained there, appears to be a fact, as their descendants 
were afterwards to be traced among the people of Florida. Las Casas says, 
that, even in his days, many persisted in seeking this mystery, and some 
thought that the river was no other than that called the Jordan, at the point 
of St. Helena ; without considering that the name was given to it by the Span- 
iards in the year 1520, when they discovered the land of Chicora. 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 285 



tado of Bimini and Florida, which last vvas as yet considered an 
island. Permission was also granted him to recruit men either 
in Spain or in the colonies for a settlement in Florida ; but he 
deferred entering on his command for the present, being probably 
discouraged and impoverished by the losses in his last expedition, 
or finding a difficulty in enlisting adventurers. At length another 
enterprise presented itself. The Caribs had by this time become 
a terror to the Spanish inhabitants of many of the islands, making 
descents upon the coasts and carrying off captives, who it was 
supposed were doomed to be devoured by these cannibals. So 
frequent were their invasions of the island of Porto Rico, that it 
was feared they would ultimately oblige the Spaniards to aban- 
don it. 

King Ferdinand, therefore, in 1514, ordered that three ships, 
well armed and manned, should be fitted out in Seville, destined 
to scour the islands of the Caribs, and to free the seas from those 
cannibal marauders. The command of the Armada was given 
to Juan Ponce de Leon, from his knowledge in Indian warfare, 
and his varied and rough experience which had mingled in him 
the soldier with the sailor. He was instructed in the first place 
to assail the Caribs of those islands most contiguous and danger- 
ous to Porto Rico, and then to make war on those of the coast 
of Terra Firma, in the neighborhood of Carthagena. He was 
afterwards to take the captaincy of Porto Rico, and to attend to 
the repartimientos or distributions of the Indians in conjunction 
with a person to be appointed by Diego Columbus. 

The enterprise suited the soldier-like spirit of Juan Ponce de 
Leon, and the gallant old cavalier set sail full of confidence, in 
January, 1515, and steered direct for the Caribbces, with a deter- 
mination to give a wholesome castigation to the whole savage 



286 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



Archipelago. Arriving at the island of Guadaloupe, he cast an- 
chor, and sent men on shore for wood and water, and women to 
wash the clothing of the crews, with a party of soldiers to mount 
guard. 

Juan Ponce had not been as wary as usual, or he had to dea\ 
with savages unusually adroit in warfare. While the people 
were scattered carelessly on the shore, the Caribs rushed forth 
from an ambuscade, killed the greater part of the men, and car- 
ried off the women to the mountains. 

This blow at the very onset of his vaunted expedition sank 
deep into the heart of Juan Ponce, and put an end to all his 
military excitement. Humbled and mortified, he set sail for the 
island of Porto Rico, where he relinquished all further prosecu- 
tion of the enterprise, imder pretext of ill health, and gave the 
command of the squadron to a captain named Zuiiiga ; but it is 
surmised that his malady was not so much of the flesh as of the 
spirit. He remained in Porto Rico as governor ; but, having 
grown testy and irritable through vexations and disappointments, 
he gave great offence, and caused much contention on the island 
by positive and strong-handed measures, in respect to the distri- 
bution of the Indians. 

He continued for several years in that island, in a state of 
growling repose, until the brilliant exploits of Hernando Cortez, 
which threatened to eclipse the achievements of all the veteran 
discoverers, roused his dormant spirit. 

Jealous of being cast in the shade in his old days, he deter- 
mined to sally forth on one more expedition. He had heard that 
Florida, which he had discovered, and which he had hitherto con- 
sidered a mere island, was part of Terra Firma, possessing vast 
and unknown regions in its bosom. If so, a grand field of enter- 



THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 287 



prise lay before him, wlierein he might make discoveries and 
conquests to rival, if not surpass, the far-famed conquest of 
Mexico. 

Accordingly, in the year 1521 he fitted out two ships at the 
island of Porto Rico, and embarked almost the whole of his 
property in the undertaking. His voyage was toilsome and tem- 
pestuous, but at length he arrived at the wished-for land. He 
made a descent upon the coast with a great part of his men, but 
the Indians sallied forth with unusual valor to defend their shores. 
A bloody battle ensued, several of the Spaniards were slain, and 
Juan Ponce was wounded by an arrow, in the thigh. He was borne 
on board his ship, and finding himself disabled for further action, 
set sail for Cuba, where he arrived ill in body and dejected in heart. 

He was of an age where there is no longer prompt and 
healthful reaction either mental or corporeal. The irritations of 
humiliated pride and disappointed hope, exasperated the fever of 
his wound, and he died soon after his arrival at the island. 
" Thus fate," says one of the quaint old Spanish writers, " delights 
to reverse the schemes of man. The discovery that Juan Ponce 
flattered himself was to lead to a means of perpetuating his life, 
had the ultimate effect of hastening his death." 

It may be said, however, that he has at least attained the 
shadow of his desire, since, though disappointed in extending the 
natural term of his existence, his discovery has insured a lasting 
duration to his name. 

The following epitaph was inscribed upon his tomb, which 
does justice to the warrior qualities of the stout old cavalier : 

Mole sub hac fortis requiescunt ossa Leonis, 
Qui vicit factis nomina magna suis. 



288 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF 



It has thus been paraphrased in Spanish by the Licentiate 
Juan de Castellanos : 

Aqueste lugar estrecho 
Es sepulchro del varon. 
Que en el nombre fue Leon, 
Y mucho mas en el hecho. 

'' In this sepulchre rest the bones of a man, who was a lion 
by name, and still more by nature." 



appendix: 



CONTAINING 



ILLUSTRATIONS AND DOCUMENTS 



APPENDIX 



No. I. 

TRANSPORTATION OF THE REMAINS OP COLUMBUS FROM ST 
DOMINGO TO THE HAVANA. 

At the termination of a war between France and Spain, in 1795, all the 
Spanish possessions in the island of Hispaniola were ceded to France, by 
the 9lh article of the treaty of peace. To assist in the accomplishment 
of this cession, a Spanish squadron was dispatched to the island at the 
appointed time, commanded by Don Gabriel de Aristizabal, lieutenant-gen- 
eral of the royal armada. On the 11th December, 1795, that commander 
wrote to the field-marshal and governor, Don Joaquin Garcia, resident at 
St. Domingo, that, being informed that the remains of the celebrated admi- 
ral Don Christopher Columbus lay in the cathedral of that city, he felt it 
incumbent on him as a Spaniard, and as commander-in-chief of his majesty's 
squadron of operations, to solicit the translation of the ashes of that hero 
to the island of Cuba, which had likewise been discovered by him, and 
where he had first planted the standard of the cross. He expressed a de- 
sire that this should be done officially, and with great care and formality, 
that it might not remain in the power of any one, by a careless transporta- 
tion of these honored remains, to lose a relic, connected with an event 
which formed the most glorious epoch of Spanish history, and that it 
might be manifested to all nations, that Spaniards, notwithstanding the 
lapse of ages, never ceased to pay all honors to the remains of that " wor- 
thy and adventurous general of the seas •," nor abandoned them, wlien the 
various public bodies, representing the Spanish dominion, emigrated from 
the island. As he had not time, without great inconvenience, to consult 



292 APPENDIX. 



the sovereign on this subject, he had recourse to the governor, as roya 
vice-patron of the island, hoping that his solicitation might be granted, and 
the remains of the admiral exhumed and conveyed to the island of Cuba, 
in the ship San Lorenzo. 

The generous wishes of this high-minded Spaniard met with warm 
concurrence on the part of the governor. He informed him in reply, that 
the duke of Veraguas, lineal successor of Columbus, had manifested the 
same solicitude, and had sent directions that the necessary measures 
should be taken at his expense ; and had at the same time expressed a 
wish that the bones of the Adelantado, Don Bartholomew Columbus, 
should likewise be exhumed ; transmitting inscriptions to be put upon the 
sepulchres of both. He added, that although the king had given no orders 
on the subject, yet the proposition being so accordant with the grateful 
feelings of the Spanish nation, and meeting with the concurrence of all 
the authorities of tlie island, he was ready on liis part to carry it into exe- 
cution. 

The commandant-general Aristizabal then made a similar communica- 
tion to the archbishop of Cuba, Don Fernando Portillo y Torres, whose 
metropolis was then the city of St. Domingo, hoping to receive his coun- 
tenance and aid in this pious undertaking. 

The reply of the archbishop was couched in terms of high courtesy 
towards the gallant commander, and deep reverence for the memory of 
Columbus, and expressed a zeal in rendering this tribute of gratitude and 
respect to the remains of one who had done so much for the glory of the 
nation. 

The persons empowered to act for the duke of Veraguas, the venera- 
ble dean and chapter of the cathedral, and all the other persons and autho- 
rities to whom Don Gabriel de Aristizabal made similar communications, 
manifested the same eagerness to assist in the performance of this solemn 
and aflfecting rite. 

The worthy commander Aristizabal, having taken all these prepara- 
tory steps with great form and punctilio, so as that the ceremony should 
be performed in a public and striking manner, suitable to the fame of 
Columbus, the whole was carried into effect with becoming pomp and 
solemnity. 

On the 20th December, 1795, the most distinguished persons of the 
place, the dignitaries of the church, and civil and military officers, assem- 
bled in the metropolitan cathedral. In the presence of this august assem- 
blage, a small vault was opened above the chancel, in the principal waU 



APPENDIX. 293 



on the right side of the high altar. Within were found the fragments of 
a leaden coffin, a number of bones, and a quantity of mould, evidently the 
remains of a human body. These were carefully collected and put into 
a case of gilded lead, about half an ell in length and breadth, and a third 
in height, secured by an iron lock, the key of which was delivered to the 
archbishop. The case was inclosed in a coffin covered with black velvet, 
and ornamented with lace and fringe of gold. The whole was then placed 
in a temporary tomb or mausoleum. 

On the following day, there was another grand convocation at the ca- 
thedral, when the vigils and masses for the dead were solemnly chanted 
by the archbishop, accompanied by the commandant-general of the armada, 
the Dominican and Franciscan friars, and the friars of the order of Mercy, 
together with the rest of the distinguished assemblage. After this a 
funeral sermon was preached by the archbishop. 

On the same day, at four o'clock in the afternoon, the coffin was trans- 
ported to the ship with the utmost state and ceremony, with a civil, reli- 
gious, and military procession, banners wrapped in mourning, chants and 
responses and discharges of artillery. The most distinguished persons of 
the several orders took turn to support the coffin. The key was taken 
with great formality from the hands of the archbishop by the governor, 
and given into the hands of the commander of the armada, to be delivered 
jy him to the governor of the Havana, to be held in deposit until the plea- 
sure of the king should be known. The coffin was received on board of 
a brigantine called the Discoverer, which, with all the other shipping, dis- 
played mourning signals, and saluted the remains with the honors paid to 
an admiral. 

From the port of St. Domingo the coffin was conveyed to the bay of 
Ocoa and there transferred to the ship San Lorenzo. It was accompanied 
by a portrait of Columbus, sent from Spain by the duke of Veraguas, to 
be suspended close by the place where the remains of his illustrious an- 
cestor should be deposited. 

The ship immediately made sail and arrived at Havana in Cuba, on the 
15th of January, 1796. Here the same deep feeling of reverence to the 
memory of the discoverer was evinced. The principal authorities repaired 
on board of the ship, accompanied by the superior naval and military offi- 
cers. Every thing was conducted with the same circumstantial and solemn 
ceremonial. The remains were removed with great reverence, and placed in 
a felucca, in which they were conveyed to land in the midst of a procession 
of three columns of feluccas and boats in the royal service, all properh 



294 APPENDIX. 



decorated, containing distinguished military and ministerial officers. Twc 
feluccas followed, in one of whicii was a marine guard of honor, with 
mourning banners and muffled drums ; and in the other were the com- 
mandant general, the principal minister of marine, and the military staff. 
In passing the vessels of war in the harbor, they all paid the honors due to 
an admiral and captain-general of the navy. On arriving at the mole, the 
remains were met by the governor of the island, accompanied by the gen- 
erals and the military staff. The coffin was then conveyed between files 
of soldiery which lined the streets to the obelisk, in the place of arms, 
where it was received in a hearse prepared for the purpose. Here the 
remains were formally delivered to the governor and captain-general of 
the island, the key given up to him, the coffin opened and examined, and 
the safe transportation of its contents authenticated. This ceremony be- 
ing concluded, it was conveyed in grand procession and with the utmost 
pomp to the cathedral. Masses, and the solemn ceremonies of the dead 
were performed by the bishop, and the mortal remains of Columbus de- 
posited with great reverence in the wall on the right side of the grand 
altar. " All these honors and ceremonies," says the document, from 
whence this notice is digested,* " were attended by the ecclesiastical and 
secular dignitaries, the public bodies and all the nobility and gentry of 
Havana, in proof of the high estimation and respectful remembrance in 
which they held the hero who had discovered the New World, and had 
been the first to plant the standard of the cross on that island." 

This is the last occasion that the Spanish nation has had to testify its 
feelings towards the memory of Columbus, and it is with deep satisfaction 
that the author of this work has been able to cite at large a ceremonial so 
solemn, affecting, and noble in its details, and so honorable to the national 
character. 

When we read of the remains of Columbus, thus conveyed from the 
port of St. Domingo, after an interval of nearly three hundred years, as 
sacred national relics, with civic and military pomp, and high religious 
ceremonial ; the most dignified and illustrious men striving who most 
should pay them reverence ; we cannot but reflect that it was from this 
very port he was carried off loaded with ignominious chains, blasted ap- 
parently in fame and fortune, and followed by the revilings of the rabble. 
Such honors, it is true, are nothing to the dead, nor can they atone to the 
heart, now dust and ashes, for all the wrongs and sorrows it may have 

* Navarrete Colec. torn. ii. p. 365. 



APPENDIX. 995 



suffered: but they speak volumes of comfort to the illustrious, yet slan- 
dered and persecuted living, encouraging them bravely to bear with present 
injuries, by showing them how true merit outlives all calumny, and re- 
ceives its glorious reward in the admiration of after ages. ■ 



No. 11. 

NOTICE OF THE DESCENDANTS OP COLUMBUS. 

On the death of Columbus his son Diego succeeded to his rights, as vice- 
roy and governor of the New World, according to the express capitula- 
tions between the sovereigns and his father. He appears by the general 
consent of historians to have been a man of great integrity, of respectable 
talents, and of a frank and generous nature. Herrera speaks repeatedly 
of the gentleness and urbanity of his manners, and pronounces him of a 
noble disposition and without deceit. This absence of all guile frequently 
laid him open to the stratagems of crafty men, grown old in deception, 
who rendered his life a continued series of embarrassments ; but the pro- 
bity of his character, with the irresistible power of truth, bore him through 
difficulties in which more politic and subtle men would have been entangled 
and completely lost. 

Immediately after the death of the admiral, Don Diego came forward 
as lineal successor, and urged the restitution of the family offices and 
privileges, which had been suspended daring the latter years of his father's 
life. If the cold and wary Ferdinand, however, could forget his obligations 
of gratitude and justice to Columbus, he had less difficulty in turning a deaf 
ear to the solicitations of his son. For two years Don Diego pressed his 
suit with fruitless diligence. He felt the apparent distrust of the monar&h 
the more sensibly, from having been brought up under his eye, as a page 
in the royal household, where his character ought to be well known and 
appreciated. At length, on the return of Ferdinand from Naples in 1508, 
lie put to him a direct question, with the frankness attributed to his cha- 
racter. He demanded " why his majesty would not grant to him as a 
favor, that which was his right, and why he hesitated to confide in the 
fidelity of one who had been reared in his house." Ferdinand replied that 



296 APPENDIX. 



he could fully confide in him, but could not repose so great a trust at a 
venture in his children and successors. To this Don Dicfro rejoined, that 
it was contrary to all justice and reason to make him suffer for the sins 
of his children who might never be born.* 

Still, though he had reason and justice on his side, the young admiral 
found it impossible to bring the wary monarch to a compliance. Finding 
all appeal to all his ideas of equity or sentiments of generosity in vain, 
he solicited permission to pursue his claim in the ordinary course of law. 
The king coidd not refuse so reasonable a request, and Don Diego com- 
menced a process against king Ferdinand before the council of the Indies, 
founded on the repeated capitulations between the crown and his father, 
and embracing all the dignities and immunities ceded by them. 

One ground of opposition to these claims was, that if the capitulation, 
made by the sovereigns in 1492, had granted a perpetual viceroyalty to 
the admiral and his heirs, such grant could not stand ; being contrary to 
the interest of the state, and to an express law promulgated in Toledo in 
1480 ; wherein it was ordained that no office, involving the administration 
of justice, should be given in perpetuity ; that therefore, the viceroyalty 
granted to the admiral could only have been for his life ; and that even, 
during that term, it had justly been taken from him for his misconduct. 
That such concessions were contrary to the inherent prerogatives of the 
crown, of which the government could not divest itself. To this Don 
Diego replied, that as to the validity of the capitulation, it was a binding 
contract, and none of its privileges ought to be restricted. That as by 
royal schedules dated in Villa Franca, June 2d, 1506, and Almazan, Aug. 
28, 1507, it had been ordered that he, Don Diego, should receive the 
tenths, so equally ought the other privileges to be accorded to him. As 
to the allegation that his father had been deprived of his viceroyalty for 
his demerits, it was contrary to all truth. It had been audacity on the 
part of Bobadilla to send him a prisoner to Spain in 1500, and contrary to 
the will and command of the sovereigns, as was proved by their letter, 
dated from Valencia de la Torre in 1502, in which they expressed grief at 
his arrest, and assured him that it should be redressed, and his privileges 
guarded entire to himself and his children. f 

This memorable suit was commenced in 1508, and continued for seve- 
ral years. In the course of it the claims of Don Diego were disputed, 

* Herrera, Hist. Ind. decad. ii. lib. vii. cap. 4. 

t Extracts from the minutes of the process taken by the historian Munoz, MS. 



APPENDIX. 297 



likewise, on the plea that his futlier was not the original discoverer of 
Terra Firma, but only subsequently of certain portions of it. This, how- 
ever, was completely controverted by overwhelming testimony. The 
claims of Don Diego were minutely discussed and rigidly examined ; and 
the unanimous decision of the council of the Indies in his favor, while it 
reflected honor on the justice and independence of that body, silenced 
many petty cavilers at the fair fame of Columbus.* Notwitlistanding 
this decision, the wily monarch wanted neither means nor pretexts to 
delay the ceding of such vast powers, so repugnant to his cautious policy. 
The young admiral was finally indebted for his success in this suit to 
previous success attained in a suit of a different nature. He had become 
enamored of Dofla Maria de Toledo, daughter of Fernando de Toledo, 
grand commander of Leon, and niece to Don Fadrique de Toledo, the cel- 
ebrated duke of Alva, chief favorite of the king. This was aspiring to a 
high connection. The father and uncle of the lady were the most power- 
ful grandees of the proud kingdom of Spain, and cousins german to Fer- 
dinand. The glory, however, which Columbus had left behind, rested 
upon his children, and the claims of Don Diego, recently confirmed by the 
council, involved dignities and wealth sufficient to raise him to a level with 
the loftiest alliance. He found no difficulty in obtaining the hand of the 
lady, and thus was the foreign family of Columbus ingrafted on one of 
the proudest races of Spain. The natural consequences followed. Diego 
had secured that magical power called " connections ;" and the favor of 
Ferdinand, which had been so long withheld from him, as the son of Co- 
lumbus, shone upon him, though coldly, as the nephew of the duke of 
Alva. The father and uncle of his bride succeeded, though with great 
difficultv, in conquering the repugnance of the monarch, and after all he 
but granted in part the justice they required. He ceded to Don Diego 
merely the dignities and powers enjoyed by Nicholas de Ovando, who was 
recalled ; and he cautiously withheld the title of viceroy. 

The recall of Ovando was not merely a measure to make room for 
Don Diego, it was the tardy performance of a promise made to Isabella 
on her death-bed. The expiring queen had demanded it as a punishment 
for the massacre of her poor Indian subjects at Xaragua, and the cruel 
and ignominious execution of the female cacique Anacaona. Thus retri- 
bution was continually going its rounds in the checkered destinies of this 

* Further mention will be found of this lawsuit in the article relative to 
Amerigo Vespticci. 

VOL. m. 13* 



;i98 APPENDIX. 



island, which has ever presented a little epitome of human history ; its 
errors and crimes, and consequent disasters. 

In complying with the request of the queen, however, Ferdinand was 
favorable towards Ovando. He did not feel the same generous sympathies 
with his late consort, and, however Ovando had sinned against humanity 
in his treatment of the Indians, he had been a vigilant officer, and his very 
oppressions had in general proved profitable to the crown. Ferdinand 
directed that the fleet which took out the new governor should return un- 
der the command of Ovando, and that he should retain undisturbed enjoy- 
ment of any property or Indian slaves that might be found in his posses- 
sion. Some have represented Ovando as a man far from mercenary ; that 
the wealth wrung from the miseries of the natives was for his sovereign, 
not for himself; and it is intimated that one secret cause of his disgrace 
was his having made an enemy of the all-powerful and unforgiving 
Fonseca.* 

The new admiral embarked at St. Lucar, June 9, 1609, with his wife, 
his brother Don Fernando, who was now grown to man's estate, and had 
been well educated, and his two uncles Don Bartholomew and Don Diego. 
They were accompanied by a numerous retinue of cavaliers, with their 
wives, and of young ladies of rank and family, more distinguished, it is 
hinted, for high blood than large fortune, and who were sent out to find 
wealthy husbands in the New World. f 

Though the king had not granted Don Diego the dignity of viceroy, 
the title was generally given to him by courtesy, and his wife was univer- 
sally addressed by that of vice-queen. 

Don Diego commenced his rule with a degree of splendor hitherto 
unknown in the colony. The vice-queen, who was a lady of great desert, 
surrounded by the noble cavaliers and the young ladies of family who had 
come in her retinue, established a sort of court, which threw a degree of 
lustre over the half savage island. The young ladies were soon married 
to the wealthiest colonists, and contributed greatly to soften those rude 
manners which had grown up in a state of society hitherto destitute of the 
salutary restraint and .^leasing decorum produced by female influence. 

Don Diego had considered his appointment in the light of a vice- 
royalty, but the king soon took measures which showed that he admitted 
of no such pretension. Without any reference to Don Diego, he divided 

* Charlevoix, ut supra, v. i. p. 272, id. 274. 
t Las Casas, lib. ii. cap. 49, MS. 



APPENDIX. fm 



the coast of Darien into two great provinces, separated by an imaginary 
line running through the Gulf of Urabu, appointing Alonzo de Ojeda gov- 
ernor of the eastern province, which he called New Andalusia, and Diego 
de Nicuessa, governor of the western province, which included the rich 
coast of Veragua, and which he called Castilla del Oro, or Golden Castile. 
Had the monarch been swayed by principles of justice and gratitude, the 
settlement of this coast would have been given to the Adelantado, Don 
Bartholomew Columbus, who had assisted in the discovery of the country, 
and, together, with his brother the admiral, had suffered so greatly in the 
enterprise. Even his superior abilities for the task should have pointed 
him out to the policy of the monarch ; but the cautious and calculating 
Ferdinand knew the lofty spirit of the Adelantado, and that he would be 
disposed to demand high and dignified terms. He passed him by, there- 
fore, and preferred more eager and accommodating adventurers. 

Don Diego was greatly aggrieved at this measure, thus adopted wi'thout 
his participation or knowledge. He justly considered it an infringement 
of the capitulations granted and repeatedly confirmed to his father and his 
heirs. He had further vexations and diflicuUies with respect to the govern- 
ment of the island of St. Juan, or Porto Rico, which was conquered and 
settled about this time ; but after a variety of cross purposes, the officers 
whom he appointed were ultimately recognized by the crown. 

Like his father, he had to contend with malignant factions in his go- 
vernment ; for the enemies of the father transferred their enmity to the 
son. There was one Miguel Pasamonte, the king's treasurer, who became 
his avowed enemy, under the support and chiefly at the instigation of the 
bishop Fonseca, who continued to the son the implacable hostility which 
he had manifested to the father. A variety of trivial circumstances con- 
tributed to embroil him with some of the petty officers of the colony, and 
there was a remnant of the followers of Roldan who arrayed themselves 
against him.* 

Two factions soon arose in the island ; one of the admiral, the other 
of the treasurer Pasamonte. The latter affected to call themselves the 
party of the king. They gave all possible molestation to Don Diego, and 
sent home the most virulent and absurd misrepresentations of his conduct. 
Among others, they represented a large house with many windows which 
he was building, as intended for a fortress, and asserted that he had a de- 
sign to make himself sovereign of the island. King Ferdinand, who was 

• Herrera, decad. i. lib. vii. cap. 12. 



300 APPENDIX. 



now advancing in years, had devolved the affairs of the Indies in a ^eat 
measure on Fonseca,* who had superintended them from the first, and he 
was greatly guided by the advice of that prelate, which was not likely to 
be favorable to the descendants of Columbus. The complaints from the 
colonies were so artfully enforced, therefore, that he established in 1510 a 
sovereign court at St. Domingo, called the royal audience, to which an 
appeal might be made from all sentences of the admiral, even in cases re- 
served hitherto exclusively for the crown. Don Diego considered this a 
suspicious and injurious measure intended to demolish his authority. 

Frank, open, and unsuspicious, the young admiral was not formed for 
a contest with the crafty politicians arrayed against him, who were ready 
and adroit in seizing upon his slightest errors, and magnifying them into 
crimes. Difficulties were multiplied in his path which it was out of his 
power to overcome. He had entered upon office full of magnanimous 
intentions ; determined to pat an end to oppression, and correct all abuses ; 
all good men therefore had rejoiced at his appointment ; but he soon found 
that he had overrated his strength, and undervalued the difficulties await- 
ing him. He calculated from his own good heart, but he had no idea of 
the wicked hearts of others. He was opposed to the repartimientos of 
Indians, that source of all kinds of inhumanity ; but he found all the men 
of wealth in the colony, and most of the important persons of the court, 
interested in maintaining them. He perceived that the attempt to abolish 
them would be dangerous, and the result questionable : at the same time 
this abuse was a source of immense profit to himself. Self-interest, there- 
fore, combined with other considerations, and what at first appeared diffi- 
cult, seemed presently impracticable. The repartimientos continued in the 
state in which he found them, excepting that he removed such of the su- 
perintendents as had been cruel and oppressive, and substituted men of his 
own appointment, who probably proved equally worthless. His friends 
were disappointed, his enemies encouraged ; a hue and cry was raised 
against him by the friends of those he had displaced ; and it was even said 
that if Ovando had not died about this time, he would have been sent out 
to supplant Don Diego. 

The subjugation and settlement of the island of Cuba in 1510, was a 
fortunate event in the administration of the present admiral. He congrat- 
ulated king Ferdinand on having acquired the largest and most beautiful 
island in the world without losing a single man. The intelligence was 

* Herrera, decad. i. lib. vii. cap. 12. 



APPENDIX. 301 



highly acceptable to the king ; but it was accompanied by a great number 
of complaints against the admiral. Little affection as Ferdinand felt for 
Don Diego, he was still aware that most of these representations were 
fahe, and had their origin in the jealousy and envy of his enemies. He 
judged it expedient, however, in 1512, to send out Don Bartholomew Co- 
lumbus with minute instructions to his nephew the admiral. 

Don Bartholomew still retained the office of Adelantado of the Indies ; 
although Ferdinand, through selfish motives, detained him in Spain, while 
he employed inferior men in voyages of discovery. He now added to his 
appointments the property and government of the little island of Mona 
during life, and assigned him a repartimiento of two hundred Indians, with 
the superintendence of the mines which might be discovered in Cuba ; an 
office which proved very lucrative.* 

Among the instructions given by the king to Don Diego, he directed 
that, m consequence of the representations of the Dominican friars, the 
labor of the natives should be reduced to one-third ; that negro slaves 
should be procured from Guinea as a relief to the Indians -,1 and that Carib 
slaves should be branded on the leg, to prevent other Indians from being 
confounded with them and subjected to harsh treatment.J 

The two governors, Ojeda and Nicuessa, whom the king had appointed 
to colonize and command at the Isthmus of Darien, in Terra Firma, hav- 
ing failed in their undertaking, the sovereign, in 1514, wrote to Hispaniola, 
permitting the Adelantado, Don Bartholomew, if so inclined, to take charge 
of settling the coast of Veragua, and to govern that country under the 
admiral Don Diego, conformably to his privileges. Had the king consulted 
his own interest, and the deference due to the talents and services of the 
Adelantado, this measure would have been taken at an earlier date. It 
was now too late : illness prevented Don Bartholomew from executing 
the enterprise ; and his active and toilsome life was drawing to a close. 

Many calumnies having been sent home to Spain by Pasamonte and 
other enemies of Don Diego, and various measures being taken by gov- 
ernment, which he conceived derogatory to his dignity, and injurious to 
his privileges, he requested and obtained permission to repair to court, that 
he might explain and vindicate his conduct. He departed, accordingly, on 
April 9th, 1515, leaving the Adelantado with the vice-queen Dofia Maria. 

* Charlevoix, Hist. St. Domingo, p. 321. 
t Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. ix. cap. 5. t Idem. 



008 APPENDIX. 

He was received with great honor by the king ; and he merited such a 
reception. He had succeeded in every enterprise he had undertaken or 
directed. The pearl fishery had been successfully established on the coast 
of Cubagua ; the islands of Cuba and of Jamaica had been subjected and 
brought under cultivation without bloodshed ; his conduct as governor had 
been upright ; and he had only excited the representations made against 
him, by endeavoring to lessen the oppression of the natives. The king 
ordered that all processes against him in the court of appeal and elsewhere, 
for damages done to individuals in regulating the repartimientos, should be 
discontinued, and the cases sent to himself for consideration. But with 
all these favors, as the admiral claimed a share of the profits of the prov- 
inces of Castilla del Oro, saying that it was discovered by his father, as 
the names of its places, such as Nombre de Dios, Porto Bello and el Re- 
trete, plainly proved, the king ordered that interrogatories should be made 
among the mariners who had sailed with Christopher Columbus, in the 
hope of proving that he had not discovered the coast of Darien nor the 
Gulf of Uraba. " Thus," adds Herrera, " Don Diego was always in- 
volved in litigations with the fiscal, so that he might truly say that he was 
heir to the troubles of his father."* 

Not long after the departure of Don Diego from St. Domingo, his 
uncle, Don Bartholomew, ended his active and laborious life. No particu- 
lars are given of his death, nor is there mention made of his age, which 
must have been advanced. King Ferdinand is said to have expressed 
great concern at the event, for he had a high opinion of the character and 
talents of the Adelantado : " a man," says Herrera, " of not less worth 
than his brother the admiral, and who, if he had been employed, would 
have given great proofs of it ; for he was an excellent seaman, valiant and 
of great heart."f Charlevoix attributes the inaction in which Don Bartholo- 
mew had been suffered to remain for several years, to the jealousy and 
parsimony of the king. He found the house already too powerful ; and 
the Adelantado, had he discovered Mexico, was a man to make as good 
conditions as had been made by the admiral his brother.J It Avas said, ob- 
served Herrera, that the king rather preferred to employ him in his Euro- 
pean affairs, though it could only have been to divert him from other ob- 
jects. On his death the king resumed to himself the island of Mona, 



• Herrera, decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 7. t Idem, decad. i. lib. x. cap. 16, 
t Charlevoix, Hist. St. Doming., lib. v. 



APPENDIX. 303 



which he had given to him for life, and transferred his repartimiento of 
two hundred Indians to the vice-queen Dona Maria. 

While the admiral Don Diego was pressing for an audience in liis vin- 
dication at court, King Ferdinand died on the 23d January, 1516. His 
grandson and successor, Prince Charles, afterwards the emperor Charles 
V, was in Flanders. The government rested for a time with Cardinal 
Ximenes, who would not undertake to decide on the representations and 
claims of the admiral. It was not until 1520 that he obtained from the 
emperor Charles V a recognition of his innocence of all the charges 
against him. The emperor finding that what Pasamonte and his party 
had written were notorious calumnies, ordered Don Diego to resume his 
charge, although the process with the fiscal was still pending, and that 
Pasamonte should be written to, requesting him to forget all past passions 
and differences and to enter into amicable relations with Don Diego. 
Among other acts of indemnification he acknowledged his right to exer- 
cise his office of viceroy and governor in the island of Hispaniola, and in 
all parts discovered by his father.* His authority was, however, much 
diminished by new regulations, and a supervisor appointed over him with 
the right to give information to the council against him, but with no other 
powers. Don Diego sailed in the beginning of September, 1520, and on 
his arrival at St. Domingo, finding that several of the governors, presum- 
ing on his long absence, had arrogated to themselves independence, and 
had abused their powers, he immediately sent persons to supersede them, 
and demanded an account of their administration. This made him a host 
of active and powerful enemies both in the colonies and in Spain. 

Considerable changes had taken place in the island of Hispaniola, 
during the absence of the admiral. The mines had fallen into neglect, the 
cultivation of the sugar-cane having been found a more certain source 
of wealth. It became a by-word in Spain that the magnificent palaces 
erected by Charles V at Madrid and Toledo were built of the sugar of 
Hispaniola. Slaves had been imported in great numbers from Africa, 
being found more serviceable in the culture of the cane than the feeble 
Indians. The treatment of the poor negroes was cruel in the extreme ; 
and they seem to have had no advocates even among the humane. The 
slavery of the Indians had been founded on the right of the strong ; but it 
was thought that the negroes, from their color, were born to slavery ; and 
that from being bought and sold in their own country, it was their natural 

• Herrera, decad. ii. lib. ix. cap. 7. 



304 APPENDIX. 



condition. Though a patient and enduring race, the barharities inflicted 
on them at length roused them to revenge, and on the 27th December, 
1522, there was the first African revolt in Hiepaniola. It began in a 
sugar plantation of the admiral Don Diego, where about twenty slaves, 
joined by an equal number from a neighboring plantation, got possession 
of arms, rose on their superintendents, massacred them, and sallied forth 
upon the country. It was their intention to pillage certain plantations, te 
kill the whites, reinforce themselves by freeing their countrymen, and 
either to possess themselves of the town of Agua, or to escape to the 
mountains. 

Don Diego set out from St. Domingo in search of the rebels, followed 
by several of the principal inhabitants. On the second day he stopped on 
the banks of the river Nizao to rest his party and suffer reinforcements 
to overtake him. Here one Melchor de Castro, who accompanied the ad- 
miral, learnt that the negroes had ravaged his plantation, sacked his house, 
killed one of his men, and carried off his Indian slaves. Without asking 
leave of the admiral, he departed in the night with two companions, visited 
his plantation, found all in confusion, and pursuing the negroes, sent to the 
admiral for aid. Eight horsemen were hastily dispatched to his assistance, 
armed with bucklers and lances, and having six of the infantry mounted 
behind them. De Castro had three horsemen beside this reinforcement, 
and at the head of this little band overtook the negroes at break of day. 
The insurgents put themselves in battle array, armed with stones and In- 
dian spears, and uttering loud shouts and outcries. The Spanish horse- 
men braced their bucklers, couched their lances, and charged them at full 
speed. The negroes were soon routed, and fled to the rocks, leaving six 
dead and several wounded. De Castro also was wounded in the arm. 
The admiral coming up, assisted in the pursuit of the fugitives. As fast 
as they were taken they were hanged on the nearest trees, and remained 
suspended as spectacles of terror to their countrymen. This prompt seve- 
rity checked all further attempts at revolt among the African slaves.* 

In the meantime the various enemies whom Don Diego had created, 
both in the colonies and in Spain, were actively and successfully em- 
ployed. His old antagonist, the treasurer Pasamonte, had charged him 
with usurping almost all the powers of the royal audience, and with 
having given to the royal declaration, re-establishing him in his office of 
viceroy, an extent never intended by the sovereign. These representa- 

* Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. ill. lib. iv. cap. 9. 



APPENDIX. 305 



dons had weight at court, and in 1523 Don Diego received a most severe 
letter from the council of tiie Indies, charging him with the various abuses 
and excesses alleged against him, and commanding him, on pain of forfeit- 
ing all his privileges and titles, to revoke the innovations he had made, and 
restore things to their former state. To prevent any plea of ignorance 
of this mandate, the royal audience was enjoined to jjromulgate it and to 
call upon all persons to conform to it, and to see that it was properly 
obeyed. The admiral received also a letter from the council, informing 
him that his presence was necessary in Spain, to give information of the 
foregoing matters, and advice relative to the reformation of various abuses, 
and to the treatment and preservation of the Indians ; he was requested, 
therefore, to repair to court without waiting for further orders. •*= 

Don Diego understood this to be a peremptory recall, and obeyed ac- 
cordingly. On his arrival in Spain, he immediately presented himself 
before the court at Victoria, with the frank and fearless spirit of an up- 
right man, and pleaded his cause so well, that the sovereign and council 
acknowledged his innocence on all the points of accusation. Ho con- 
^'inced them, moreover, of the exactitude with which he had discharged 
his duties ; of his zeal for the public good, and the glory of the crown ; 
and that all the representations against him rose from the jealousy and en- 
mity of Pasamonte and other royal officers in the colonies, who were im- 
patient of any superior authority in the island to restrain them. 

Having completely established his innocence, and exposed the cal- 
umnies of his enemies, Don Diego trusted that he would soon obtain 
justice as to all his claims. As these, however, involved a participation 
in the profits of vast and richly productive provinces, he experienced the 
delays and difficulties usual with such demands, for it is only when justice 
costs nothing that it is readily rendered. His earnest solicitations at length 
obtained an order from the emperor, that a commission should be formed, 
composed of the grand chancellor, the friar Loyasa, confessor to tlie empe- 
ror, and president of the royal council of the Indies, and a number of other 
distinguished personages. They were to inquire into the various points 
in dispute between the admiral and the fiscal, and into the proceedings 
which had taken place in the council of the Indies, with the power of de- 
termining what justice required in the case. 

The affair, however, was protracted to such a length, and accompanied 
by so many toils, vexations, and disappointments, that the unfortunate 

• Herrera, Hist. Ind.decad. lib. v. cap. 4. 



APPENDIX. 



Diego, likn his father, died in the pursuit. For two years he had followed 
the court from city to city, during its migrations from Victoria to Burgos, 
Valiadolid, Madrid, and Toledo. In the winter of 1525, the emperor set 
out from Toledo for Seville. The admiral undertook to follow him, though 
his constitution was broken by fatigue and vexation, and he was wasting 
under the attack of a slow fever. Oviedo, the historian, saw him at 
Toledo two days before his departure, and joined with his friends in endea- 
voring to dissuade him from a journey in such a state of health, and at 
such a season. Their persuasions were in vain, Don Diego was not 
aware of the extent of his malady : he told them that he should repair to 
Seville by the church of our Lady of Guadaloupe, to offer up his devo- 
tions at that shrine ; and he trusted, through the intercession of the mother 
of God, soon to be restored to liealth.* He accordingly left Toledo in a 
litter on the 21st of February, 1526, having previously confessed and 
taken the communion, and arrived the same day at Montalvan, distant 
about six leagues. There his illness increased to such a degree that he 
saw his end approaching. He employed the following day in arranging 
the affairs of liis conscience, and expired on February 23d, being little 
more than fifty years of age, his premature death having been hastened by 
the griefs and troubles he had experienced. " He was worn out," says 
Herrera, " by following up his claims, and defending himself from the 
calumnies of his competitors, who, with n^any stratagems and devices, 
sought to obscure the glory of the flither and the virtue of the son."t 

We have seen how the discovery of the New World rendered the resi- 
due of the life of Columbus a tissue of wrongs, hardships and afflictions, 
and how the jealousy and enmity he had awakened were inherited by his 
son. It remains to show briefly in what degree the anticipations of perpe- 
tuity, wealth and honor to his family were fulfilled. 

When Don Diego Columbus died, his wife and iiimily were at St. Do- 
mingo. He left two sons, Luis and Christopher, and three daughters, 
Maria, who afterwards married Don Sancho de Cardono ; Juana, wlic 
married Don Luis de Cueva ; and Isabella, who married Don George of 
Portugal, count of Gelves. He had also a natural son named Christopher.^ 

* Charlevoix, Hist. St. Doming., lib. vi. 
t Herrera, decad. ill. lib. viii. cap. 15. 
t Memorial ajustado sobre el estado de Veragua. 

Charlevoix mentions another son called Diego, and calls one of the daugh- 
ters Phillipine. Spotorno says that the daughter Maria took the veil ; con 



APPENDIX. 307 



After the death of Don Diego, his noble-spirited vice-queen, left with 
a number of young children, endeavored to assert and maintain the rights 
of the family. Understanding that, according to the privileges accorded to 
Christopher Columbus, they had a just claim to the viceroyalty of the 
province of Veragiia, as having been discovered by him, she demanded a 
license from the royal audience of Hispaniola, to recruit men and fit out 
an armada to colonize that country. Tills the audience refused, and sent 
information of the demand to the emperor. He replied, that the vice- 
queen should be kept in suspense until Jie justice of her claim could be 
ascertained ; as, although he had at various times given commissions to 
different persons to examine the doubts and objections which had been op- 
posed by the fiscal, no decision had ever been made.* The enterprise 
thus contemplated by the vice-queen was never carried into effect. 

Shortly afterwards she sailed for Spain, to protect the claim of her 
eldest son, Don Luis, then six years of age. Charles V was absent, but 
she was most graciously received by the empress. The title of admiral 
of the Indies was immediately conferred on her son, Don Luis, and the 
emperor augmented his revenues, and conferred other favors on the family. 
Charles V, however, could never be prevailed on to give Don Luis the 
title of viceroy, although that dignity had been decreed to his father, a few 
years previous to his death, as an hereditary right.f 

In 1538, the young admiral, Don Luis, then about eighteen years of 
age, was at court, having instituted proceedings before the proper tribu- 
nals, for the recovery of the viceroyalty. Two years afterwards the suit 
was settled by arbitration, his uncle Don Fernando and Cardinal Loyasa, 
president of the council of the Indies, being umpires. By a compromise 
DoH Luis was declared captain-general of Hispaniola, but with such limi- 
tations that it was little better than a bare title. Don Luis sailed for His- 
paniola, but did not remain there long. He found his dignities and privi- 
leges mere sources of vexation, and finally entered into a compromise, 
which relieved himself and gratified the emperor. He gave up all preten- 
sions to the viceroyalty of the New World, receiving in its stead the titles 

founding her with a niece. These are trivial errors, merely noticed to avoid 
the imputation of inaccuracy. The account of the descendants of Columbus 
here given, accords with a genealogical tree of the family, produced before the 
council of the Indies, in a great lawsuit for the estates. 

* Herrera, decad. iv. lib. ii. cap. 6. 

t Chnrlevoi.x, Hist. St. Doming., lib. vi. p. 443. 



APPENDIX. 



of Dnke of Veragua and Marquis of Jamaica.* He commuted also the 
claim to the tenth of the produce of the Indies for a pension of one thou- 
sand doubloons of gold.f 

Don Luis did not long enjoy the substitution of a certain, though mo- 
derate, revenue for a magnificent but unproductive claim. He died shortly 
afterwards, leaving no other male issue than an illegitimate son, named 
Christopher. He left two daughters by his wife, Dofia Maria de Mos- 
quera, one named Philiippa, and the other Maria, which last became a nun 
in the convent of St. Quirce, at Valladolid. 

Don Luis having no legitimate son, was succeeded by his nephew 
Diego, son to his brother Christopher. A litigation took place between 
this young heir and his cousin Philiippa, daughter of the late Don Luis. 
The convent of St. Quirce also put in a claim, on behalf of its inmate, Dorla 
Maria, who had taken the veil. Christopher, natural son to Don Luis, 
likewise became a prosecutor in the suit, but was set aside on account of 
his illegitimacy. Don Diego and his cousin Philiippa soon thought it bet- 
ter to join claims and persons in wedlock, than to pursue a tedious contest. 
They were married, and their union was happy, though not fruitful. 
Diego died without issue in 1578, and with him the legitimate male line 
of Columbus became extinct. 

One of the most important lawsuits that the world has ever witnessed 
now arose for the estates and dignities descended from tlie great discoverer. 
Don Diego had two sisters, Francisca and Maria, the former of whom, and 
the children of the latter, advanced their several claims. To these parties 
was added Bernard Colombo of Cogoleto, who claimed as lineal descend- 
ant from Bartholomew Columbus, the Adelantado, brother to the discoverer. 
He was, however, pronounced ineligible, as the Adelantado had no acknow- 
ledged, and certainly no legitimate offspring. 

Baldassar, or Balthazar Colombo, of the house of Cuccaro and Con- 
zano, in the dukedom of Montferrat, in Piedmont, was an active and perse- 
vering claimant. He came from Italy into Spain, where he devoted him- 
self for many years to the prosecution of this suit. He produced a genea- 
logical tree of his faniily, in which was contained one Domenico Colombo, 
lord of Cuccaro, whom he maintained to be the identical father of Chris- 
topher Columbus, the admiral. He proved that this Domenico was living 
at the requisite era, and produced many witnesses who had heard that the 

* Charlevoix, Hist. St. Doming., torn. i. lib. vi. p. 446. 
+ Spotomo, Hist. Colom., p. 123. 



APPENDIX. 309 



navigator was born in the castle of Cuccaro ; whence, it was added, he 
and his two brothers had eloped at an early age, and had never returned.* 
A monk is also mentioned among the witnesses, who made oath that 
Christopher and his brothers were born in that castle of Cuccaro. This 
testimony was afterwards withdrawn by the prosecutor ; as it was found 
that the monk's recollection must have extended back considerably upward 
of a century.f The claim of Balthazar was negatived. His proofs that 
Christopher Columbus was a native of Cuccaro were rejected, as only 
hearsay, or traditionary evidence. His ancestor Domenico, it appeared from 
his own showing, died in 1456 ; whereas it was established that Domenico, 
the father of the admiral, was hving upwards of thirty years after that date. 

The cause was finally decided by the council of the Indies, on the 2d 
December, 1608. The male line was declared to be extinct. Don Nuno 
or Nugno Gelves de Portugallo was put in possession, and became duke 
of Veragua. He was grandson to Isabella, third daughter of Don Diego 
(son of the discoverer) by his vice-queen, Doiia Maria de Toledo. 
The descendants of the two elder sisters of Isabella had a prior claim, but 
their lines became extinct previous to this decision of the suit. The Isa- 
bella just named, had married Don George of Portugal, count of Gelves. 
" Thus," says Charlevoix, " the dignities and wealth of Columbus passed 
into a branch of the Portuguese house of Braganza, established in Spain, 
of which the heirs are entitled De Portugallo, Colon, Duke de Veragua, 
Marques de la Jamaica, y Almirante de las Indias."l 

The suit of Balthazar Colombo of Cuccaro was rejected under three 
different forms, by the council of the Indies ; and his application for an 
allowance of support, under the legacy of Columbus, in favor of poor rela- 
tions, was also refused ; although the other parties had assented to the 
demand. 5 He died in Spain, where he had resided many years in prose- 
cution of this suit. His son returned to Italy persisting in the validity of 
his claim : he said that it was in vain to seek justice in Spain ; they were 
too much interested to keep those dignities and estates among themselves ; 
but he gave out that he had received twelve thousand doubloons of gold 
in compromise from the other parties. Spotorno, under sanction of Igna- 
zio de Giovanni, a learned canon, treats this assertion as a bravado, to cover 

* Bossi Hist. Colomb. Dissert., p. 67. 

t Idem, Dissert, on the Country of Columbus, p. 63. 

t Charlevoix, Hist. St. Doming., torn. i. lib. vi. p. 447. 

§ Bossi. Dissertation on the Country of Columbus. 



310 APPENDIX. 



his defeat, being contradicted by his evident poverty.* The familj of Cuc- 
caro, liowever, still maintain their right, and express great veneration for 
the memory of their illustrious ancestor, the admiral ; and travelers occa- 
sionally visit their old castle in Piedmont with great reverence, as the 
birthplace of the discoverer of the New World. 



No. III. 



FERNANDO COLUMBUS. 



Fernando Columbus (or Colon, as he is called in Spain), the natural son 
and historian of the admiral, was born in Cordova. There is an uncer- 
tainty about the exact time of his birth. According to his epitaph, it must 
have been on the 28th September, 1488 ; but according to his original 
papers preserved in the library of the cathedral of Seville, and which were 
examined by Don Diego Ortiz de Zuniga, historian of that city, it would 
appear to have been on the 29th of August, 1487. His mother. Dona 
Beatrix Enriquez, was of a respectable family, but was never married to 
the admiral, as has been stated by some of his biographers. 

Early in 1494. Fernando was carried to court, together with his elder 
brother Diego, by his uncle Don Bartholomew, to enter the royal house- 
hold in quality of page to the prince Don Juan, son and heir to Ferdinand 
and Isabella. He and his brother remained in this situation until the death 
of the prince ; when they were taken by Queen Isabella as pages into 
her own service. Their education, of course, was well attended to, and 
Fernando in after-life gave proofs of being a learned man. 

In the year 1502, at the tender age of thirteen or fourteen years, 
Fernando accompanied his father in his fourth voyage of discovery, and 
encountered all its singular and varied hardships with a fortitude that is 
mentioned with praise and admiration by the admiral. 

After the death of his father, it would appear that Fernando made two 
voyages to the New World. He accompanied the emperor Charles V 
also, to Italy, Flanders, and Germany ; and according to Zuniga (Anales 
de Seville de 1539, No. 3) traveled over all Europe and a part of Africa 

* Spotorno, p. 127. 



APPENDIX. 311 



and Asia. Possessing talents, judgment, and industry, these opportunities 
were not lost upon him, and he acquired much information in geography, 
navigation, and natural history. Being of a studious habit, and fond of 
books, he formed a select, yet copious library, of more than twenty thou- 
sand volumes, in print and in manuscript. With the sanction of the em- 
peror Charles V, he undertook to establish an academy and college of 
mathematics at Seville ; and for this purpose commenced the construction 
of a sumptuous edifice, without the walls of the city, facing the Guadal- 
quiver, in the place where the monastery of San Laureano is now situated. 
His constitution, however, had been broken by the sufferings he had expe- 
rienced in his travels and voyages, and a premature death prevented the 
completion of his plan of the academy, and broke off other useful labors. 
He died in Seville on the 12th of July, 1539, at the age, according to his 
epitaph, of fifty years, nine months, and fourteen days. He left no issue, 
and was never married. His body was interred accordi^gg to his request, 
in the cathedral of Seville. He bequeathed his valuable library to the 
same establishment. 

Don Fernando devoted himself much to letters. According to the in- 
scription on his tomb, he composed a work in four books, or volumes, the 
title of which is defaced on the monument, and the work itself is lost. 
This is much to be regretted, as, according to Zuiiiga, the fragments of 
the inscription specify it to have contained, among a variety of matter, his- 
torical, moral, and geographical notices of the countries he had visited, 
but especially of the New World, and of the voyages and discoveries of 
his father. 

His most important and permanent work, however, was a history of 
the admiral, composed in Spanish. It was translated into Italian by Alonzo 
de Ulloa, and from this Italian translation have proceeded the editions 
which have since appeared in various languages. It is singular that the 
work only exists in Spanish, in the form of a re-translation from that of 
Ulloa, and full of errors in the orthography of proper names, and in dates 
and distances. 

Don Fernando was an eye-witness of some of the facts which he re- 
lates, particularly of the fourth voyage wherein he accompanied his father. 
He had also the papers and charts of his father, and recent documents of 
all kinds to extract from, as well as familiar acquaintance with the princi- 
pal personages who were concerned in the events which he records. He 
was a man of probity and discernment, and writes more dispassionately 
than could be expected, when treating of matters which affected the honor, 



312 



APPENDIX. 



the interests, and happiness of his father. It is to be regretted, however, 
that he should have suffered the whole of his fatlier's life, previous to his 
discoveries (a period of about fifty-six years), to remain in obscurity. He 
appears to have wished to cast a cloud over it, and only to have presented 
his father to the reader after he had rendered himself illustrious by his 
actions, and his history had become in a manner identified with the history 
of the world. His work, however, is an invaluable document, entitled to 
great faith, and is the corner-stone of the history of the American Con- 
tinent. 




Galley, from the tomb of Fernando Columbus, at Seville. 



No. IV. 



AGE OF COLUMBUS. 



As the date I have assigned for the birth of Columbus, makes him about 
ten years older than he is generally represented, at the time of his disco- 
veries, it is proper to state precisely my authority. In the valuable manu- 
script chronicle of the reign of the Cathohc sovereigns, written by Andres 
Bernaldes, the curate of Los Palacios, there is a long tract on the subject 
of the discoveries of Columbus : it concludes with these words : Murio 
en VaJladolid, el ano de 1506, en el mes de Mayo, in seneciute bona, de ednd 
70 afios, poco mas 6 menos. (He died in Valladolid in the year 1506, in 
the month of May, in a good old age, being seventy years old, a little more 



APPENDIX. 31? 



or less.) The curate of Los Palacios was a contemporary, and an inti- 
mate friend of Columbus, who was occasionally a guest in his house ; no 
one was more competent, therefore, to form a correct idea of his age. It 
is singular, that, while the biographers of Columbus have been seeking to 
establish the epoch of his birth by various calculations and conjectures, 
this direct testimony of honest Andres Bernaldes has entirely escaped their 
notice, though some of them had liis manuscript in their hands. It was 
first observed by my accurate friend Don Antonio Uguina in the course 
of his exact investigations, and has been pointed out and ably supported 
by Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, in the introduction to his valuable 
collection of voyages. 

Various circumstances in the life of Columbus will be found to cor- 
roborate the statement of tiie curate ; such, for example, as the increasing 
infirmities with which he struggled during his voyages, and which at last 
rendered him a cripple and confined him to his bed. The allusion to his 
advanced age in one of his letters to the sovereigns, wherein he relates 
the consolation he had received from a secret voice in the night season : 
Tu vejez no impedira a toda cosa grande. Ahrdhan pasaha cien anas cu- 
ando engendro a Isaac, t^c. (Thy old age shall be no impediment to any 
great underttiking. Abraham was above a hundred years old, when he 
begat Isaac, &c.) The permission granted him by the king the year pre- 
vious to his death to travel on a mule, instead of a horse, on account of 
his age and infirmities ; and the assertion of Oveido, that at the time of 
his death he was quite old. (era ya viejo.) 

This fact of the advanced age of Columbus throws quite a new color- 
ing over his character and history. How much more extraordinary is the 
ardent enthusiasm which sustained him through his long career of solici- 
tation, and the noble pride with which he refused to descend from his dig- 
nified demands, and to bargain about his proposition, though life was rapidly 
wasting in delays. How much more extraordinary is the hardihood with 
which he undertook repeated voyages into unknown seas, amidst all kinds 
of perils and hardships ; the fortitude with which he .bore up against an 
accumulation of mental and bodily afflictions, enough to have disheartened 
and destroyed the most youthful and robust, and the irrepressible buoy- 
ancy of spirit with which to the last he s-till rose from under the ruined 
concerns and disappointed hopes and blasted projects of one enterprise, tc 
launch into another, still more diflUcult and perilous. 

We have been accustomed to admire all these things in Columbus 
when we considered him in the full vigor of his life ; how much mora 

VOL. III. 14 



314 APPENDIX. 

are they entitled to our wonder as tlio achievements of a man, whom the 
weight of years and infirmities was pressing into the grave. 



No. V. 

LINEAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



The ancestry of Christoplier Columbus lias formed a point of zealous 
controversy, which is not yet satisfactorily settled. Several honorable 
families, possessing domains in Placentia, Montferrat, and the different 
parts of the Genoese territories, claim him as belonging to their houses ; 
and to these has recently been added the noble family of Colombo in Mo- 
dena.* The natural desire to prove consanguinity with a man of dis- 
tinguished renown has excited this rivalry ; but it has been heightened, in 
particular instances, by the hope of succeeding to titles and situations of 
wealth and honor, when his male line of descendants became extinct. 
The investigation is involved in particular obscurity, as even his immediate 
relatives appear to have been in ignorance on the subject. 

Fernando Columbus in his biography of the admiral, after a pompous 
prelude, in which he attempts to throw a vague and cloudy magnificence 
about the origin of his father, notices slightly the attempts of some to 
obscure his fame, by making him a native of various small and insignifi- 
cant villages ; and dwells with more complacency upon others who make 
him a native of places in which there were persons of much honor of the 
name, and many sepulchral monuments with arms and epitaphs of the 
Colombos. He relates his having himself gone to the castle of Cucureo, 
to visit two brothers of the family of Colombo, who were rich and noble, 
the youngest of whom was above one hundred years of age, and who he 
had heard were relatives of his father ; but they could give him no infor- 
mation upon the subject ; whereupon he breaks forth into his professed 
contempt for these adventitious claims, declaring, that he thinks it better 
*o content himself with dating from the glory of the admiral, than to go 
about inquiring whether his father " were a merchant, or one who kept hii 

* Spctorno, Hist. Mem., p. 5. 



APPENDIX. 315 



hawks ;'"* since, adds he, of persons of similar pursuits, tliere are thou- 
sands who die every day, whose memory, even among tlieir own neighbors 
and relatives, perishes immediately, without its being possible afterwards to 
ascertain even whether they existed. 

After this, and a few more expressions of similar disdain for these 
empty distinctions, he indulges in vehement abuse of Agostino Guistini- 
ani, whom he calls a false historian, an inconsiderate, partial or malignant 
compatriot, for having, in his psalter, traduced his father, by saying, that 
in his youth he had been employed in mechanical occupations. 

As, after all this discussion, Fernando leaves the question of hia 
father's parentage in all its original obscurity, yet appears irritably sensi- 
tive to any derogatory suggestions of others, his whole evidence tends to 
the conviction that he really knew nothing to boast of in his ancestry. 

Of the nobility and antiquity of the Colombo family, of which the 
admiral probably was a remote descendant, we have some account in Her- 
rera. " We learn," he says, " that the emperor Otto the Second, in 940, 
confirmed to the countsPietro, Giovanni, and Alexandro Colombo, brothers, 
the feudatory possessions which they held within the jurisdiction of the 
cities of Ayqui, Savona, Aste, Montferrato, Turin, Viceli, Parma, Cre- 
mona and BergEtfno, and all others which they held in Italy. It appears 
that the Colombos of Cuccaro, Cucureo, and Placentia, were the same, 
and that the emperor in the same year, 940, made donation to the said 
three brothers of the castles of Cuccaro, Conzano, Rosignano and others, 
and of the fourth part of Bistanio, which appertained to the empire. f 

One of the boldest attempts of those biographers bent on ennobling 
Columbus, has been to make him son of the Lord of Cuccaro, a burgh of 
Montferrat, in Piedmont, and to prove that he was born in his father's 
castle at that place ; whence he and his brothers eloped at an early age, 
and never returned. This was asserted in the course of a process brought 
by a certain Baldasser or Balthazar Colombo, resident in Genoa, but origi- 
nally of Cuccaro, claiming the title and estates, on the death of Diego 
Colon, duke of Veragua, in 1578, the great-grandson, and last legitimate 
male descendant of the admiral. The council of the Indies decided against 



* Literally, in the original, Cazador de Volateria, a Falconer. Hawking 
was in those days an amusement of the highest classes ; and to keep hawks 
was almost a sign of nobility. 

t Herrera, decad. i. lib. i. cap. 7. 



816 APPENDIX. 



this claim to relationship. Some account of the lawsuit will be found in 
another part of tlie work. 

This romantic story, like all others of the nobility of his parentage, is 
at utter variance with the subsequent events of his life, his long struggles 
with indigence and obscurity, and the difficulties he endured from the want 
of family connections. How can it be believed, says Bossi, that this same 
man, who, in his most cruel adversities, was incessantly taunted by his 
enemies with the obscurity of his birth, should not reply to this reproach, 
by declaring his origin, if he were really descended from the Lords of 
Cuccaro, Conzano and Rosignano ? a circumstance which would have ob- 
tained him the highest credit with the Spanish nobility.* 

The different families of Colombo which lay claim to the great navi- 
gator, seem to be various branches of one tree, and there is little doubt of 
his appertaining remotely to the same respectable stock. 

It appears evident, however, that Columbus sprang immediately from a 
line of humble but industrious citizens, which had existed in Genoa, even 
from the time of Giacomo Colombo the wool-carder, in 1311, mentioned 
by Spotorno ; nor is this in any wise incompatible with the intimation of 
Fernando Columbus, that the family had been reduced from high estate to 
great poverty, by the wars of Lombardy. The feuds of Italy, in those 
ages, had broken down and scattered many of the noblest families ; and 
while some branches remained in the lordly heritage of castles and do- 
mains, others were confounded with the humblest population of the cities. 



No. VI. 

BIRTHPLACE OF COLUMBUS. 

There has been much controversy about the birthplace of Columbus. 
The greatness of his renown has induced various places to lay claim to 
him as a native, and from motives of laudable pride, for nothing reflects 
greater lustre upon a city than to have given birth to distinguished men. 
The original and long established opinion was in favor of Genoa ; but 
Buch strenuous claims were asserted by the states of Placentia, and in 

* Dissertation, &c. 



APPENDIX. 317 



particular of Piedmont, that the Academy of Sciences and Letters of Ge- 
noa was induced, in 1812, to nominate three of its members, Signors 
Serra, Carrega and Piaggio, commissioners to examine into these preten- 
sions. 

The claims of Placentia had been first advanced in 1662, by Pietro 
Maria Cainpi, in the ecclesiastical history of that place, who maintained 
that Columbus was a native of the village of Pradello, in that vicinity. It 
appeared probable, on investigation, that Bcrtolino Colombo, great grand- 
father to the admiral, had owned a small property in Pradello, the rent of 
which had been received by Domenico Colombo of Genoa, and after his 
death by his sons Christopher and Bartholomew. Admitting this assertion 
to be correct, there was no proof that either the admiral, his father, or 
grandfather had ever resided on that estate. The very circumstances of 
the case indicated, on the contrary, that their home was in Genoa. 

The claim of Piedmont was maintained with more plausibility. It w^as 
shown that a Domenico Colombo was lord of the castle of Cuccaro in 
Montferrat, at the time of the birth of Christopher Columbus, who, it was 
asserted, was his son, and born in his castle. Balthazar Colombo, a de- 
scendant of this person, instituted a lawsuit before the council of the 
Indies for the inheritance of the admiral, when his male line became ex- 
tinct. The council of the Indies decided against him, as is shown in an 
account of that process given among the illustrations of this history. It 
was proved that Domenico Colombo, father of the admiral, was resident in 
Genoa both before and many years after the death of this lord of Cuccaro, 
who bore the same name. 

The three commissioners appointed by the Academy of Science and 
Letters of Genoa to examine into these pretensions, after a long and dili- 
gent investigation, gave a voluminous and circumstantial report in favor 
of Genoa. An ample digest of their inquest may be found in the History 
of Columbus by Signer Bossi, who, in an able dissertation on the question, 
confirms their opinion. It may be added, in farther corroboration, that 
Peter Martyr and Bartholomew Las Casas, who were contemporaries and 
acquaintances of Columbus, and Juan de Barros, the Portuguese historian, 
all make Columbus a native of the Genoese territories. 

There has been a question fruitful of discussion among the Genoese 
themselves, whether Columbus was born in the city of Genoa, or in some 
otiicr part of the territory. Finale, and Oneglia, and Savona, towns on the 
Ligurian coast to the west, Boggiasco, Cogoleto, and several otlier towns 
and villages, claim him as their own. His family possessed a small property 



318 APPENDIX. 



at a village or hamlet between Quiiito and Nervi, called Terra Rossa ; in 
Latin, Terra Rubra ; which has induced some writers to assign his birth 
to one of those places. Bossi says that there is still a tower between 
Quinto and Nervi which bears the title of Torre dei Colombi.* Bartholo- 
mew Columbus, brother to the admiral, styled himself of Terra RubYa, in 
a Latin inscription on a map which he presented to Henry VII of Eng- 
land, and Fernando Columbus states, in his history of the admiral, that he 
was accustomed to subscribe himself in the same manner before he at- 
tained to his dignities. 

Cogoleto at one time bore away the palm. The families there claim 
the discoverer and preserve a portrait of him. One or both of the two 
admirals named Colombo, with whom he sailed, are stated to have come 
from that place, and to have been confounded with him so as to have given 
support to this idea.f 

Savona, a city in the Genoese territories, has claimed the same honor, 
and this claim has recently been very strongly brought forward. Signer 
Giovanni Battista Belloro, an advocate of Savona, has strenuously main- 
tained this claim in an ingenious disputation, dated May 12th, 182G, in 
form of a letter to the Baron du Zach, editor of a valuable astronomical 
and geographical journal, published monthly at Genoa. | 

Signor Belloro claims it as an admitted fact, that Domenico Colombo 
was for many years a resident and citizen of Savona, in which place one 
Christopher Columbus is shown to have signed a document in 1472. 

He states that a public square in that city bore the name of Platea 
Columbi, toward the end of the 14th century ; that the Ligurian govern- 
ment gave the name of .Turisdizione di Colombi to that district of the 
republic, under the persuasion that the great navigator was a native of 
Savona ; and that Columbus gave the name of Saona to a little island 
adjacent to Hispaniola, among his earliest discoveries. 

He quotes many Savonese writers, principally poets, and various 
historians and poets of other countries, and thus establishes the point that 
Columbus was held to be a native of Savona by persons of respectable 
authority. He lays particular stress on the testimony of the Magnifico 
Francisco Spinola, as related by the learned prelate Felippo Alberto Pol- 
lero, stating that he had seen the sepulchre of Christopher Columbus in 

• Bossi. French Translation, Paris, 1824, p. 69. t Idem. 
t Correspondence Astronom. Geograph. &c. de Baron du Zach, vol. 14, 
cahier 6, lettera 29. 1826. 



APPENDIX. 319 



the cathedral at Seville, and that the epitaph states him expressly to be a 
native of Savona ; " Hie jacet Christophorus Columbus Savonensis."* 

The proofs advanced by Signer Belloro show his zeal for the honor of 
his native city, but do not authenticate the fact he undertakes to establish. 
lie shows clearly that many respectable writers believed Columbus to be 
a native of Savona ; but a far greater number can be adduced, and many 
of them contemporary with the admiral, some of them his intimate friends, 
others his fellow-citizens, who state him to have been bom in the city of 
Genoa. Among the Savonese writers, Giulio Salinorio, who investigated 
the subject, comes expressly to the same conclusion : " Genova, ciltd 
nobilissima, era la patria de Colombo." 

Signor Belloro appears to be correct in stating that Domenico, the 
father of the admiral, was several years resident in Savona. But it appears 
from his own dissertation, that the Christopher who witnessed the testa- 
ment in 1472, styled himself of Genoa : " Christophorus Columbus 
lanerius de Janiia." This incident is stated by other writers, who pre- 
sume this Christopher to have been the navigator on a visit to his father, 
in the interval of liis early voyages. In as far as the circumstance bears 
on the point, it supports the idea that he was born at Genoa. 

The epitaph on which Signor Belloro places his principal reliance, 
entirely fails. Christopher Columbus was not interred in the cathedral of 
Seville, nor was any monument erected to him in that edifice. The tomb 
to which the learned prelate Felippo Alberto PoUero alludes, may have 
been that of Fernando Columbus, son to the admiral, who, as has been 
already observed, was buried in the cathedral of Seville, to which he 
bequeathed liis noble library. The place of his sepulture is designated by 
a broad slab of white marble, inserted in the pavement, with an inscription, 
partly in Spanish, partly in Latin, recording the merits of Fernando, and 
the achievements of his father. On either side of the epitaph is engraved 
im ancient Spanish Galley. The inscription quoted by Signor Belloro 
may have been erroneously written from memory by the Magnitico Fran- 
cisco Spinola, under the mistaken idea that he had beheld the sepulchre 
of the great discoverer. As Fernando was born at Cordova, the term 
Savonensis must have been another error of memory in the Magnifico ; 
no such word is to be found in the inscription. 

* Felippo Alberto PoUero, Epicherema, cio^ breve discorso per difesa di sua 
persona e carrattere. Torino, per Gio Battista Zappata. MCDXCVI. (read 
1696) in 4o. pag. 47. 



320 APPENDIX. 



This question of birthplace has also been investigated with consndera- 
ble minuteness, and a decision given in favor of Genoa, by D. Gio Battista 
Spotorno, of the royal university in that city, in his historical memoir of 
Columbus. He shows that the family of the Columbi had long been 
resident in Genoa. By an extract from the notarial register, it appeared 
that one Giacomo Colombo, a wool-carder, resided without the gate of St. 
Andria, in the year 1311. An agreement, also, published by the academy 
of Genoa, proved, that in 1489, Domenico Colombo possessed a house and 
shop, and a garden with a well, in the street of St. Andrew's gate, anciently 
without the walls, presumed to have been the same residence with that of 
Giacomo Colombo. He rented also another house from the monks of St. 
Stephen, in the Via Mulcento, leading from the street of St. Andrew to 
the Strada Giulia.* 

Signor Bossi states, that documents lately found in the archives of the 
monastery of St. Stephen, present the name of Domenico Colombo 
several times, from 1456 to 1459, and designate him as son of Giovanni 
Colombo, husband of Susanna Fontanarossa, and father of Christopher, 
Bartholomew, and Giacomo,f (or Diego.) He states also that the receipts 
of the canons show that the last payment of rent was made by Domenico 
Colombo for his dwelling in 1489. He surmises that the admiral was 
bom in the before-mentioned house belonging to those monks, in Via 
]\Iulcento, and that he was baptized in the church of St. Stephen. He 
adds that an ancient manuscript was submitted to the commissioners of the 
Genoese academy, in the margin of which the notary had stated that the 
name of Christopher was on the register of the parish as having been 
baptized in that church.J 

Andres Bernaldez, the curate of los Palacios, who was an intimate 
friend of Columbus, says that he was of Genoa. ^ Agostino Giustiniani, 
a contemporary of Columbus, likewise asserts it in his Polyglot Psalter, 
published in Genoa, in 1516. Antonio de Herrera, an author of great 
accuracy, who, though not a contemporary, had access to the best docu- 
ments, asserts decidedly that he was bom in the city of Genoa. 

To these names may be added that of Alexander Geraldini, brother to 
the nuncio, and instructor to the children of Ferdinand and Isabella, a 

* Sportorno, Eng. trans, p. xi. xii. 

t Bossi, French trans, p. 76. 

t Idem. p. 88. 

§ Cura de los Palacios, MS. cap. 118. 



APPENDIX. 321 



most intimate Iriend of Columbus.* Also Antonio Gallo,f Bartolomeo 
Senarega,! and Uberto Foglieta,^ all contemporaries with the admiral, 
and natives of Genoa, together with an anonymous writer, who published 
an account of his voyage of discovery at Venice in 1509.|| It is 
unnecessary to mention historians of later date agreeing in the same 
fact, as they must have derived their information from some of these 
authorities. 

The question in regard to the birthplace of Columbus has been treated 
thus minutely, because it has been, and still continues to be, a point of 
warm controversy. It may be considered, however, as conclusively 
decided by the highest authority, the evidence of Columbus himself. In 
a testament executed in 1498, which has been admitted in evidence before 
the Spanish tribunals in certain lawsuits among his descendants, he twice 
declares that he was a native of the city of Genoa : " Siendo yo nacido 
en Genova.'" " I being born in Genoa." And again, he repeats the 
assertion, as a reason for enjoining certain conditions on his heirs, which 
manifest the interest he takes in his native place. " I command the said 
Diego, my son, or the person who inherits the said mayorazgo, (or entailed 
estate,) that he maintain always in the city of Genoa a person of our 
lineage, who shall have a house and a wife there, and to furnish him with 
an income on which he can live decently, as a person connected with our 
family, and hold footing and root in that city as a native of it, so that he 
may have aid and favor in that city in case of need, /or /row thence I came 
and there icas horn.''^ 

In another part of his testament he expresses himself with a filial 
fondness in respect to Genoa. " I command the said Don Diego, or 
whoever shall possess the said mayorazgo, that he labor and strive always 

* Alex. Geraldini, Itin. ad. Reg. sub. Aquinor. 

t Antonio Gallo, Anales of Genoa, Muratori, torn. 23. 

\ Senarega, Muratori, toni. 24. § Foglieta, Elog. Glar. Ligur. 

II Grineus, Nov. Orb. 

IT " Item. Mando el dicho Don Diego mi hijo, a la persona que heredare el 
dicho mayorazgo, que tenga y sostenga siempre en la ciudad de Genova una 
persona de nuestro linage que tenga alii casa e muger, e le ordene renta con 
que pueda vivir honestamente, como persona tan llegada a nuestro linage, y 
liaga pie y raiz en la dicha ciudad como natural della, porque podra haber de 
la dicha ciudad ayuda e favor en las cosas del menester suyo, pues que della 
sali y en ella naci." 

VOL. III. 14* 



332 APPENDIX. 



for the honor, and welfare, and increase of the city of Genoa, and employ 
all his abilities and means in defending and augmenting the welfare and 
honor of her republic, in all matters which are not contrary to the service 
of the church of God, and the state of the king and queen our sovereigns, 
and their successors." 

An informal codicil, executed by Columbus at Valladolid, May 4th, 
1506, sixteen days before his death, was discovered about 1785, in the 
Corsini library at Rome. It is termed a military codicil, from being made 
in the manner which the civil law allows to the soldier who executes such 
an instrument on the eve of battle, or in expectation of death. It was 
written on the blank page of a little breviary presented to Columbus by 
Pope Alexander VII. Columbus leaves the book " to his beloved country, 
the Republic of Genoa." 

He directs the erection of a hospital in that city for the poor, with 
provision for its support ; and he declares that republic his successor 
in the admiralty of the Indies, in the event of his male line becoming 
extinct. 

The authenticity of this paper has been questioned. It has been said, 
that there was no probability of Columbus having resort to a usage with 
which he was, most likely, unacquainted. The objections are not cogent. 
Columbus was accustomed to the peculiarities of a military life, and he 
repeatedly wrote letters, in critical moments, as a precaution against some 
fatal occurrence that seemed to impend. The present codicil, from its 
date, must have been written a few days previous to his death, perhaps 
at a moment when he imagined himself at extremity. This may account 
for any difference in the handwriting, especially as he was, at times, 
so affected by the gout in his hands as not to be able to write except at 
night. Particular stress has been laid on the signature ; but it does not 
appear, that he w^s uniform in regard to that, and it is a point to which 
any one who attempted a forgery would be attentive. It does not appear, 
likewise, that any advantage could have been obtained by forging the 
paper, or that any such was attempted. 

In 1502, when Columbus was about to depart on his fourth and last 
voyage, he wrote to his friend. Doctor Nicolo Oderigo, formerly ambas- 
sador from Genoa to Spain, and forwarded to him copies of all his 
grants and commissions from the Spanish sovereigns, authenticated before 
the alcaldes of Seville. He, at the same time, wrote to the bank of San 
Giorgio, at Genoa, assigning a tenth of his revenues to be paid to that 
city, in diminution of the duties on corn, wine, and other provisions. 



APPENDIX. 323 



Why should Columbus feel this strong interest in Genoa, had he been 
bom in any of the other Italian states which have laid claim to him ? 
He was under no obligation to Genoa. He had resided there but a brief 
portion of his early life ; and his proposition for discovery, according to 
some writers, had been scornfully rejected by that republic. There is 
nothing to warrant so strong an interest in Genoa, but the filial tie 
which links the heart of a man to his native place, however he may be 
separated from it by time or distance, and however little he may be 
indebted to it for favors. 

Again, had Columbus been born in any of the towns and villages of 
the Genoese coast which have claimed him for a native, why should he 
have made these bequests in favor of the city of Genoa, and not of his 
native town or village ? 

These bequests were evidently dictated by a mingled sentiment of 
pride and affection, which would be without all object if not directed to 
liis native place. He was at this time elevated above all petty pride on 
the subject. His renown was so brilUant, that it would have shed a lustre 
on any hamlet, however obscure ; and the strong love of country here 
manifested, would never have felt satisfied, until it had singled out the 
spot, and nestled down, in the very cradle of his infancy. These appear 
to be powerful reasons, drawn from natural feeling, for deciding in favor 
of Genoa. 



No. VIL 

THE COLOMBOS. 

During the early part of the life of Columbus, there were two other 
navigators, bearing the same name, of some rank and celebrity, with 
whom he occasionally sailed ; their names occurring vaguely from time 
to time, during the obscure part of his career, have caused much per- 
plexity to some of his biographers, who have supposed that they desig- 
nated the discoverer. Fernando Columbus affirms them to have been 
family connections,* and his fatlier says, in one of his letters, " I am not 
the first admiral of our family.'" 

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 1. 



324 APPENDIX. 



These two were uncle and ncplicw : the latter being termed by 
historians Colombo the younger, (by tlw Spanish historians Colombo el 
mozo.) They were in the Genoese service, but are mentioned, occasion- 
ally, in old chronicles as French commanders, because Genoa, during 
a great part of their time, was under the protection, or rather the 
sovereignty of France, and her ships and captains, being engaged in the 
expeditions of that power, were identified with the French marine. 

Mention is made of the elder Colombo in Zurita's Annals of Arragon, 
(L. xix. p. 261.) in the war between Spain and Portugal, on the subject of 
the claim of the Princess J nana to the crown of Castile. In 1476, the 
king of Portugal determined to go to the Mediterranean coast of France, 
to incite his ally, Louis XI, to prosecute the war in the province of 
Guipuzcoa. 

The king left Toro, says Zurita, on the 13th June, and went by the 
river to the city of Porto, in order to await the armada of the king of 
France, the captain of which was Colon, (Colombo,) who was to navigate 
by the straits of Gibraltar to pass to Marseilles. 

After some delays Colombo arrived in the latter part of July with the 
French armada at Bermeo, on the coast of Biscay, where he encountered 
a violent storm, lost his principal ship, and ran to the coast of Galicia, 
with an intention of attacking Ribaldo, and lost a great many of his men. 
Thence he went to Lisbon to receive the king of Portugal, who embarked 
in the fleet in August, with a number of his noblemen, and took two thou- 
sand two hundred foot soldiers, and four hundred and seventy horse, to 
strengthen the Portuguese garrisons along the Barbary coast. There 
were in the squadron twelve ships and five caravels. After touching at 
Ceuta the fleet proceeded to Colibre, where the king disembarked in the 
middle of September, the weather not permitting them to proceed to Mar- 
seilles. (Zurita, L. xix. Ch. 31.) 

This Colombo is evidently the naval commander of whom the follow- 
ing mention is made by Jaques George de Chaufepie, in Ms supplement to 
Bayle, (vol. 2, p. 126 of letter C.) 

" I do not know what dependence," says Chaufepie, " is to be placed on 
a fact reported in the Ducaliana, (Part 1, p. 143,) that Columbus was in 
1474 captain of several ships for Louis XI, and that, as the Spaniards had- 
made at that time an irruption into Roussillon he thought that, for reprisal, 
and without contravening the peace between the two crowns, he could 
run down Spanish vessels. He attacked, therefore, and took two gall&ys 
of that nation, freighted on the account of various individuals. On com- 



APPENDIX. 325 



plaints of this action being made to king Ferdinand, he wrote on the sub- 
ject to Louis XI. ; his letter is dated the 9tli December, 1474. Ferdinand 
terms Christopher Columbus a subject of Louis ; it was because, as is 
known, Columbus was a Genoese, and Louis was sovereign of Genoa : 
although that city and Savona were held of him in fief by the duke of 
Milan." 

It is highly })robable that it was the squadron of this same Colombo of 
whom the circumstance is related by Bossi, and after him by Spotorno on 
the authority of a. letter found in the archives of Milan, and written in 1476 
by two illustrious Milanese gentlemen, on their return from Jerusalem. 
The letter states that in the previous year 1475, as the Venetian fleet was 
stationed off Cyprus to guard the island, a Genoese squadron, commanded 
by one Colombo, sailed by them with an air of defiance, shouting " Viva 
San Giorgia !" As the republics were then at peace they were permitted 
to pass unmolested. 

Bossi supposes that the Colombo here mentioned was Christopher Co- 
lumbus the discoverer ; but it appears rather to have been the old Genoese 
admiral of tliat name, who according to Zurita was about that time cruis- 
ing in the Mediterranean ; and who, in all probability, was the hero of 
both the preceding occurrences. 

The nephew of this Colombo, called by the Spaniards Colombo el 
mozo, commanded a few years afterwards a squadron in the French ser- 
vice, as will appear in a subsequent illustration, and Columbus may at va- 
rious times have held an inferior command under both uncle and nephew, 
and been present on the above cited occasions. 



No. VIIL 

EXPEDITION OF JOHN OF ANJOU. 

About the time that Columbus attained his twenty-fourth year, his native 
city was in a state of great alarm and peril from the threatened invasion 
of Alphonso V of Aragon, king of Naples. Finding itself too weak to 
contend singly with such a foe, and having in vain looked for assistance 
from Italy, it placed itself under the protection of Charles the Vllth of 
France. That monarch sent to its assistance John of Anjou, son of Rene 



326 APPENDIX. 



or Ronato, king of Na|)lcs, who had heen dispossessed of his crown by 
Alphonso. John of Anjou, otherwise called the duke of Calabria,* im- 
mediately took upon himself the command of the place, repaired its forti- 
fications, and defended the entrance of the harbor with strong chains. In 
the meantime, Alphonso had prepared a large land force, and assembled 
an armament of twenty ships and ten galleys at Ancona, on the frontiers 
of Genoa. The situation of the latter was considered eminently perilous, 
when Alphonso suddenly fell ill of a calenture and died ; leaving the king- 
doms of Anjou and Sicily to his brother John, and the kingdom of Naples 
to his son Ferdinand. 

The death of Alphonso, and the subsequent division of his dominions, 
while they relieved the fears of the Genoese, gave rise to new hopes on 
the part of the house of Anjou : and the duke John, encouraged by emis- 
saries from various powerful partisans among the Neapolitan nobility, 
determined to make a bold attempt upon Naples for the recovery of 
the crown. The Genoese entered into his cause with spirit, furnish- 
ing him with ships, galleys and money. His father, Rene or Renato, 
fitted out twelve galleys for the expedition in the harbor of Mar- 
seilles, and sent him assurance of an abundant supply of money, and 
of the assistance of the king of France. The brilliant nature of the 
enterprise attracted the attention of the daring and restless spirits of the 
times. The chivalrous nobleman, the soldier of fortune, the hardy corsair, 
the bold adventurer or the military partisan, enlisted under the banners of 
the duke of Calabria. It is stated by historians, that Columbus served in 
the armament from Genoa, in a squadron commanded by one of the Co- 
ombos, his relations. 

The expedition sailed in October, 1459, and arrived at Sessa between 
the mouths of the Garigliano and the Volturno. The news of its arrival 
was the signal of universal revolt ; the factious barons, and their vassals, 
hastened to join the standard of Anjou, and the duke soon saw the finest 
provinces of the Neapolitan dominions at his command, and with his army 
and squadron menaced the city of Naples itself. 

In the history of this expedition we meet with one hazardous action ol 
the fleet in which Columbus had embarked. 

The army of John of Anjou being closely invested by a superior force, 
was in a perilous predicament at the mouth of the Sarno. In this con- 
juncture, the captain of the armada landed with his men, and scoured the 

* Duke of Calabria was a title cff the heir apparent to the crown of Naples. 



APPENDIX. 327 



neighboriiood, hoping to awaken in the populace their former enthusiasm 
for the banner of Anjou ; and perhaps to take Naples by surprise. A 
chosen company of Neapolitan infantry was sent against them. The 
troops from the fleet having little of the discipline of regular soldiery, and 
much of the freebooting disposition of maritime rovers, had scattered them- 
selves about the country, intent chiefly upon spoil. They were attacked 
by the infantry and put to rout, with the loss of many killed and wounded. 
Endeavoring to make their way back to the ships, they found the passes 
seized and blocked up by the people of Sorento, who assailed them with 
dreadful havoc. Their flight now became desperate and headlong, many 
threw themselves from rocks and precipices into the sea, and but a small 
portion regained the ships. 

The contest of John of Anjou for the crown of Naples, lasted four 
years. For a time fortune fovored him, and the prize seemed almost within 
his grasp, but reverses succeeded : he was defeated at various points ; the 
factious nobles, one by one, deserted him, and returned to their allegiance 
to Alphonso, and the duke was finally compelled to retire to the island of 
Ischia. Here he remained for some time, guarded by eight galleys, which 
likewise harassed the bay of Naples.* In this squadron, which loyally 
adhered to him, until he ultimately abandoned this unfortunate enterprise, 
Columbus is stated to have served. 



No. IX. 

CAPTURE OF THE VENETIAN GALLEYS, BY COLOMBO THE 
YOUNGER. 

As the account of the sea-fight by which Fernando Columbus asserts that 
his father was first thrown upon the shores of Portugal, has been adopted 
by various respectable historians, it is proper to give particular reasons for 
discrediting it. 

Fernando expressly says, that it was in an action mentioned by Marco 
Antonio Sabelico, in the eighth book of his tenth Decade ; that the squad- 

* Colenuccio, Hist. Nap., lib. vii. cap. 17. 



J3^ APPENDIX. 



ron in which Columbus served was commanded by a famous corsair, called 
Columbus the younger, (Colombo el mozo,) and that an embassy was sent 
from Venice to thank the king of Portugal for the succor he afforded to 
the Venetian captains and crews. All this is certainly recorded in Sabel- 
licus, but the battle took place in 1485, after Columbus had left Portugal. 
Zurita in his annals of Aragon, under the date of 1685, mentions this same 
action. He says, " at this time four Venetian galleys sailed from the 
island of Cadiz, and took the route for Flanders ; they were laden with 
merchandise from the Levant, especially from the island of Sicily, and 
passing by Cape St. Vincent, they were attacked by a French corsair, son 
of captain Colon, (Colombo,) who had seven vessels in his armada ; and 
the galleys were captured the twenty-first of August."* 

A much fuller account is given in the life of king John II of Portii- 
gal, by Garcia de Resende, wlio likewise records it as happening in 1485. 
He says tiie Venetian galleys were taken and robbed by the French, and 
the captains and crews, wounded, plundered, and maltreated, were turned 
on shore at Cascoes. Here they were succored by Dona Maria de Me- 
neses, countess of Monsanto. 

When king John II heard of the circumstance, being much grieved 
that such an event should have happened on his coast, and being disposed 
to show his friendship for the republic of Venice, he oi'dered that the Ve- 
netian captains should be furnislied with rich raiment of silks and costly 
cloths, and provided with horses and mules, that tliey might make their ap- 
pearance before him in a style befitting themselves and their country. He 
received them with great kindness and distinction, expressing himself with 
princeh' courtesy, both as to themselves and the republic of Venice ; and 
having heard their acco\mt of the battle, and of their destitute situation, 
he assisted them with a large sum of money to ransom their galleys from 
the French cruisers. The latter took all the merchandises on board of 
their ships, but king John prohibited any of the spoil from being pur- 
chased within his dominions. Having thus generously relieved and as- 
sisted the captains, and administered to the necessities of their crews, he 
enabled them all to return in their own galleys to Venice. 

The dignitaries of the republic were so highly sensible of this munifi- 
cence, on the part of king John, that they sent a stately embassy to that 
monarch, with rich presents and warm expressions of gratitude. Gero- 
nimo Donate was charged with this mission, a man eminent for learning 

* Zurita, Anales de Aragon, lib. xx. cap. 64. • 



APPENDIX. 329 



and eloquence ; he was honorably received and entertained by king John, 
and dismissed with royal presents, among which were jenets, and mules 
with sumptuous trappings and caparisons, and many negro slaves richly 
clad.* 

The following is the account of this action as given by Sabellicus, in 
his history of Venice :f 

Erano andate quattro Galee delle quali Bartolommeo Minio era capi- 
tano. Queste navigando per I'lberico mare, Colombo il piu giovane, nipote 
di quel Colombo famoso corsale, fecesi incontro a' Veniziani di notte, ap- 
presso il sacro Promontorio, die chiamasi ora capo di san Vincenzo, con 
sette navi guernite da combattere. Egli quantunque nel prime incontro 
avesse seco disposto d' opprimere le navi Veniziane, si ritenne pero dal 
combattere sin al giorno : tuttavia per esser alia battaglia piu acconcio cosi 
le seguia, che le prode del corsale toccavano le poppe de Veniziani. Ve- 
nule il giorno incontanente i Barbari diedero 1' assalto. Sostennero i Ve- 
niziani allora 1' cmpito del nemico, per numero di navi e di combattenti 
superiore, e durd il conflitto atroce per molte ore. Rare fiate fu combat- 
tuto contro simili nemici con tanta uccisione, perche a pena si costuma 
d' attaccarsi contro di lore, se non per occasione. Affermano alcuni, che 
vi furono presenti, esser morte delle ciurme Veniziane da trecento uomini. 
Altri dicono che fu meno : mori in quella zuffa Lorenzo Michele capitano 
d' una galera e Giovanni Delfino, d' altro capitano fratello. Era durata la 
zufTa dal fare del giorno fin' ad ore venti, e erano le genti Veneziane mal 
trattate. Era gia la nave Delfina in potere de' nemici quando le altre ad 
una ad una si renderono. Narrano alcuni, che furono di quel aspro con- 
flitto partecipi, aver numerate nelle lore navi da prode a poppe ottanta va- 
lorosi uomini estinti, i quali dal nemico veduti lo mossero a gemere e dire 
con sdegno, che cost avevano voluto, i Veniziani. I corpi morti furono 
gettati nel mare, e i feriti posti nel lido. Quel che rimasero vivi seguirono 
con le navi il capitano vittorioso sin' a Lisbona e ivi furono tutti licenziati. 

* Obras de Garcia de Resende, cap. 58, Avora, 1554. 

t Marco Antonio Coccio, better known under the name of Sabellicus, a 
cognomen which he adopted on being crowned poet in the pedantic academy 
of Pomponius LaBtus. He was a contemporary of Columbus, and maites brief 
mention of his discoveries in the eighth book of the tenth Ennead of his uni- 
versal history. By some writers he is called the Livy of his time ; othera 
accuse him of being full of misrepresentations in favor of Venice. The older 
Scaliger charges him with venality, and with being swayed by Venetian gold. 



330 APPENDIX. 



**"***=*= Quivi fiirono i Veniziani benigna- 
mente ricevuti dal Re, gli iiiformi fiirono incdicati, g\i altri ebbero abiti e 
denari secondn la loro coiidizione. **■■!■.**** 
Oltre ci6 vietd in tutto il Regno, che alcuno non comprasse della preda 
Veniziana, portata dai corsali. La nuova dell' avuta rovina non poco 
afRisse la citta, erano perduti in quella mercatanzia da ducento mila ducati ; 
ma 11 danno particolare degli uoniini uccisi diede maggior afflizione. 

Marc. Am. Sabelu-o, Hi."!!. VeneL, decad. iv. lib. iii. 



No. X. 

AMERIGO VESPUCCI. 



Among the earlie.st and most intelligent of the voyagers who followed the 
track of Columbus, was Amerigo Vespucci. He has been considered by 
many as the first discoverer of the southern continent, and by a singular 
caprice of fortune, lii^ name has been given to the whole of the New 
World. It has been strenuously insisted, however, that he had no claim 
to the title of a discoverer ; that he merely sailed in a subordinate capacity 
in a squadron commanded by others ; that the account of his first voyage is 
a fabrication ; and that he did not visit the main-land until after it had been 
discovered and coasted by Columbus. As this question has been made a 
matter of warm and voluminous controversy, it is proper to take a sum- 
mary view of it in the present work 

Amerigo Vespucci was born in Florence, March 9th, 1451, of a noble, 
but not at that time a wealthy family ; his father's name was Anastatio ; 
his mother's was Elizabetta Mini. He was the third of their sons, and 
received an excellent education under his uncle, Georgio Antonio Ves- 
pucci, a learned friar of the fraternity of San Marco, who was instructor 
to several illustrious personages of that period. 

Amerigo Vespucci visited Spain, and took up his residence in Seville, 
to attend to some commercial transactions on account of the family of the 
Medici of Florence, and to repair, by his ingenuity, the losses and misfor- 
tunes of an unskillful brother.* 

* Bandini vita d' Amerigo Vespucci. 



APPENDIX. 331 



The date of his arrival in Spain is uncertain, but from comparing dates 
and circumstances mentioned in his letters, he must have been at Seville 
when Columbus returned from his first voyage. 

Padre Stanislaus Canovai, Professor of Mathematics at Florence, who 
has published the life and voyages of Amerigo Vespucci, says that he was 
commissioned by king Ferdinand, and sent with Columbus in his second 
voyage in 1493. lie states this on the authority of a passage in the Cos- 
mography of Sebastian Munster, published at Basle in 1550;* but Munster 
mentions Vespucci as having accompanied Columbus in his first voyage ; 
the reference of Canovi is therefore incorrect ; and the suggestion of 
Munster is disproved by the letters of Vespucci, in which he states his 
having been stimulated by the accounts brought of the newly discovered 
regions. He never mentions such a voyage in any of his letters ; which 
he most probably would have done, or rather would have made it the sub- 
ject of a copious letter, had he actually performed it. 

The first notice of a positive form which we have of Vespucci, as resi- 
dent in Spain, is early in 1496. He appears, from documents in the royal 
archives at Seville, to have acted as agent or factor for the house of Jua- 
noto Berardi, a rich Florentine merchant, resident in Seville ; who had 
contracted to furnish the Spanish sovereigns with three several armaments, 
of four vessels each, for the service of the newly discovered countries. 
He may have been one of the principals in this affair, which was transacted 
in the name of this established house. Berardi died in December, 1495, 
and in the following January we find Amerigo Vespucci attending to the 
concerns of the expeditions, and settling with the masters of the ships for 
their pay and maintenance, according to the agreements made between 
them and the late Juanoto Berardi. On the r2th January, 1496, he 
received on this account 10,000 maravedis from Bernardo Pinelo, the 
royal treasurer. He went on preparing all things for the dispatch of four 
caravels to sail under the same contract between the sovereigns and the 
house of Berardi, and sent them to sea on the 3d February, 1496 ; but on 
the 8th they met with a storm and were wrecked ; the crews were saved 
with the loss of only three men.f While thus employed, Amerigo Ves- 
pucci, of course, had occasional opportunity of conversing with Columbus, 
with whom, according to the expression of the admiral himself, in one of 

* Cosm. Munst., p. 1108. 

t These particulars are from manuscript memoranda, extracted from the 
royal archives, by the late accurate historian Mufioz. 



332 APPENDIX. 



his 'alters to liis son Diego, ho appears to have been always on friendly 
terms. From these conversations, and from his agency in these expedi- 
tions, he soon became excited to visit the newly discovered countries, and 
to participate in enterprises, which were the theme of every tongue. Hav- 
ing made himself well acqiniinted with geographical and nautical science, 
he prepared to launch into the career of discovery. It was not very long 
before he carried this design into execution. 

In 1498, Columbus, in his third voyage, discovered the coast of Pariaj 
on Terra Firma ; which he at that time imagined to be a great island, but 
that a vast continent lay inmiediately adjacent. He sent to Spain speci- 
mens of pearls found on this coast, and gave the most sanguine accounts 
of the supposed riches of the country. 

In 1499, an expedition of four vessels under command of Alonzo de 
Ojeda, was fitted out from Spain, and sailed for Paria, guided by charts 
and letters sent to the government by Columbus. These were communi- 
cated to Ojeda, by his patron, the bishop Fonseca, who had the superin- 
tendence of India affairs, and who furnished him also with a warrant to 
undertake the voyage. 

It is presumed that Vespucci aided in fitting out the armament, and 
sailed in a vessel belonging to the house of Berardi, and in this way was 
enabled to take a share in the gains and losses of the expedition ; for Isa- 
bella, as queen of Castile, had rigorously forbidden all strangers to trade 
with her transatlantic possessions, not even excepting the natives of the 
kingdom of Aragon. 

This squadron visited Paria and several hundred miles of the coast, 
which they ascertained to be Terra Firma. They returned in June, 1500 ; 
and on the 18th of July, in that year, Amerigo Vespucci wrote an account 
of his voyage to Lorenzo de Pier Francisco de Medici of Florence, which 
remained concealed in manuscript, until brought to light and published by 
Bandini in 1745. 

In his account of this voyage, and in every other narrative of his dif- 
ferent expeditions, Vespucci never mentions any other person concerned 
in the enterprise. He gives the time of his sailing, and states that he 
went with two caravels, which were probably his share of the expedition, 
or rather vessels sent by the house of Berardi. He gives an interesting 
narrative of the voyage, and of the various transactions with the natives, 
which corresponds, in many substantial points, with the accounts fur- 
nished by Ojeda and his mariners of their voyage, in a lawsuit hereafter 
mentioned. 



APPENDIX. 333 

In May, 1501, Vespucci, having suddenly left Spain, sailed in the 
service of Emanuel, king of Portugal ; in the course of which expedition 
he visited the coast of Brazil. lie gives an account of this voyage in a 
second letter to Lorenzo de Pier Francisco de Medici, which also re- 
mained in manuscript until published by Bartolozzi in 1789.* 

No record nor notice of any such voyage undertaken by Amerigo 
Vespucci, at the command of Emanuel, is to be found in the archives of 
tlie Torre do Tombo, the general archives of Portugal, which have been 
repeatedly and diligently searched for the purpose. It is singular also 
that his name is not to be found in any of the Portuguese historians, who 
in general were very particular in naming all navigators who held any 
important station among them, or rendered any distinguished services. 
That Vespucci did sail along the coasts, however, is not questioned. His 
nephew, after his death, in the course of evidence on some points in dis- 
pute, gave the correct latitude of Cape St. Augustine, which he said 
he had extracted from his uncle's journal. 

In 1604, Vespucci wrote a third letter to the same Lorenzo de Medici, 
containing a more extended account of the voyage just alluded to in the 
service of Portugal. This was the first of his narratives that appeared in 
print. It appears to have been published in Latin, at Strasburgh, as early 
as 1505, under the title " Americus Vesputius de Orbe Antarctica per 
Regem Portugallice pridem inventa."f 

An edition of this letter was printed in Vicenzain 1507, in an anony- 
mous collection of -voyages edited by Francanzio di Monte Alboddo, an 
inhabitant of Vicenza. It was re-printed in Italian in 1508, at Milan, and 
also in Latin, in a book entitled Itinerarium Portugalensium. In making 
the present illustration, the Milan edition in Italian J has been consulted, 

* Bartolozzi, Recherche Historico. Firenze, 1789. 

t Panzer, torn. vi. p. 33, apud Esame Critico, p. 88, Anotazione 1. 

t This rare book, in the possession of O. Rich, Esq., is believed to be the 
oldest printed collection of voyages extant. It has not the pages numbered, 
the sheets are merely marked with a letter of the alphabet at the foot of each 
eighth page. It contains the earliest account of the voyages of Columbus, 
from his first departure until his arrival at Cadiz in chains. The letter of 
Vespucci to Lorenzo de Medici occupies the fifth book of this little volume. 
It is stated to have been originally written in Spanish, and translated into 
Italian by a person of the name of Jocondo. An earlier edition is stated to 
have been printed in Venice by Alberto Vercellese, in 1504. The author is 



S34 APPENDIX. 



and also a Latin translation of it iiy Simon Grinajus, in his Novus Orbis, 
published at Basle in l5o-2. It relates entirely the first voyage of Ves 
pucci from Lisbon to tiie Brazils in 1501. 

It is from this voyage to the Brazils that Amerigo Vespucci was first 
considered the discoverer of Terra Firma ; and his name was at first 
applied to these southern regions, though afterwards extended to the 
whole continent. The merits of his voyage were, however, greatly exag- 
gerated. The Brazils had been previously discovered, and formally taken 
possession of for Spain in 1500, by Vincente Yafiez Pinzon ; and also in 
the same year, by Pedro Alvarez Cabral, on the part of Portugal ; circum- 
stances unknown however to Vespucci and his associates. The country 
remained in possession of Portugal, in conformity to the line of demarca- 
tion agreed on between the two nations. 

Vespucci made a second voyage in the service of Portugal. He says 
that he commanded a caravel in a squadron of six vessels destined for the 
discovery of Malacca, which they had heard to be the great depot and 
magazine of all the trade between the Ganges and the Indian sea. Such 
an expedition did sail about this time, under the command of Gonzalo 
Coelho. The squadron sailed according to Vespucci on the 10th of May, 
1503. It stopped at the Cape de Verd islands for refreshments, and after- 
wards sailed by the coast of Sierra Leone, b>it was prevented from land- 
ing by contrary winds and a turbulent sea. Standing to the southwest, 
they ran three hundred leagues until they were three degrees to the 
southward of the equinoctial line, where they discovered an uninhabited 
island, about two leagues in length and one in breadth. Here, on the 
10th of August, by mismanagement, the commander of the squadron ran 
his vessel on a rock and lost her. While the other vessels were assisting 
to save the crew and property from the wreck, Amerigo Vespucci was 
dispatched in his caravel to search for a safe harbor in the island. He 
departed in his vessel without his long-boat, and with less than half of his 
crew, the rest having gone in the boat to the assistance of the wreck. 

Baid to have been Angelo Trivigiani, secretary to the Venetian ambassador in 
Spain. This Trivigiani appears to have oilected many of the particulars of 
the voyages of Columbus from the manuscript decades of Peter Martyr, who 
erroneously lays the chaige of the plagiarism to Aloysius Cadamosto, whose 
voyages are inserted in the same collection. The book was entitled " LibretU 
di tutta la navigazione del Re de Espagna, delle Isole e terreni nuovamente 
trovati." 



APPENDIX. 335 



Vespucci found a harbor, but waited in vain for several days for the 
arrival of the ships. Standing out to sea he met with a solitary vessel, 
and learnt that the shij) of the commander had sunk, and tlie rest had pro- 
ceeded onwards. In company with this vessel he stood for the Brazils, 
according to a command of the king, in case that any vessel should be 
parted from the fleet. Arriving on the coast he discovered the famous 
bay of All Saints, where he remained upwards of two months, in hopes 
of being joined by the rest of the fleet. He at length ran 260 leagues 
forther south, where he remained five months building a fort and taking 
in a cargo of Brazil-wood. Then, leaving in the fortress a garrison of 24 
men with arms and ammunition, he set sail for Lisbon, where he arrived 
in June, 1504.* The commander of the squadron and the other four 
ships were never heard of afterwards. 

Vespucci does not appear to have received the reward from the king of 
Portugal that his services merited, for we find him at Seville early in 1505, 
on his way to the Spanish court, in quest of employment : and he was 
bearer of a letter from Columbus to his son Diego, dated February 5, 
which, while it speaks warmly of him as a friend, intimates his having 
been unfortunate. The following is the letter : 

My dear son, — Diego Mendez departed hence on Monday, the third 
of this month. After his departure I conversed with Amerigo Vespucci, 
the bearer of this, who goes there (to court) summoned on affairs of 
navigation. Fortune has been adverse to him as to many others. His 
labors have not profited him as much as they reasonably should have done. 
He goes on my account, and with much desire to do something that may 
result to my advantage, if within his power. I cannot ascertain here in 
what I can employ him, that will be serviceable to me, for I do not know 
what may be there required. He goes with the determination to do all 
that is possible for me ; see in what he may be of advantage and co-operate 
with him, that he may say and do every thing, and put his plans in opera- 
tion ; and let all be done secretly, that he may not be suspected. I have 
said every thing to him that I can say touching the business, and have 
informed him of the pay I have received, and what is due, &c.f 

About tliis time Amerigo Vespucci received letters of naturalization 
from king Ferdinand, and shortly afterwards he and Vincente Yancz Pin- 

* Letter of Vespucci to Soderini or Renato — Edit, of Canovai. 
t Navarrete, Colec. Viag., torn. i. p. 351. 



336 APPENDIX 



zon were named Ciiptains of an armada about to he sent out in the spice 
trade and to make discoveries. There is a royal order, dated Toro, 11th 
April. 1507, for 12.000 maravedis for an outfit for " Americo de Vespuche, 
resident of Seville." Preparations were made for this voyage, and vessels 
procured and fitted out, but it was eventually abandoned. There are 
memoranda existing concerning it, dated in 1606, 1607, and 1508, from 
which it appears that Amerigo Vespucci remained at Seville, attending 
to the fiuctiiating concerns of this squadron, until the destination of the 
vessels was changed, their equipments were sold, and the accounts set- 
tled. During this time he had a salary of 30.000 maravedis. On the 22d 
of March, 1508, he received the appointment of principal pilot, with a 
salary of 70,000 maravedis. His chief duties were to prepare charts, 
examine pilots, superintend the fitting out of expeditions, and prescribe the 
route that vessels were to pursue in their voyages to the New World. He 
appears to have remained at Seville, and to have retained this office until 
his death, on the 22d of February, 1512. His widow, Maria Gorezo, 
enjoyed a pension of 10,000 maravedis. After his death, his nephew, Juan 
Vespucci, was nominated pilot with a salary of 20,000 maravedis, com- 
mencing on the 22d of May, 1512. Peter Martyr speaks with high commen- 
dation of this young man. " Young Vesputius is one to whom Americus 
Vesputius his uncle left the exact knowledge of the mariner's faculties, 
as it were by inheritance, after his death ; for he was a very expert master 
in the knowledge of his carde, his compasse and the elevation of the pole 
starre by the quadrant. * * * * Vesputius is my very familiar friend, and 
a wittie young man, in whose company I take great pleasure, and therefore 
use him oftentymes for my guest. He hath also made many voyages into 
these coasts, and diligently noted such things as he hath seen."* 

Vespucci, the nephew, continued in this situation during the lifetime 
of Fonseca, who had been the patron of his uncle and his family. He was 
divested of his pay and his employ by a letter of the council, dated the 18th 
of March, 1526, shortly after the death of the bishop. No further notice 
of Vespucci is to be found in the archives of the Indies. 

Such is a brief view of the career of Amerigo Vespucci ; it remains to 
notice the points of controversy. Shortly after his return from his last 
expedition to the Brazils, he wrote a letter dated Lisbon, 4th September, 
1 504, containing a summary account of all his voyages. This letter is 
or special importance to the matters under investigation, as it is the only 

* Peter Martyr, decad. iii. lib. v. Eden's English trans. 



APPENDIX. 337 



one known that relates to the disputed voyage, which would establish him as 
the discoverer of Terra Firma. It is presumed to have been written in 
Latin, and was addressed to Ren^, duke of Lorraine, who assumed the 
title of king of Sicily and Jerusalem. 

The earliest known edition of this letter was published in Latin, in 
1507, at St. Diez in Lorraine. A copy of it has been found in the library of 
the Vatican (No. 9688) by the abbe Cancellicri. In preparing the present 
illustration, a reprint of this letter in Latin has been consulted, inserted ni 
the Novus Orbis of Grinseus, published at Bath in 1532. The letter con- 
tains a spirited narrative of four voyages which he asserts to have made 
to the New World. In the prologue he excuses the liberty of addressing 
king Rene by calling to his recollection the ancient intimacy of their 
youth, when studying the rudiments of science together, under the pater- 
nal uncle of the voyager ; and adds that if the present narrative should 
not altogether please his Majesty, he must plead to him as Pliny said to 
Mecaenas, that he used formerly to be amused with his triflings. 

In the prologue to this letter, lie informs king Rene that affairs of com- 
merce had brought him to Spain, where he had experienced the various 
changes of fortune attendant on such transactions, and was induced to 
abandon that pursuit and direct his labors to objects of a more elevated 
and stable nature. He therefore purposed to contemplate various parts of 
the world, and to behold the marvels which it contains. To this object 
both time and place were favorable ; for king Ferdinand was then prepar- 
ing four vessels for the discovery of new lands in the west, and appointed 
him among the number of those who went in the expedition. "We de- 
parted," he adds, "from the port of Cadiz, May 20, 1497, taking our 
course on the great gulf of ocean ; in which voyage we employed eighteen 
months, discovering many lands and innumerable islands, chiefly inhabited, 
of which our ancestors make no mention." 

A duplicate of this letter appears to have been sent at the same time 
(written, it is said, in Italian) to Piere Soderini, afterwards Gonfalonier 
of Florence, which was some years subsequently published in Italy, not 
earlier than 1510, and entitled " Lettera de Amerigo Vespucci delle Isole 
nuovamente trovate in quatro suoi viaggi." We have consulted the 
edition of this letter in Italian, inserted in the publication of Padre Stanis- 
laus Canovai, already referred to. 

It has been suggested by an Italian writer, that this letter was written 
by Vespucci to Soderini only, and the address altered to king Ren6 
•hrough the flattery or mistake of the Lorraine editor, without perceiving 

VOL. m. 15 



338 APPENDIX. 



how unsnitiible tlic reference to former intimacy, intended for Soderini, 
was, when applied to a sovereign. The person making this remark can 
liurdly have read the prologue to the Latin edition, in which the title of 
'•your majesty" is frequently repeated, and the term " illustrious king" 
employed. It was first published also in Lorraine, the domains of Rene, 
and the publisher would not probably have presumed to take such a liberty 
with his sovereign's name. It becomes a question, whether Vespucci ad- 
dressed the same letter to king Rene and to Piere Soderini, both of them 
having been educated with him, or whether he sent a copy of this letter 
to Soderini, which subsequently found its way into print. The address to 
Sodei'ini may have been substituted, through mistake, by the Italian pub- 
lisher. Neither of the publications could have been made under the 
supervision of Vespucci. 

The voyage specified in this letter as having taken place in 1497, is 
the great point in controversy. It is strenuously a.sserted that no such 
voyage took place ; and that the first expedition of Vespucci to the coast 
of Paria was in the enterprise commanded by Ojeda, in 1499. The 
books of the armadas existing in the archives of the Indies at Seville, have 
been diligently examined, but no record of such voyage has been found, 
nor any official documents relating to it. Those most experienced in 
Spanish colonial regulations insist that no command like that pretended by 
Vespucci could have been given to a stranger, till he had first received 
letters of naturalization from the sovereigns for the kingdom of Castile, 
and he did not obtain such till 1505, when they were granted to him as 
preparatory to giving him the command in conjunction with Pinzon. 

His account of a voyage made by him in 1497, therefore, is alleged to 
be a liibrication for the purpose of claiming the discovery of Paria ; or 
rather it is affirmed that he has divided the voyage which he actually made 
with Ojeda, in 1499, into two ; taking a number of incidents from his real 
voyage, altering them a little, and enlarging them with descriptions of the 
countries and people, so as to make a plausible narrative, which he gives 
as a distinct voyage ; and antedating his departure to 1497, so as to make 
himself appear the first discoverer of Paria. 

In support of this charge various coincidences have been pointed out 
between his voyage said to have taken place in 1 497, and that described in 
his first letter to Lorenzo de Medici in 1499. These coincidences are 
with respect to places visited, transactions and battles with the natives, 
and the number of Indians carried to Spain and sold as slaves. 

But the credibility of this voyage has been put to a stronger test 



APPENDIX. 339 



About 1508 a suit was instituted against the crown of Spain by Don 
Diego, son and heir of Columbus, for the government of certain parts of 
Terra Firma, and for a share in the revenue arising from them, comform- 
ably to the capitulations made between the sovereigns and his father. It 
was the object of the crown to disprove the discovery of tlie coast of Paria 
and the pearl islands by Columbus ; as it was maintained, that unless he 
had discovered them, the claim of his heir with respect to them would be 
of no validity. 

In the course of this suit, a particular examination of witnesses took 
place in 1512-13 in the fiscal court. Alonzo de Ojeda, and nearly a 
hundred other persons, were interrogated oir oath ; that voyager having 
been the first to visit the coast of Paria after Columbus had left it, and that 
within a very few months. The interrogatories of these witnesses, and 
their replies, are still extant, in the archives of the Indies at Seville, in a 
packet of papers entitled '• Papers belonging to the admiral Don Luis 
Colon, about the conservation of his privileges, from ann. 1515 to 1564." 
The author of the present work has two several copies of these interroga- 
tories lying before him. One made by the late historian Mufioz, and the 
other made in 1826, and signed by Don Jose de la Higuera y Lara, keeper 
of the general archives of the Indies in Seville. In the course of this tes- 
timony, the fact that Amerigo Vespucci accompanied Ojeda in this voyage 
of 1499, appears manifest, first from the deposition of Ojeda himself. 
The following are the words of the record : " In this voyage which tliis 
said witness made, he took with him Juan de la Cosa and Morego Ves- 
puche [Amerigo Vespucci] and other pilots."* Secondly, from the coin- 
cidence of many parts of the narrative of Vespucci with events in this 
voyage of Ojeda. Among these coincidences, one is particularly striking. 
Vespucci, in his letter to Lorenzo de Bledici, and also in that to Renfe or 
Soderini, says, that his ships after leaving the coast of Terra Firma, 
stopped at Hispaniola, where they remained about two months and a half, 
procuring provisions, during which time, he adds, " we had many perils 
and troubles with the very Christians who were in that island with Colum- 
bus, and I believe through envy.f 

* En este viageque este dicho testigo hizo trujo consigo a Juan de la Cosa, 
piloto, e Morego Vespuche, e otros pilotos. 

t Per la necessita del mantenimento fummo all' Isola d'Antiglia (Hispaniola) 
che e questa che descoperse Cristoval Colombo piii anni fa, dove facemmo molto 
mantenimento, e stemmo due mesie 17 giorni; dove passanuno motipericoli a 



340 APPENDIX. 



Now it is well known that Ojetla passed some time on tlie western end 
of the island victualing his ships ; and that serious dissensions took place 
hetweon him and the Spaniards in those parts, and the party sent by Co- 
lumbus under Roldan to keep a watch upon his movements. If then 
Vespucci, as is stated upon oath, really accompanied Ojeda in this voyage, 
the inference appears almost irresistible, that he had not made the previous 
voyage of 1 497, for the fact would have been well known to Ojeda ; he 
would have considered Vespucci as the original discoverer, and would 
have had no motive for depriving him of the merit of it, to give it to Co- 
lumbus, with whom Ojeda was not upon friendly terms. 

Ojeda, however, expressly declares that the coast had been discovered 
by Columbus. On being asked how he knew the fact, he replied, because 
he saw the chart of the country discovered, which Columbus sent at the 
time to the king and queen, and that he came off immediately on a voyage 
of discovery, and found what was therein set down as discovered by the 
admiral was correct.* 

Another witness, Bernaldo de Haro, states that he had been with the 
admiral, and had written (or rather copied) a letter for the admiral to the 
king and queen, designating, in an accompanying sea-chart, the courses 
and steerings and winds by which he had arrived at Paria ; and that this 
witness had heard that from this chart others had been made, and that 
Pedro Alonzo NiHo and Ojeda, and others, who had since visited these 
countries, had been guided by the same.f 

Francisco de Molares, one of the best and most credible of all the 



travagli con li medesimi christian! que in questa isola stavanno col Colombo 
(credo per invidia.) Letter of Vespucci — Edit, of Canovai. 

* Preguntado como lo sabe ; dijo — que lo sabe porque vio este testigo la 
figura que el dicho Almirante al dicho tiempo embio a Castilla a! Rey e Reyna, 
nuestros Senores, de lo que habia descubierto, y porque este testigo luego vino a 
descubrir y hallo que era verdad lo que dicho tiene que el dicho Almirante de- 
scubrio. MS. Process of D. Diego Colon, pregunta 2. 

t Este testigo escrivio fma carta que el Almirante escriviera al Rey a 
Reyna N. N. S. S. haciendo les saber las perlas e cosas que habia hallado, y le 
embio seiialado con la dicha carta, en una carta de marear, los rumbos y vientos 
por "donde habia llegado a la Paria, e que este testigo oyo decir como pr. 
aquella carte se liabian hecho otras e por ellas habian venido Pedro Alonzo 
Merino [Niiio] e Ojeda e otros que despues han ido d aquellas partes. Idem, 
nregunta 9. 



APPENDIX. 341 



pilots, testified that lie saw a sea-chart whicli Cohimbus had made of the 
coast of Paria, and he believed that all governed themselves by it* 

Numerous witnesses in this process testify to the fact that Paria was 
first discovered by Columbus. Las Casas, who has been at the pains of 
counting them, says that the fact was established by twenty-five eye-wit- 
nesses and sixty ear-witnesses. Many of them testify also that the coast 
south of Paria, and that extending west of tiie island of Margarita, away 
to Venezuela, which Vespucci states to have been discovered by himself 
in 1497, was now first discovered by Ojeda, and had never before been 
visited either by the admiral " or any other Christian whatever." 

Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal says tiiat ail the voyages of discovery 
which were made to the Terra Firma, were made by persons who had 
sailed with the admiral, or been benefited l)y his instructions and directions, 
following the course he had laid down ;f and the same is testified by many 
other pilots and mariners of reputation and experience. 

It would be a singular circumstance, if none of these witnesses, many 
of whom must have sailed in tiie same squadron with Vespucci along this 
coast in 1499, should have known that he had discovered and explored it two 
years previously. If that had really been the case, what motive could he 
have for concealing the fact ? and why, if they knew it, should they not 
proclaim it ? Vespucci states his voyage in 1497 to have been made with 
four caravels ; that they returned in October, 1498, and that he sailed 
again with two caravels in May, 1499, (the date of Ojeda's departure.) 
Many of the mariners would therefore have been present in both voyages. 
Why, too, should Ojeda and the other pilots guide themselves by the 
charts of Columbus, when they had a man on board so learned in nautical 
science, and who, from his own recent observations, was practically ac- 
quainted with the coast ? Not a word, however, is mentioned of the voy- 
age and discovery of Vespucci by any of the pilots, though every other 
voyage and discovery is cited ; nor does there even a seaman appear who 
has accompanied him in his asserted voyage. 

* Proce.ss of D. Diego Colon, Pregunta 10. 

t Que en todos los viages que algunos hicierou descubriendo en la dicha 
tierra.ivan personas que ovieron navegado con el dicho Almirante, y a elloa 
mostio muchas cosas de marear, y ellos por imitacion € industria del dicho Al- 
mirante las aprendian y aprendieron, e seguendo ag°. que el dicho Almirante 
les habia mostiado, hicieion los viages que descubrieron en la Tierra Firma. 
Process, Pregunta 10. 



342 APPENDIX. 



Another strono- circumstance against the reality of tiiis voyage is, that 
it was not brouglit forward in this trial to defeat the claims of the heirs of 
Columbus. Vespucci states the voyage to have been ui.dertaken with the 
knowledge and countenance of king Ferdinand ; it must, therefore, have 
been avowed and notorious. Vespucci was living at Seville in 1508, at 
the time of the commencement of this suit, and for four years afterward, 
a salaried servant of the crown. Many of the pilots and mariners must 
have been at hand, who sailed with him in his pretended enterprise. If 
this voyage had opce been proved, it would completely have settled the 
question, as far as concerned the coast of Paria, in favor of the crown. 
Yet no testimony appears ever to have been taken from Vespucci while 
living ; and when the interrogatories were made in the fiscal court in 
1512-13, not one of his seamen is brought up to give evidence. A voy- 
age so important in its nature, and so essential to the question in dispute, 
is not even alluded to, while useless pains are taken to wrest evidence 
from the voyage of Ojeda, undertaken at a subsequent period. 

It is a circumstance worthy of notice, that Vespucci commences his 
first letter to Lorenzo de Medici in 1500, within a month after his return 
from the voyage he had actually made to Paria, and apologizes for his long 
silence, by saying that nothing had occurred worthy of mention, (" e gran 
tempo che non ho scritto a vostra magnifizensa, e non lo ha causato altra 
cosa ne nessuna salvo non mi essere occorso cosa degna di memoria,") and 
proceeds eagerly to tell him the wonders he had witnessed in the expedi- 
tion from which he had but just returned. It would be a singular forget- 
fulness to say that notliing had occurred of importance, if he had made a 
previous voyage of eighteen months in 1497-8 to this newly-discovered 
world ; and it would be almost equally strange that he should not make 
the slightest allusion to it in this letter. 

It has been the endeavor of the author to examine this question dispas- 
sionately ; and after considering the statements and arguments advanced 
on either side, he cannot resist a conviction, that the voyage stated to have 
been made in 1497 did not take place, and that Vespucci has no title to 
the first discovery of the coast of Paria. 

The question is extremely perplexing from the difficulty of assigning 
sufficient motives for so gross a deception. When Vespucci wrote his 
letters there was no doubt entertained but that Columbus had discovered 
the main-land in his first voyage ; Cuba being always considered the ex- 
tremity of Asia, until circumnavigated in 1508. Vespucci may have sup- 
posed Brazil, Paria, and the rest of that coast, part of a distinct continent, 



APPENDIX. 343 



and have been anxious to arrogate to himself the fame of its discover}'. 
It has been asserted, tliat, on his return from his voyage to the Brazils, he 
prepared a maritime chart, in which he gave his name to that part of the 
main-land ; but this assertion does not appear to be well substantiated. It 
would rather seem that his name was given to that part of tlie continent 
by others, as a tribute paid to his supposed merit, in consequence of hav- 
ing read his own account of his voyages.* 

It is singular that Fernando, the son of Columbus, in his biography of 
his father, should bring no charge against Vespucci of endeavoring to sup- 
plant the admiral in this discovery. Herrera has been cited as the first to 
bring the accusation, in his history of the Indies, first published in 1601, 
and has been much criticised in consequence, by the advocates of Ves- 
pucci, as malving the charge on his mere assertion. But, in fact, Herrera 
did but copy what he found written by Las Casas, who had the proceed- 
ings of the fiscal court lying before him, and was moved to indignation 
against Vespucci, bj' what he considered proofs of great imposture. 

It has been suggested that Vespucci was instigated to this deception 
at the time when he was seeking employment in the colonial service of 



* The first suggestion of the name appears to have been in the Latin work 
already cited, pubUshed in St. Diez, in Lorraine, in 1507, in which was inserted 
the letter of Vespucci to king Rene. The author, after speaking of the other 
three parts of the world, Asia, Africa, and Europe, recommends that the fourth 
shall be called Amerigo, or America, after Vespucci, whom he imagined its 
discoverer. 

Note to the Revised Edition, 1848. — Humboldt, in his Examen Critique, 
pubhshed in Paris, in 1837, says: " I have been so happy as to discover, very 
recendy, the name and the literary relations of the mysterious personage who (in 
1507) was the first to propose the name of America to designate the new conti- 
nent, and who concealed himself under the Grecianized name of Hylacomylas." 
He then, by a long and ingenious investigation, shows that the real name of this 
personage was Martin Waldseemiiller, of Fribourg, an eminent cosmographer, 
patronized by Rene, duke of Lorraine ; who no doubt put in his hands the letter 
received by him from Amerigo Vespucci. The geographical works of Waldsee- 
miiller, under the assumed name of Hylacomylas, had a wide circulation, went 
through repeated editions, and propagated the use of the name America through- 
out the world. There is no reason to suppose that this application of the 
name was in any wise suggested by Amerigo Vespucci. It appears to have been 
entirely gratuitous on the part of Waldseemiiller. 



344 APPENDIX. 



Spain ; and that he did it to conciliate the bishop Fonseca, who was 
desirous of any thing that might injure the interests of Columbus. In 
corroboration of this opinion, the patronage is cited which was ever shown 
by Fonseca to Vespucci and his family. This is not, however, a satisfac- 
tory reason, since it does not appear that the bishop ever made any use of 
the fabrication. Perhaps some other means might be found of accounting 
for this spurious narration, without implicating the veracity of Vespucci. 
It may have been the blunder of some editor, or the interpolation of some 
book-maker, eager, as in the case of Trivigiani with the manuscripts of 
Peter Martyr, to gather together disjointed materials, and fabricate a work 
to gratify the prevalent passion of the day. 

In the various editions of the letters of Vespucci, the grossest variations 
and inconsistencies in dates will be found, evidently the errors of hasty and 
careless publishers. Several of these have been corrected by the modern 
authors who have inserted these letters in their works.* The same dis- 
regard to exactness which led to these blunders, may have produced the 
interpolation of this voyage, garbled out of the letters of Vespucci and the 
accounts of other voyagers. This is merely suggested as a possible mode 
of accounting for what appears so decidedly to be a fabrication, yet which 
we are loth to attribute to a man of the good sense, the character, and the 
reputed merit of Vespucci. 

After all, this is a question more of curiosity than of real moment, 
although it is one of those perplexing points about which grave men will 
continue to write weary volumes, until the subject acquires a fictitious 
importance from the mountain of controversy heaped upon it. It has 
become a question of local pride with the literati of Florence ; and they 
emulate each ether with patriotic zeal, to vindicate the fame of their 

* An instance of these errors may be cited in the edition of the letter of 
Amerigo Vespucci to king Rene, inserted by Grinaeus in his Novus Orbis, in 
1532. In this Vespucci is made to state that he sailed from Cadiz May 20, 
MCCCCXCVII. (1497,) that he was eighteen months absent, and returned to 
Cadiz October 15, MCCCCXCIX. (1499,) which would constitute an absence 
of 29 months. He states his departure from Cadiz, on his second voyage, Sun- 
day, May 11th, MCCCCLXXXIX. (1489,) which would have made his second 
voyage precede his first by eight years. If we substitute 1499 for 1489, the 
departure on his second voyage would still precede his return from his first by 
five months. Canovai, in his edition, has altered the date of the first return to 
1498, to limit the voyage to eighteen months. 



APPENDIX. 345 



distinguished countryman. This zeal is laudable when kept within proper 
limits ; but it is to be retrretted that some of them have so far been heated 
by controversy as to become irascible against the very memory of Colum- 
bus, and to seek to disparage his gtmeral fame, as if the ruin of it would 
add any thing to the reputation of Vespucci. This is discreditable to 
their discernment and their liberality ; it injures their cause, and shocks 
the feelings of mankind, who will not willingly see a name like that of 
Columbus, hghtly or petulantly assailed in the course of these literary 
contests. It is a name consecrated in history, and is no longer the 
property of a city, or a state, or a nation, but of the whole world. 

Neither should those who have a proper sense of the merit of Columbus 
put any part of his great renown at issue upon this minor dispute. 
Whether or not he was the discoverer of Paria, was a question of interest 
to his heirs, as a share of the government and revenues of that country 
depended upon it ; but it is of no importance to his fame. In fact, the 
European who first reached the main-land of the New World was most 
probably Sebastian Cabot, a native of Venice, saiUng in the employ of 
England. In 1497 he coasted its shores from Labrador to Florida ; yet 
the English have never set up any pretensions on his account. 

The glory of Columbus does not depend upon the parts of the country 
he visited or the extent of coast along which he sailed, it embraces the 
discovery of the whole western world. With respect to him, Vespucci is 
as Yanez Pinzon, Bastides, Ojeda, Cabot, and the crowd of secondary 
discoverers, who followed in his track, and explored the realms to which 
he had led the way. When Columbus first touched a shore of the New- 
World, even though a frontier island, he had achieved his enterprises ; he 
had accomplished all that was necessary to his fame : the great problem of 
the ocean was solved ; the world which lay beyond its western waters was 
discovered. 



No. XI. 

MARTIN ALONZO PINZON. 



In the course of the trial in the fiscal court, between Don Diego and the 
crown, an attempt was made to depreciate the merit of Columbus, and to 
ascribe the success of the great enterprise of discovery to the intelligence 
VOL. m. 15* 



346 APPENDIX. 



and spirit of Martin Alonzo Pinzon. It was the interest of the crown to 
do so, to justify itself in withholding from the heirs of Columhus the extent 
of his stipulated reward. The examinations of witnesses in this trial were 
made at various times and places, and upon a set of interrogatories for- 
mally drawn up hy order of the fiscal. They took place upwards of 
twenty years after the first voyage of Columbus, and the witnesses testi- 
fied from recollection. 

In reply to one of the interrogatories, Arias Perez Pinzon, son of Mar- 
tin Alonzo, declared, that, being once in Rome witli his father on com- 
mercial afl^airs, before the time of the discovery, they had frequent conver- 
sations with a person learned in cosmography who was in the service of 
Pope Innocent VIII, and that being in the library of the pope, this person 
showed them many manuscripts, from one of which his father gathered 
intimation of these new lands ; for there was a passage by an historian as 
old as the time of Solomon, which said, " Navigate the Mediterranean Sea 
to the end of Spain and thence towards the setting sun, in a direction 
between north and south, until ninety-five degrees of longitude, and you 
will find the land of Cipango, fertile and abundant, and equal in greatness 
to Africa and Europe." A copy of tliis writing, he added, his father 
brought from Rome with an intention of going in search of that 
land, and frequently expressed such determination ; and that, when Co- 
lumbus came to Palos with his project of discovery, Martin Alonzo Pin- 
zon showed him the manuscript, and ultimately gave it to him just before 
they sailed. 

It is extremely probable that this manuscript, of wliich Arias Perez 
gives so vague an account from recollection, but which he appears to 
tliink the main thing that prompted Coliunbus to his undertaking, was no 
other than the work of Marco Polo, which, at that time, existed in mami 
script in most of the Italian libraries. Martin Alonzo was evidently ac- 
quainted with the work of the Venetian, and it would appear, from various 
circumstances, that Columbus had a copy of it with him in his voyages, 
which may have been the manuscript above mentioned. Columbus had 
long before, however, had a knowledge of the work, if not by actual in- 
spection, at least through his correspondence with Toscanelli in 1474, and 
had derived from it all the light it was capable of furnishing, before he 
ever came to Palos. It is questionable, also, whether the visit of Martin 
Alonzo to Rome, was not after his mind had been heated by conversations 
with Columbus in the convent of La Rabida. The testimony of Arias 
Perez is so worded as to leave it in doubt whether the visit was not in the 



APPENDIX. 347 



very year prior to the discovery : " fue el dicho sii padre a Roma aquel 
dicho ano antes que fuese adesciibrir." Arias Perez always mentions the 
manuscript as having been imparted to Columbus, after he had come to 
Palos with an intention of proceeding on the discovery. 

Certain witnesses who were examined on behalf of the crown, and 
to whom specific interrogatories were put, asserted, as has already been 
mentioned in a note to this work, that had it not been for Martin Alonzo 
Pinzon and his brotliers, Columbus would have turned back for Spain, 
after having run seven or eight hundred leagues ; being disheartened at 
not finding land, and dismayed by the mutiny and menaces of his crew. 
This is stated by two or three as from personal knowledge, and by others 
from hearsay. It is said especially to have occurred on the 6th of Octo- 
ber. On this day, according to the journal of Columbus, he had some 
conversation with Martin Alonzo, who was anxious that they should stand 
more to the southwest. The admiral refused to do so, and it is very 
probable that some angry words may have passed between them. Various 
disputes appear to have taken place between Columbus and his colleagues 
respecting their route, previous to the discovery of land ; in one or two 
instances he acceded to their wishes, and altered his course, but in general 
he was inflexible in standing to the west. The Pinzons also, in all proba- 
bility, exerted their influence in quelling the munnurs of their townsmen 
and encouraging them to proceed, when ready to rebel against Columbus. 
These circumstances may have .become mixed up in the vague recollec- 
tions of the seamen who gave the foregoing extravagant testimony, and 
who were evidently disposed to exalt the merits of the Pinzons at the ex- 
pense of Columbus. They were in some measure prompted also in their 
replies by the written interrogatories put by order of the fiscal, which spe- 
cified the conversations said to have passed between Columbus and the 
Pinzons, and notwithstanding these guides they ditt'ered widely in their 
statements, and ran into many absurdities. In a manuscript record in pos- 
session of the Pinzon family, I have even read the assertion of an old sea- 
man, that Columbus, in his eagerness to compel the Pinzons to turn back 
to Spain, fired upon their skips, but, they continuing on, he was obliged 
to follow, and within two days afterwards discovered the island of Hispa- 
niola. 

It is evident the old sailor, if he really spoke conscientiously, mingled 
in his cloudy remembrance the disputes in the early part of the voyage, 
about altering their course to the southwest, and the desertion of Martin 
Alonzo, subsequent to the discovery of tlie Lucayos and Cuba, when 



348 APPENDIX. 



after parting company with the admiral, he made the island of Hispa- 
niola. 

The witness most to be depended upon as to these points of inquiry, is 
the physician of Palos, Garcia Fernandez, a man of education, who sailed 
with Martin Alonzo Pinzon as steward of his ship, and of course was 
present at all the conversations which passed between the commanders. 
He testifies that Martin Alonzo urged Columbus to stand more to the 
southwest, and that the admiral at length complied, but, finding no land in 
that direction, they turned again to the west; a statement which com- 
pletely coincides with the journal of Columbus. He adds that the admiral 
continually comforted and animated Martin Alonzo, and all others in his 
company. (Siempre los consolaba el dicho Almirante esforzandolos al 
dicho Martin Alonzo e a todos los que en su compania iban.) When the 
physician was specifically questioned as to the conversations pretended to 
have passed between the commanders, in which Columbus expressed a 
desire to turn back to Spain, he referred to the preceding statement, as the 
only answer he had to make to these interrogatories. 

The extravagant testimony before mentioned appears never to have 
had any weight with the fiscal ; and the accurate historian Mufioz, who 
extracted all these points of evidence from the papers of the lawsuit, has 
not deemed them worthy of mention in his work. As these matters, how- 
ever, remain on record in the archives of the Indies, and in the archives of 
the Pinzon family, in both of which I have had a full opportunity of 
inspecting them. I have thought it advisable to make these few observa- 
tions on the subject ; lest, in the rage for research, they might hereafter 
be drawn forth as a new discovery, on the strength of which to impugn 
the merits of Columbus. 



No. XII. 

RUMOK OF THE PILOT SAID TO HAVE DIED IN THE HOUSE OF 
COLUMBUS. 

Among the various attempts to injure Columbus by those who were 
envious of his fame, was one intended to destroy all his merit as an origi- 
nal discoverer. It was said that he had received information of the exist- 
ence of land in the western parts of the ocean from a tempest-tossed pilot 



APPENDIX. 349 



who had heen driven there by violent easterly winds, and who, on his 
return to Europe, liad died in the house of Columbus, leaving in his pos- 
session the chart and journal of his voyage, by which he was guided to 
his discovery. 

This story was first noticed by Oviedo, a contemporary of Columbus, 
in his history of the Indies, published in 1535. He mentions it as a 
rumor circulating among the vulgar, without foundation in truth. 

Fernando Lopez de Gomara first brought it forward against Columbus. 
In liis history of the Indies, published in 1552, he repeats the rumor in the 
vaguest terms, manifestly from Oviedo, but without the contradiction given 
to it by that author. He says that the name and country of the pilot were 
unknown, some terming him an Andalusian, sailing between the Canaries 
and Madeira, others a Biscayan, trading to England and France ; and 
others a Portuguese, voyaging between Lisbon and Mina, on the coast of 
Guinea. He expresses equal uncertainty whether the pilot brought the 
caravel to Portugal, to Madeira, or to one of the Azores. The only point 
on which the circulators of the rumor agreed was, that he died in the 
house of Columbus. Gomara adds that by this event Columbus was led 
to undertake his voyage to the new countries.* 

The other early historians who mention Columbus and his voyages, 
and were his contemporaries, viz. Sabellicus, Peter Martyr, Gustiniani, 
Bernaldez, commonly called the curate of los Palacios, Las Casas, Fer- 
nando, the son of the admiral, and the anonymous author of a voyage of 
Columbus, translated from the Italian into Latin by Madrignano,f are all 
silent in regard to this report. 

Benzoni, whose history of the New World was published in 1565, 
repeats the story from Gomara, with whom he was contemporary ; but de- 
cidedly expresses his opinion, that Gomara had mingled up much falsehood 
with some truth, for the purpose of detracting from the fame of Columbus, 
through jealousy that any one but a Spaniard should enjoy the honor of 
the discovery.! 

* Gomara, Hist. Ind., cap. 14. 

t Navigatio Christophori Columbi, Madrignano Interprete. It is contained 
in a collection of voyages called Novus Orbis Regionum, edition of 1555, but 
was originally published in Italian as written by Montalbodo J>ancanzano (or 
Francapano de Montaldo), in a collection of voyages entitled Nuovo Mundo, 
in Vicenza, 1507. 

t Girolanio Benzoni, Hist, del Nuevo Mundo, lib. i. fo. 12. In Venetia. 
1672. 



350 APPENDIX. 



Acosta notices the circumstance slightly in his Natural and Moral His- 
tory of the Indies, published in 1591, and takes it evidently from Gomara.* 

Mariana, in his history of Spain, published in 1692, also mentions it, 
but expresses a doubt of its truth, and derives his information manifestly 
from Gomara.f 

Herrera, who published his history of the Indies in 1601, takes no 
notice of the story. In not noticing it, he may be considered as rejecting 
it ; for he is distinguished for his minuteness, and was well acquainted 
with Gomara's history, which he expressly contradicts on a point uf con- 
siderable interest.J 

Garcilaso de la Vega, a native of Cusco in Peru, revived the tale with 
very minute particulars, in his Commentaries of the Incas, published in 
1609. He tells it smoothly and circumstantially ; fixes the date of the 
occurrence 1484, " one year more or less ;" states the name of the unfor- 
tunate pilot, Alonzo Sanchez de Huelva ; the destination of his vessel, 
from the Canaries to Madeira ; and the unknown land to which they were 
driven, the island of Hispaniola. The pilot, he says, landed, took an alti- 
tude, and wrote an account of all he saw, and all that had occurred in the 
voyage. He then took in wood and water, and set out to seek his way 
home. He succeeded in returning, but the voyage was long and tempes- 
tuous, and twelve died of hunger and fatigue, out of seventeen, the origi- 
nal number of the crew. The five survivors arrived at Tercera, where 
they were hospitably entertained by Columbus, but all died in his house in 
consequence of the hardships they had sustained ; the pilot was the last 
that died, leaving his host heir to his papers. Columbus kept them pro- 
foundly secret, and by pursuing the route therein prescribed, obtained the 
credit of discovering the New World. J 

Such are the material points of the circumstantial relation furnished 
by Garcilaso de la Vega, one hundred and twenty years after the event. 
In regard to authority, he recollects to have heard the story when he was 
a child, as a subject of conversation between his father and the neighbors, 
and he refers to the histories of the Indies, by Acosta and Gomara, for 
confirmation. As the conversations to which he listened, must have taken 
place sixty or seventy years after the date of the report, there had been 

* Padre Joseph de Acosta, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 19. 

t Juan de Mariana, Hist. Espaiia, lib. xxvi. cap. 3. 

t Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. ii. lib. iii. cap. i. 

§ Commenntarios de los Incas, Ub. i. cap. 3. 



APPENDIX. 351 



sufficient time for the vauiie rumors to become arranged into a reorular 
narrative, and tlins we have not only the name, country, and destination 
of the pilot, but also the name of the unknown land to which his vessel 
was driven. 

This account given by Garcilaso de la Vega, has been adopted by 
many old historians, who have felt a confidence in the peremptory manner 
in which he relates it, and in the authorities to whom he refers.* These 
have been echoed by others of more recent date ; and thus a weighty 
charge of fraud and imposture has been accumulated against Columbus, 
apparently supported by a crowd of respectable accusers. The whole 
charge is to be traced to Gomara, who loosely repeated a vague rumor, 
without noticing the pointed contradiction given to it seventeen years be- 
fore, by Oviedo, an ear-witness, from whose book he appears to have actu- 
ally gathered the report. 

It is to be remarked that Gomara bears the character, among historians, 
of inaccuracy, and of great credulity in adopting unfounded stories. f 



* Names of historians who either adopted this story in detail, or the charge 
against Columbus, drawn from it . 

Bernardo Aldrete, Antiguedad de Espana, lib. iv. cap. 17, p. 567. 

Roderigo Caro, Antiguedad, lib. iii. cap. 76. 

Juan de Solorzano, Ind. Jure, torn. i. lib. i. cap 5. 

Fernando Pizarro, Varones Ilfust. del Nuevo Mundo, cap. 2. 

Agostino Torniel, Annal. Sacr., torn. i. ann. Mund., 1931, No. 48. 

Pet. Damarez or De Mariz, Dial. iv. de Var. Hist., cap. 4. 

Gregorio Garcia, Orig. de los Indies, lib. i. cap. 4, § 1. 

Juaia de Torquemanda, Monarch. Ind., lib. xviii. cap. 1. 

John Baptiste Riccioli, Geograf Reform., lib. iii. 

To this list of old authors may be added many others of more recent date. 

t " Francisco Lopez de Gomara, Presbitero, Sevillano, escribio con elegante 
cstilo acerca de las cosas de las Indies, pero dexandose Uevar de falsas narra- 
ciones." Hijos de Sevilla, Numero ii. p. 42, Let. F. The same is stated in 
Biblioiheca Hispana Nova, lib. i. p. 437. 

" El Francisco Lopez de Gomara escrivio tantos borroiies 6 cosas que no 
son verdaderas, de que ha hecho mucho datio a muchos escritores e coronistas, 
que despues del Gomara ban escrito en las cosas de la Nueva Espana * * * 
es porque les ha hecho errar el Gomara." Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Hist, de la 
Conquest de la Nueva Espana, Fin de cap. 18. 

" Tenia Gomara doctrina y estilo * * * pero empleose en ordinar sin dis- 



352 APPENDIX. 



It is unnecessary to crivo further refutation to this charge, especially 
as it is clear that Columbus communicated his idea of discovery to Paulo 
Toscanelli of Florence, in 1474, ten years previous to the date assigned 
by Garcilaso de la Vega for this occurrence. 



No. XIII. 



MARTIN BEHEM. 



This able geographer was born in Nuremburg, in Germany, about the 
commencement of the year 1430. His ancestors were from the circle of 
Pilsner, in Bohemia, lience he is called by some writers Martin of Bohe- 
mia, and the resemblance of his own name to that of the country of his 
ancestors frequently occasions a confusion in the appellation. 

It has been said by some that he studied under Philip Bervalde the 
elder, and by others under John MuUer, otherwise called Regiomontanus, 
though De Murr, who has made diligent inquiry into his history, discredits 
both assertions. According to a correspondence between Beliem and his 
uncle discovered of late years by De Murr, it appears that the early part 
of his life was devoted to commerce. Some have given him the credit of 
discovering the island of Fayal, but this is* an error, arising probably from 
the circumstance that Job de Huertar, father-in-law of Behem, colonized 
that island in 1466. 

He is supposed to have arrived at Portugal in 1481, while Alphonso 
V was still on the throne ; it is certain that shortly afterwards he was in 
high repute for his science in the court of Lisbon, insomuch that he was 
one of the council appointed by king John II to improve the art of navi- 
gation, and by some he has received the whole credit of the memorable 
service rendered to commerce by that council, in the introduction of the 
astrolabe into nautical use. 

In 1484 king John sent an expedition under Diego Cam, as Barros 
calls him, Cano according to others, to prosecute discoveries along the 

cernimiento io que hallo escrito por sus antecesores, y did credito a. petranaa 
no solo falsas sino inverisimiles." Juan Bautista Munoz, Hist. N. Mundo, 
Proloao. p. 18. 



APPENDIX. 353 



coast of Africa. In this expedition Behem saileu as cosmographer. They 
crossed the equinoctial line, discovered the coast of Congo, advanced to 
twenty-two degTees forty-five minutes of south latitude,* and erected two 
columns, on which were engraved the arms of Portugal, in the mouth of 
the river Zagra, in Africa, which thence, for some time, took the name of 
the River of Columns.f 

For the services rendered on this and on previous occasions, it is said 
that Behem was knighted by king John in 1486, though no mention is 
made of such a circumstance in any of the contemporary historians. The 
principal proof of his having received this mark of distinction, is his having 
given himself the title on his own globe of Eques Lusiianus. 

In 1486 he married at Fayal the daughter of Job de Huertar, and is 
supposed to have remained tliere for some few years, where he had a son 
named Martin, born in 1489. During liis residence at Lisbon and Fayal, 
it is probalile the acquaintance took place between him and Columbus, to 
wliich flerrera and others allude ; and the admiral may have heard i'rom 
him some of the rumors circulating in the islands, of indications of western 
lands floating to their sliores. 

In 1491 he returned to Nuremburg to see his family, and while there, 
in 1492, he finished a terrestrial globe, considered a masterpiece in those 
days, which he had undertaken at the request of the principal magistrates 
of his native city. 

In 1493 he returned to Portugal, and from thence proceeded to 
Fayal. 

In 1494 king John II, who had a high opinion of him, sent him to 
Flanders to his natural son prince George, the intended heir of his crown. 
In the course of his voyage Behem was captured and carried to England, 
where he remained for three months detained by illness. Having recovered, 
he again put to sea, but was captured by a corsair and carried to France. 
Having ransomed himself, he proceeded to Antwerp and Bruges, but re- 
turned almost immediately to Portugal. Nothing more is known of him 
for several years, during which time it is supposed he remained with his 
family in Fayal, too old to make further voyages. In 1506 he went from 
Fayal to Lisbon, where he died. 

The assertion that Behem had discovered the western world previous 
to Columbus, in the course of the voyage with Cam, was founded on a 



• Vaaconceios. lib. 4. t Mi.;rr, Notice sur M. Behaini. 



354 APPENDIX. 



misinterpretation of a passage interpolated in tlic chronicle of Hartmann 
Schedel, a contemporary writer. This passage mentions, that when the 
voyagers were in the Southern Ocean not far from the coast, and had 
passed the line, they came into another hemisphere, where, when they 
looked towards the east, their shadows fell towards the south, on their 
right hand ; that here they discovered a new world, unknown until then, 
and which for many years had never been sought except by the Genoese, 
and by them unsuccessfully. 

" Hii duo, bono deorum auspicio, mare meridionale sulcantes, a littore 
non longe evagantes, superato circulo equinoctiali, in alterum orbem 
excepti sunt. Ubi ipsis stantibus orientem versus, umbra ad meridiem et 
dextram projiciebatur. Aperuere igitur sua industria, alium orbem hacte- 
nus nobis incognitum et multis annis, a nuUis quam Januensibus, licet 
frustra temptatum." 

These lines are part of a passage which it is said is interpolated by a 
different hand, in the original manuscript of the chronicle of Schedel. De 
Murr assures us that they are not to be found in the German translation 
of the book by George Alt, which was finished the 5th October, 1493. 
But even if they were, they relate merely to the discovery which Diego 
Cam made of the southern hemisphere, previously unknown, and of the 
coast of Africa beyond the equator, all which appeared like a new world, 
and as such was talked of at the time. 

The Genoese alluded to, who had made an unsuccessful attempt, were 
Antonio de Nolle witli Bartholomeo his brother, and Raphael de Nolle his 
nephew. Antonio was of a noble family, and, for some disgust, left his 
country and went to Lisbon with his before-mentioned relatives in two 
caravels ; sailing whence in the employ of Portugal, they discovered the 
island of St. Jago, &c.* 

This interpolated passage of Schedel was likewise inserted into the 
work De EuropA, sub Frederico III of ^Eneas Silvius, afterwards Pope 
Pius II, who died in 1464, long before the voyage in question. The mis- 
interpretation of the passage first gave rise to the incorrect assertion that 
Behem had discovered the New World prior to Columbus ; as if it were 
possible such a circumstance could have happened without Beiiem's laying 
claim to the glory of the discovery, and without the world immediately 
resounding with so important an event. This error had been adopted by 

* Barros, decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 1. Lisbon, 1552. 



APPENDIX. 355 



various authors without dne examination ; some of whom had likewise 
taken from Magellan the credit of having discovered the strait which goes 
by his name, and had given it to Behem. The error was too palpable to 
be generally prevalent, but was suddenly revived in the year 1786 by a 
French gentleman of highly respectable character of the name of Otto, 
then resident in New-York, who addressed a letter to Dr. Franklin to hp 
submitted to the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, in which he under. 
took to establish the title of Behem to the discovery of the New World. 
His memoir was published in the Transactions of the American Philoso- 
phical Society, vol. ii., for 1786, article No. 35, and has been copied into 
the journals of most of the nations of Europe. 

The authorities cited by M. Otto in support of his assertion are gene- 
rally fallacious, and for the most part given without particular specification. 
His assertion has been diligently and satisfactorily refuted by Don Christo- 
val Cladera.* 

The grand proof of M. Otto is a globe which Behem made during his 
residence in Nuremburg, in 1492, the very year that Columbus set out on 
his first voyage of discovery. This globe, according to M. Otto, is still 
preserved in the library of Nuremburg, and on it are painted all the dis- 
coveries of Behem, which are so situated that they can be no other than 
the coast of Brazil, and the straits of Magellan. This authority staggered 
many, and, if supported, would demohsh the claims of Columbus. 

Unluckily for M. Otto, In his description of the globe, he depended on 
the inspection of a correspondent. The globe in the library of Nuremburg 
was made in 1520, by John Schoener, professor of mathematics,! long 
after the discoveries and death of Columbus and Behem. The real globe 
of Behem, made in 1492, does not contain any of the islands or shores of 
the New World, and thus proves that he was totally unacquainted witli 
them. A copy, or planisphere, of Behem's globe is given b\' Cladera ir 
his Investigations. 

* Investigaciones Historicas. Madrid, 1794. 
t Cladera, Investig. Hist. p. 115. 



356 APPENDIX. 



No. XIV. 

VOYAGES OF THE SCANDINAVIANS. 

Many elaborate dissertations have been written to prove that discoveries 
were made by the Scandinavians on tlie northern coast of America long 
before the era of Columbus ; but the subject appears still to be wrapped in 
much doubt and obscurity. 

It has been asserted that the Norwegians, as early as the ninth century, 
discovered a great tract of land to the west of Iceland, which they called 
Grand Iceland ; but this has been pronounced a fabulous tradition. The 
most plausible account is one given by Snorro Sturleson, in his Saga or 
Chronicle of King Olaus. According to this writer, one Biorn of Iceland, 
sailing to Greenland in search of his father, from whom he had been sepa- 
rated by a storm, was driven by tempestuous weather far to the soutliwesl, 
until he came in sight of a low country, covered with wood, with an 
island in its vicinity. The weather becoming favorable, he turned to the 
northeast without landing, and arrived safe at Greenland. His account of 
the country he had beheld, it is said, excited the enterprise of Leif, son of 
Eric Rauda (or Redhead), the first settler of Greenland. A vessel was 
fitted out, and Leif and Biorn departed alone in quest of this unknown 
land. They found a rocky and sterile island, t^ which they gave the name 
of Helleland ; also a low .sandy country covered with wood, to which they 
gave the name of Markland ; and, two days afterwards, they observed a 
continuance of the coast, with an island to the north of it. This last they 
described as fertile, well wooded, producing agreeable fruits, and particu- 
larly grapes, a fruit with which they were unacquainted. On being 
informed by one of their companions, a German, of its qualities and name, 
they called the country, from it, Vinland. They ascended a river, well 
stored with fish, particularly salmon, and came to a lake from which the 
river took its origin, where they passed the winter. The climate appeared 
to them mild and pleasant ; being accustomed to the rigorous climates of 
the north. On the shortest day, the sun was eight hours above the hori- 
zon. Hence it has been concluded that the country was about the 49th 
degree of north latitude, and was either Newfoundland, or some part of the 
coast of North America, about the Gulf of St. Lawrence.* It is added that 

* Forslcr's Nortiiern Voyages, book ii. chap. 2. 



APPENDIX. 357 



the relatives of Leif made several voyages to Vinland ; that they traded with 
the natives for furs; and that, in 1121, a bishop named Eric went from 
Greenland to Vinland to convert the inhabitants to Christianity. From 
this time, says Forster, we know nothing of Vinland, and there is every 
appearance that the tribe which still exists in the interior of Newfoundland, 
and which is so different l>om the other savages of North America, both 
in their appearance and mode of living, and always in a stale of warfare 
with the Esquimaux of the northern coast, are descendants of the ancient 
Normans. 

The author of the present work has not had the means of tracing this 
story to its original sources. He gives it on the authority of M. Malte- 
Brun, and Mr. Forster. The latter extracts it from the Saga or Chronicle 
of Snorro, who was born in 1179, and wrote in 1215 ; so that his account 
was formed long after the event is said to have taken place. Forster says, 
'• the facts which we report have been collected from a great number of 
Icelandic manuscripts, and transmitted to us by Torfajus in his two works 
entitled Veteris Grcenlandiae Descriptio, Hafnia, 1706, and Historia Win- 
landia3 Antiquce, Hafnia, 1705." Forster appears to have no doubt of the 
authenticity of the facts. As far as the author of the present work has 
had experience in tracing these stories of early discoveries of portions of 
the New World, he has generally found them very confident deductions 
drawn from very vague and questionable facts. Learned men are too 
prone to give substance to mere shadows, when they assist some precon- 
ceived theory. Most of these accounts, when divested of the erudite 
comments of their editors, have proved little better than the traditionary 
fables, noticed in another part of this work, respecting the imaginary 
islands of St. Borondon, and of the Seven Cities. 

There is no great improbability, however, that such enterprising and 
roving voyagers as the Scandinavians, may have wandered to the northern 
shores of America, about the coast of Labrador, or the shores of New- 
foundland ; and if the Icelandic manuscripts said to be of the thirteenth 
century can be relied upon as genuine, free from modern interpolation, and 
correctly quoted, they would appear to prove the fact. But granting the 
truth of the alleged discoveries, they led to no more result than would the 
interchange of communication between the natives of Greenland and the 
Esquimaux. The knowledge of them appears not to have extended be- 
yond their own nation, and to have been soon neglected and forgotten by 
themselves. 

Another pretension to an early discovery of the American continent 



358 APPENDIX. 



has been set up, founded on an alleged map and narrative of two brothers 
of the name of Zeno, of Venice ; but it seems more invalid than those just 
mentioned. The following is the substance of this claim. 

Nicolo Zeno, a noble Venetian, is said to liave made a voyage to the 
north in 1380, in a vessel fitted out at his own cost, intending to visit 
England and Flanders ; but meeting with a terrible tempest, was driven for 
many days he knew not whither, until he was cast away upon Frlseland, 
an island much in dispute among geographers, but supposed to be the ar- 
chipelago of the Ferroe islands. The shipwrecked voyagers were assailed 
by the natives ; but rescued by Zichmni, a prince of the islands, lying on 
the south side of Friseland, and duke of another district lying over against 
Scotland. Zeno entered into the service of this prince, and aided him in 
conquering Friseland, and other northern islands. He was soon joined 
by his brother Antonio Zeno, who remained fourteen years in those coun- 
tries. 

During his residence in Friseland, Antonio Zeno wrote to his brother 
Carlo, in Venice, giving an account of a report brougiit by a certain 
fisherman, about a land to the westward. According to the tale of this 
mariner, he had been one of a party who sailed from Friseland about 
twenty-si.x years before, in four fishing-boats. Being overtaken by a 
mighty tempest, they were driven about the sea for many days, until the 
boat containing himself and six companions was cast upon an island called 
Estotiland, about one thousand miles from Friseland. They were taken 
by the inhabitants, and carried to a fair and populous city, where the king 
sent for many interpreters to converse with them, but none that they 
could understand, until a man was found who had likewise been cast away 
upon the coast, and who spoke Latin. They remained several days upon 
the island, which was rich and fruitful, abounding with all kinds of metals, 
and especially gold.* There was a high mountain in the centre, from 
which flowed four rivers which watered the whole country. The in- 
habitants were intelligent and acquainted with the mechanical arts of 
Europe. They cultivated grain, made beer, and lived in houses built of 
stone. There were Latin books in the king's library, though the inhabit- 
mts had no knowledge of that language. They had many cities and 



* This account is taken from Hackluyt, vol. iii. p. 123. The passage 
about gold and other metals is not to be found in the orignal Italian of Ramu- 
sio, (torn. ii. p. 23,) and is probably an interpolation. 



APPENDIX. 359 



castles, and carried on a trade with Greenland for pitch, sulphur and 
peltry. Though much given to navigation, they were ignorant of the use 
of the compass, and finding the Friselanders acquainted with it, held them 
in great esteem ; and the king sent them with twelve barks to visit a 
country to the south, called Drogeo. They had nearly perished in a 
storm, but were cast away upon the coast of Drogeo. They found the 
people to be cannibals, and were on the point of being killed and devoured, 
but were spared on accoiznt of their great skill in fishing. 

The fisherman described this Drogeo as being a country of vast extent, 
or rather a new world ; that the inhabitants were naked and barbarous ; 
but that far to the southwest there was a more civilized region, and tem- 
perate climate, where the inhabitants had a knowledge of gold and silver, 
lived in cities, erected splendid temples to idols, and sacrificed human 
victims to them, which they afterwards devoured. 

After the fisherman had resided many years on this continent, during 
which time he had passed from the service of one chieftain to another, 
and traversed various parts of it, certain boats of Estotiland arrived on the 
coast of Drogeo. The fisherman went on board of them, acted as inter- 
preter, and followed the trade between the main-land and Estotiland for 
some time, until he became very rich : then he fitted out a bark of his 
own, and with the assistance of some of the people of the island, made his 
way back, across the thousand intervening miles of ocean, and arrived 
safe at Friseland. The account he gave of these countries, determined 
Zichmni, the prince of Friseland, to send an expedition thither, and An- 
tonio Zeno was to command it. Just before sailing, the fisherman, who 
was to have acted as guide, died ; but certain mariners, who had accom- 
panied him from Estotiland, were taken in his place. The expedition 
sailed under command of Zichmni ; the Venetian, Zeno, merely accom- 
panied it. It was unsuccessful. After having discovered an island called 
Icaria, where they met with a rough reception from the inhabitants, and 
were obliged to withdraw, the ships were driven by a storm to Greenland. 
No record remains of any further prosecution of the enterprise. 

The countries mentioned in the account of Zeno, were laid down on a 
map originally engraved on wood. The island of Estotiland has been 
supposed by M. Malte-Brun to be Newfoundland ; its partially civilized 
inhabitants the descendants of the Scandinavian colonists of Vinland ; and 
the Latin books in the king's library to be the remains of the library of 
the Greenland bishop, who emigrated thither in 1121. Drogeo, accord- 
ing to the same conjecture, was Nova-Scotia and New-England. Tb» 



360 APPENDIX. 



civilized people to the southwest, wlio sacrificed human victims in rich 
temples, ho surmises to have been the Mexicans, or some ancient nation 
of Florida or Louisiana. 

The premises do not appear to warrant this deduction. The whole 
story abounds with improbabilities ; not the least of which is the civiliza- 
tion prevalent among the inhabitants ; their houses of stone, their Euro- 
pean arts, the library of their king ; no traces of which were to be found 
on their subsequent discovery. Not to mention the information about 
Mexico penetrating through the numerous savage tribes of a vast conti- 
nent. It is proper to observe that this account was not published until 
1568, long after the discovery of Mexico. It was given to the world by 
Francisco Marcolini, a descendant of the Zeni, from the fragments of 
letters said to have been written by Antonio Zeno to Carlo his brother. 
" It grieves me," says the editor, " that the book, and divers other wri- 
tings concerning these matters, are miserably lost ; for being but a child 
when they came to my hands, and not knowing what they were, I tore 
them and rent them in pieces, which now I cannot call to remembrance 
but to my exceeding great grief."* 

This garbled statement by Marcolini, derived considerable authority by 
being introduced by Abraham Ortelius, an able geographer, in his Theatrum 
Orbis ; but the whole story has been condemned by able commentators as 
a gross fabrication. Mr. Forster resents this, as an instance of obstinate 
incredulity, saying that it is impossible to doubt the existence of the coun- 
try of which Carlo, iVicolo and Antonio Zeno talk ; as original acts in the 
archives of Venice prove that the chevalier undertook a voyage to the 
north ; that his brother Antonio followed him ; that Antonio traced a map, 
which he brought back and hung up in his house, where it remained sub- 
ject to public examination, until the time of Marcolini, as an incontestable 
proof of the truth of what he advanced. Granting all this, it merely 
proves that Antonio and his brother were at Friseland and Greenland. 
Their letters never assert that Zeno made the voyage to Estotiland. The 
fleet was carried by a tempest to Greenland, after which we hear no more 
of him ; and his account of Estotiland and Drogeo rests simply on the 
talc of the fisherman, after whose descriptions his map must have been 
conjecturally projected. The whole story resembles much the fables cir- 
culated shortly after the discovery of Columbus, to arrogate to other na> 
tions and individuals the credit of the achievement. 

» Hackluyt, Collect, vol. iii. p, 127. 



APPENDIX. 



M. Malte-Bnin intimates that the alleged discovery of Vinland may 
have been known to Columbus when he made a voyage in the North Sea 
in 1477,* and that the map of Zeno, being in the national library at Lon- 
don, in a Danish work, at the time when Bartholomew Columbus was in 
that city, employed in making maps, he may have known something of it, 
and have communicated it to his brotiier.f Had M. Malte-Brun examined 
the history of Columbus with his usual accuracy, he would have perceived, 
that, in his correspondence with Paulo Toscanelli in 1474, he had expressed 
his intention of seeking India by a route directly to the west. His voy- 
age to the north did not take place until three years afterwards. As to 
the residence of Bartholomew in London, it was not until after Colum- 
bus had made his propositions of discovery to Portugal, if not to the courts 
of other powers. Granting, therefore, that he had subsequently heard the 
dubious stories of Vinland, and of the fisherman's adventures, as related 
by Zeno, or at least by Marcolini, they evidently could not have influenced 
him in his great enterprise. His route had no reference to them, but was 
a direct western course, not toward Vinland, and Estotiland, and Drogeo, 
but in search of Cipango, and Cathay, and the other countries described 
by Marco Polo, as lying at the extremity of India. 



No. XV. 

CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFRICA BY THE ANCIENTS. 

The knowledge of the ancients with respect to the Atlantic coast of Af- 
rica is considered by modern investigators much less extensive than had 
been imagined ; and it is doubted whether they had any practical authority 
for the belief that Africa was circumnavigable. The alleged voyage of 
Eudoxus of Cyzicus, from the Red Sea to Gibraltar, though recorded by 
Pliny, Pomponius Mela, and others, is given entirely on the assertion of 
Cornelius Nepos, who does not tell from whence he derived his informa- 

* Malte-Brun, Hist, de Geog. tom. i. lib. xvii. 

t Idem, Geog. Univereelle, torn. xiv. Note sur la decouverte de I'Amenque. 

VOL. in. 16 



am APPENDIX. 

tion. Posidonius (cilod by Strabo) gives an entirely different account of 
this voyage and rejects it with contempt.* 

The t'amous voyage of Ilanno, the Carthaginian, is supposed to have 
taken place about a thousand years before the Christian era. The Peri- 
plus Hannonis remains, a brief and obscure record of this expedition, and 
a subject of great comment and controversy. By some it has been pro- 
nounced a fictitious work, fabricated among the Greeks, but its authenti- 
city has been ably vindicated. It appears to be satisfactorily proved, how- 
ever, that the voyage of this navigator has been greatly exaggerated, and 
that he never circumnavigated the extreme end of Africa. Mons. de 
Bougainvillef traces his route to a promontory which he named the West 
Horn, supposed to be Cape Palmas, about five or six degrees north of the 
equinoctial line, whence he proceeded to another promontory, under the 
same parallel, which he called the South Horn, supposed to be Cape de 
Tres Puntas. Mons. Gosselin, however, in his Researches into the Geo- 
graphy of the Ancients, (Tome 1, p. 162, &c.) after a rigid examination 
of the Periplus of Hanno, determines that he had not sailed farther south 
than Cape Non. Pliny, who makes Hanno range the whole coast of 
Africa, from the straits to the confines of Arabia, had never seen his Peri- 
plus, but took his idea from the works of Xenophon of Lampsaco. The 
Greeks surcharged the narration of the voyager w'ith all kinds of fables, 
and on their unfaithful copies, Strabo founded many of his assertions. 
According to M. Gosselin, the itineraries of Hanno, of Scylax, Polybius, 
Statins, Sebosus and J uba ; the recitals of Plato, of Aristotle, of Pliny, 
of Plutarch, and the tables of Ptolemy, all bring us to the same results, 
and, notwithstanding their apparent contradictions, fix the limit of southern 
navigation about the neighborhood of Cape Non, or Cape Bojador. 

The opinion that Africa was a peninsula, which existed among the 
Persians, the Egyptians, and perhaps the Greeks, several centuries prior 
to the Christian era, was not, in his opinion, founded upon any known 
facts ; but merely on conjecture, from considering the immensity and unity 
of the ocean ; or perhaps on more ancient traditions ; or on ideas produced 
by the Carthaginian discoveries, beyond the Straits of Gibraltar, and those 
of the Egyptians beyond the Gulf of Arabia. He thinks that there was a 
very remote period, when geograpliy was much more perfect than in the 

* Gosselin, Recherches sur la Geographic des Anciens, tom. 1. p. 162, &c. 
t Memoirs de I'Acad. des Inscript. tom. xxvi 



APPENDIX. 363 



time of the Phenicians and tlie Greeks, whose knowledge was but con- 
fused traces of what had previously been better known. 

The opinion that the Indian Sea joined the ocean was admitted among 
the Grecivs, and in the school of Alexandria, until the time of Hipparchus. 
It seemed authorized by the direction which the coast of Africa took after 
Cape Aromata, always tending westward, as far as it had been explored 
by navigators. 

It was supposed that the western coast of Africa rounded off to meet 
the eastern, and that the whole Vv-as bounded by the ocean, much to the 
northward of the equator. Such was the opinion of Crates, who lived in 
the time of Alexander ; of Aratus, of Cleanthes, of Cleomedes, of Strabo, 
of Pomponius Mela, of Macrobius, and many others. 

Hipparchus proposed a different system, and led the world into an error, 
which for a long time retarded the maritime communication of Europe and 
India. He supposed that the seas were separated into distinct basins, and 
that the eastern shores of Africa made a circuit round the Indian Sea, so as 
to join those of Asia beyond the mouth of the Ganges. Subsequent dis- 
coveries, instead of refuting this error, only placed the junction of the con- 
tinents at a greater distance. Mariniis of Tyre, and Ptolemy, adopted this 
opinion in their works, and illustrated it in their maps, which for centuries 
controlled the general belief of mankind, and perpetuated the idea that 
Africa extended onward to the south pole, and that it was impossible to 
arrive by sea at the coasts of India. Still there were geographers who 
leaned to the more ancient idea of a communication between the Indian 
Sea and the Atlantic Ocean. It had its advocates in Spain, and was main- 
tained by Pomponius Mela and by Isidore of Seville. It was believed 
also by some of the learned in Italy, in the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fif- 
teenth centuries ; and thus was kept alive until it was acted upon so vigo- 
rously by Prince Henry of Portugal, and at length triumphantly demon- 
strated by Vasco de Gama, in his circumnavigation of the Cape of Good 
Hope. 



364 APPENDIX. 



No. XVI. 

OF THE SHIPS OF COLUMBUS. 

In remarking on the smallness of the vessels with which Columbus made 
his first voyage, Dr. Robertson observes, that, " in the fiftcentli centur}', 
the bulk and construction of vessels were accommodated to the short and 
easy voyages along the coast, which they were accustomed to perform." 
We have many proofs, however, that even anterior to the fifteenth century, 
there were large ships employed by the Spaniards, as well as by other na- 
tions. In an edict published in Barcelona, in 1354, by Pedro IV, enforcing 
various regulations for the security of commerce, mention is made of Cata- 
lonian merchant ships of two and three decks and from 8,000 to 12,000 
quintals burden. 

In 1419, Alonzo of Aragon hired several merchant ships to transport 
artillery, horses, &c. from Barcelona to Italy, among which were two, 
each carrying one hundred and twenty horses, which it is computed would 
require a vessel of at least 600 tons. 

In 1463, mention is made of a Venetian ship of 700 tons which arrived 
at Barcelona from England, laden with wheat. 

In 1497, a Castilian vessel arrived there being of 12,000 quintals bur- 
den. These arrivals incidentally mentioned among others of similar size, 
as happening at one port, show that large ships were in use in those days.* 
Indeed, at the time of fitting out the second expedition of Columbus, there 
were prepared in the port of Bermeo, a Caracca of 1250 tons, and four 
ships, of from 150 to 450 tons burden. Their destination, however, was 
altered, and they were sent to convoy Muley Boabdil, the last Moorish 
king of Granada, from the coast of his conquered territory to Africa.f 

It was not for want of large vessels in the Spanish ports, therefore, 
that those of Columbus were of so small a size. He considered theni best 
adapted to voyages of discovery, as they required but little depth of water, 
and therefore could more easily and safely coast unknown shores, and ex- 
plore bays and rivers. He had some purposely constructed of a very small 
size for this service ; such was the caravel, which in his third voyage he 

* Capmany, Questiones Criticas. Quest. 6. 
t Archives de Ind. en Sevilla. 



APPENDIX. 365 



(lispatclied to loi k out, for an opening to the sea at the upper part of the 
Gulf of Paria, \\ hen the water grew too shallow for his vessel of one hun- 
dred tons burden. 

The most singular circumstance with respect to the ships of Columbus 
is that they sliould be open vessels : for it seems difficult to believe that a 
voyage of such extent and peril should be attempted in barks of so frail a 
construction. This, however, is expressly mentioned by Peter Martyr, in 
liis Decades written at the time ; and mention is made occasionally, in the 
memoirs relative to the voyages written by Columbus and his son, of cer- 
tain of his vessels being without decks. He sometimes speaks of the same 
vessel as a ship, and a caravel. There has been some discussion of late 
as to the precise meaning of the term caravel. The Chevalier Bossi, in 
his dissertations on Columbus, observes, that in the Mediterranean, caravel 
designates the largest class of ships of war among the Mussulmans, and 
that in Portugal, it means a small vessel of from 120 to 140 tons burden ; 
but Columbus sometimes applies it to a vessel of forty tons. 

Du Cange, in his glossarj'^, considers it a word of Italian origin. Bossi 
thinks it either Turkish or Arabic, and probably introduced into the Eu- 
ropean languages by the Moors. Mf. Edward Everett, in a note to his 
Plymouth oration, considers that the true origin of the word is given in 
" Ferrarii Origines Linguae Italicae," as follows : " Caravela, navigii mino- 
ris genus. Lat. Carabus : Graece Karabron." 

That the word caravel was intended to signify a vessel of a small size 
is evident from a naval classification made by king Alonzo in the middle 
of the thirteenth century. In the first class he enumerates Naos, or large 
ships which go only with sails, some of which have two masts, and others 
but one. In the second class smaller vessels as Carracas, Fustas, Balle- 
nares, Pinazas, Carabelas, &-c. In the third class vessels with sails and 
oars as Galleys, Ga.eots, Tardantes, and Saetias.* 

Bossi gives a copy of a letter written by Columbus to Don Raphael 
Xansis, treasurer of the king of Spain ; an edition of which exists in the 
public library at Milan. With this letter he gives several wood-cuts of 
sketches made with a pen, which accompanied this letter, and which he 
supposes to have been from the hand of Columbus. In these are repre- 
sented vessels which are probably caravels. They have high bows and 
sterns, with castles on the latter. They have short masts with large 
square sails. One of them, besides sails, has benches of oars, and is pro- 

• Capmany, Quest. Crit. 



366 APPENDIX. 



bably intended to represent a galley. They are all evidently vessels of 
small size, and light construction. 

In a work called " Recherches sur le Commerce," publi-shed in Am- 
sterdam, 1 779, is a plate representing a vessel of the latter part of the fif- 
teenth century. It is taken from a picture in the church of St. Giovanni 
e'Paolo in Venice. The vessel bears much resemblance to those said to 
have been sketched by Colimibus ; it has two masts, one of which is ex- 
tremely small with a latine sail. The mainmast has a large square sail. 
The vessel has a high poop and prow, is decked at each end, and is open 
in the centre. 

It appears to be the fact, therefore, that most of the vessels with which 
Columbus undertook his long and perilous voyages, were of this light and 
frail construction ; and little superior to the small craft which ply on rivers 
and along coasts in modern days. 



No. XVII. 

ROUTE OF COLUMBUS IN HIS FIRST VOYAGE.* 

It has hitherto been supposed that one of the Bahama Islands, at present 
bearing the name of San Salvador, and which is also known as Cat Island, 
was the first point where Columbus came in contact with the New World. 
Navarrete, however, in his introduction to the " Collection of Spanish 
Voyages and Discoveries " recently published at Madrid, has endeavored 
to show that it must have been Turk's Island, one of the same group, 
situated about 100 leagues (of 20 to the degree) S. E. of San Salvador. 
Great care has been taken to examine candidly the opinion of Navarrete, 
comparing it with the journal of Columbus, as published in the above- 
mentioned work, and with the personal observations of the writer of this 
article, who has been much among these islands, 

Columbus describes Guanahani, on which he landed, and to which he 

* The author of this work is indebted for this able examination of the route 
of Columbus to an officer of the navy of the United States, whose name he 
regrets the not being at liberty to mention. He has been greatly benefited, in 
various parts of this history, by nautical information from the same intelligent 
Bource. 



APPENDIX. 367 



gave tlio name of San Salvador, as being a beautiful island, and very 
large ; as being level, and covered witli forests, many of the trees of which 
bore fruit ; as having abundance of fresh water, and a large lake in the 
centre ; that it was inhabited by a numerous population ; that he proceeded 
for a considerable distance in his boats along the shore, which trended lo 
the N. N. E., and as he passed, was visited by the inhabitants of several 
villages. Turk's Island does not answer to this description. 

Turk's Island is a low key composed of sand and rocks, and lying 
north and south, less than 'two leagues in extent. It is utterly destitute 
of wood, and has not a single tree of native growth. It has no fresh 
water, the inhabitants depending entirely on cisterns and casks in which 
tliey preserve the rain ; neither has it any lake, but several salt ponds, 
which furnish the sole production of the island. Turk's Island cannot be 
approached on the east or northeast side, in consequence of the reef that 
surrounds it. It has no harbor, but has an open road on the west side, 
which vessels at anchor there have to leave and put to sea whenever the 
wind comes from any other quarter than that of the usual trade breeze of 
N. E. which blows over the island ; for the shore is so bold that there is 
no anchorage except close to it ; and when the wind ceases to blow from 
the land, vessels remaining at their anchors would be swung against the 
rocks, or forced high upon the shore, by the terrible surf that then prevails. 
The imfrequented road of the Hawk's Nest, at the south end of the island, 
is even more dangerous. This island, which is not susceptible of the 
slightest cultivation, furnishes a scanty subsistence to a few sheep and 
horses. The inhabitants draw all their consumption from abroad, with the 
exception of fish and turtle, which are taken in abundance, and supply the 
principal food of the slaves employed in the salt-works. The whole 
wealth of the island consists in the produce of the salt-ponds, and in the 
salvage and plunder of the many wrecks which take place in the neigh- 
borhood. Turk's Island, therefore, would never be inhabited in a savage 
state of society, where commerce does not exist, and where men are 
obliged to draw their subsistence from the spot which they people. 

Again : when about to leave Guanahani, Columbus was at a loss to 
choose which to visit of a great number of islands in sight. Now there 
is no land visible from Turk's Island, excepting the two salt keys which 
lie south of it, and with it form the group known as Turk's Islands. The 
journal of Columbus does not tell us what course he steered in going 
from Guanahani to Concepcion, but he states, that it was five leagues 
distant from the former, and that the current was against him in sailing to 



368 APPENDIX. 



it : whereas the distance from Turk's Island to the Gran Caico, supposed 
by Navarrete to be the Concepcion of Columbus, is nearly double, and 
the current sets constantly to the W. N. W. among these islands, which 
would be favorable in going from Turk's Island to the Caicos. 

From Concepcion Columbus went next to an island which he saw 
nine leagues off in a westerly direction, to which he gave the name of 
Fernandina. This Navarrete takes to be Little Inagua, distant no less 
than twenty-two leagues from Gran Caico. Besides, in going to Little 
Inagua, it would be necessary to pass quite close to three islands, each 
larger than Turk's Island, none of which are mentioned in the journal. 
Columbus describes Fernandina as stretching twenty-eight leagues S. E. 
and N. W. : whereas Little Inagua has its greatest length of four leagues 
in a S. W. direction. In a word, the description of Fernandina has 
nothing in common with Little Inagua. From Fernandina Columbus 
sailed S. E. to Isabella, which Navarrete takes to be Great Inagua : 
whereas this latter bears S. W. from Little Inagua, a course differing 90° 
from the one followed by Columbus. Again : Columbus, on the 20th of No- 
vember, takes occasion to say that Guanahani was distant eight leagues from 
Isabella : whereas Turk's Island is thirty-five leagues from Great Inagua. 

Leaving Isabella, Columbus stood W. S. W. for the island of Cuba, 
and fell in with the Islas Arenas. This course drawn from Great Inagua. 
would meet the coast of Cuba about Port Nipe : whereas Navarrete 
supposes that Columbus next fell in with the keys south of the Jumentos, 
and which bear W. N. W. from Inagua : a course differing 45° from the 
one steered by the ships. After sailing for some time in the neighborhood 
of Cuba, Columbus finds himself, on the 14th of November, in the sea of 
Nuestra Senora, surrounded by so many islands that it was impossible to 
count them : whereas, on the same day, Navarrete places him off Cape 
Moa, where there is but one small island, and more than fifty leagues 
distant from any group that can possibly answer the description. 

Columbus informs us that San Salvador was distant from Port Principe 
forty-five leagues : whereas Turk's Island is distant from the point, 
supposed by Navarrete to be the same, eighty leagues. 

On taking leave of Cuba, Columbus remarks that he had followed its 
coast for an extent of 120 leagues. Deducting twenty leagues for his 
having followed its windings, there still remain 100. Now, Navarrete 
only supposes him to have coasted this island an extent of seventy 
leagues. 

Such are the most important difficulties which the theory of Navarrete 



APPENDIX. 369 



offers, and whicli appear insurmountable. Let us now take up the route 
of Columbus as recorded in his journal, and, with the best charts before 
us, examine how it agrees with the popular and traditional opinion, that he 
first landed on the island of San Salvador. 

We learn from the journal of Columbus that, on the 11th of October 
1492, he continued steering VV. S. W. until sunset, when he returned to 
his old course of west, the vessels running at the rate of three leagues an 
hour. At ten o'clock he and several of his crew saw a Hght, which 
seemed like a torch carried about on land. He continued running on four 
hours longer, and had made a distance of twelve leagues farther west, 
when at two in the morning land was discovered ahead, distant two 
leagues. The twelve leagues which they ran since ten o'clock, with the 
two leagues distance from the land, form a total corresponding essentially 
with the distance and situation of Watling's Island from San Salvador ; 
and it is thence presumed, that the light seen at that hour was on Wat- 
ling's Island, which they were tlien passing. Had the light been seen on 
land ahead, and they had kept running on four hours, at the rate of three 
leagues an hour, they must have run high and dry on shore. As the 
admiral himself received the royal reward for having seen this light, as the 
first discovery of land, Watling's Island is believed to be the point for 
which this premium was granted. 

On making land, the vessels were hove to until daylight of the same 
12th of October ; they then anchored off an island of great beauty, covered 
with forests, and extremely populous. 

It was called Guanahani by the natives, but Columbus gave it tlie name 
of San Salvador. Exploring its coast, where it ran to the N. N. E. he 
found a harbor capable of sheltering any number of ships. This descrip- 
tion corresponds minutely with the S. E. part of the island known as San 
Salvador, or Cat Island, which lies east and west, bending at its eastern 
extremity to the N. N. E., and has the same verdant and fertile appearance. 
The vessels had probably drifted into this bay at the S. E. side of San 
Salvador, on the morning of the 12th, while lying to for daylight ; nor did 
Columbus, while remaining at the island, or when sailing from it, open the 
land so as to discover that what he had taken for its whole length was but 
a bend at one end of it, and that the main body of the island lay behind, 
stret( hing far to the N. W. From Guanahani, Columbus saw so many 
other islands that he was at a loss which next to visit. The Indians sig- 
nified that they were innumerable, and mentioned the names of above a 
hundred. He determined to go to the largest in sight, which appeared to 

VOL. III. 16* 



370 APPENDIX. 



be about five leagues distant ; some of the others were nearer, and some 
further off. The island thus f-elected, it is presumed, was the present 
island of Concepcion ; and that the others were that singular belt of sinall 
islands, known as La Cadena (or the chain), stretching past the island of 
San Salvador in a S. E. and N. W. direction : the nearest of the group 
being nearer than Concepcion, while the rest are more distant. 

Leaving San Salvador in the afternoon of the 14th for the island thus 
selected, the ships lay by during the night, and did not reach it until late 
in the following day, being retarded by adverse currents. Columbus gave 
this island the name of Santa Maria de la Concepcion : he does not men- 
tion either its bearings from San Salvador, or the course which he steered 
in going to it. We know that in all this neighborhood the current sets 
strongly and constantly to the W. N. W. ; and since Columbus had the 
current against him, he must have heen sailing in an opposite direction, or 
to the E. S. E. Besides, when near Concepcion, Columbus sees another 
island to the westward, the largest he had yet seen ; but he tells us that 
he anchored off Concepcion, and did not stand for this larger island, be- 
cause he could not have sailed to the west. Hence it is rendered certain 
that Columbus did not sail westward in going from San Salvador to Con- 
cepcion ; for, from the opposition of the wind, as there could be no other 
cause, he could not sail towards that quarter. Now, on reference 
to the chart, we find the island at present known as Concepcion situ- 
ated E. S. E. from San Salvador, and at a corresponding distance of five 
leagues. 

Leaving Concepcion on the 16th October, Columbus steered for a very 
large island seen to the westward nine leagues off, and which extended 
itself twenty-eight leagues in a S. E. and N. W. direction. He was be- 
calmed the whole day, and did not reach the island until the following 
morning, 17th October. He named it Fernandina. At noon he made sail 
again, with a view to run round it, and reach another island called Samoet ; 
but the wind being at S. E. by S., the course he wished to steer, the na- 
tives signified that it would be easier to sail round this island by running 
to the N. W. with a fair wind. He therefore bore up to the N. W., and 
having run two leagues found a marvelous port, with a narrow entrance, 
or rather with two entrances, for there was an island which shut it in 
completely, forming a noble basin within. Sailing out of this harbor by 
the opposite entrance at the N. W., he discovered that part of the island 
wliich runs east and west. The natives signified to him that this island 
was smaller than Samoet, and that it would be better to return towards 



APPENDIX. 371 



the latter. It had now become calm, but shortly after there sprung up a 
breeze from VV. N. W., which was ahead for the course they had been 
steering ; so they bore up and stood to the E. S. E. in order to get an 
offing ; for the weather threatened a storm, which however dissipated itself 
in rain. The next day, being the 18th October, they anchored opposite the 
extremity of Fernandina. 

The whole of this description answers most accurately to the island 
of Exuma, which lies south from San Salvador, and S. W. by S. from 
Concepcion. The only inconsistency is, that Columbus states that Fer- 
nandina bore nearly west from Concepcion, and was twenty-eight leagues 
in extent. This mistake must have proceeded from his having taken the 
long chain of keys called La Cadena for part of the same Exuma ; which 
continuous appearance they naturally assume when seen from Concep- 
cion, for they run in the same S. E. and N. W. direction. Their bearings, 
when seen from the same point, are likewise westerly as well as south- 
westerly. As a proof that such was the case, it may be observed, that, ■ 
after having approached these islands, instead of the extent of Fernan- 
dina being increased to his eye, he now remarks that it was twenty 
leagues long, whereas before it was estimated by him at twenty-eight ; 
he now discovers that instead of one island there were many, and alters 
his course southerly to reach the one that was most conspicuous. 

The identity of the island here described with Exuma is irresistibly 
forced upon the mind. The distance from Concepcion, the remarkable 
port with an island in front of it, and forther on its coast turning off to 
the westward, are all so accurately delineated, that it would seem as 
though the chart had been drawn from the description of Columbus. 

On the 19th October, the ships left Fernandina, steering S. E. with the 
wind at north. Sailing three hours on this course, they discovered 
Samoet to the east, and steered for it, arriving at its north point before 
noon. Here they found a little island surrounded by rocks, with another 
reef of rocks lying between it and Samoet. To Samoet Columbus gave 
the name of Isabella, and to the point of it opposite the little island, that 
of Cabo del Isleo ; the cape at the S. W. point of Samoet Columbus called 
Cabo de Laguna, and off this last his ships were brought to anchor. The 
little island lay in the direction from Fernandina to Isabella, east and west. 
The coast from the small island lay westerly twelve leagues to a cape, 
which Columbus called Fermosa from its beauty ; this he believed to be 
an island apart from Samoet or Isabella, with another one between them.. 
Leaving Cabo I^aguna, where he remained until the 20th October, Colum- 



372 APPENDIX. 



bus steered to the N.E. towards Cabo del Isleo, but meeting with shoals 
inside the small island, lie did not come to anchor until the day following. 
Near this extremity of Isabella they found a lake, from which the ships 
were supplied with water. 

This island of Isabella, or Samoet, agrees so accurately in its descrip- 
tion with Isla Larga, which lies east of Exuma, that it is only necessary 
to read it with tiie chart unfolded to become convinced of the identity. 

Having resolved to visit the island which the natives called Cuba, and 
described as bearing W. S. W. from Isabella, Columbus left Cabo del Isleo 
at midnight, the commencement of the 24th October, and shaped his course 
accordingly to the W. S. W. Tiie wind continued light, with rain, until 
noon, when it freshened up, and in the evening Cape Verde, the S. W. 
point of Fernandina, bore N. W. distant seven leagues. As the night 
became tempestuous, he lay to until morning, drifting according to the 
reckoning two leagues. 

On the morning of the 25th he made sail again to W. S. W., until nine 
o'clock, when he had run five leagues ; he then steered west until three, 
when he had run eleven leagues, at which hour land was discovered, 
consisting of seven or eight keys lying north and south, and distant five 
leagues from the ships. Here he anchored the next day, south of these 
islands, which he called Islas de Arena ; they were low, and five or six 
leagues in extent. 

The distances run by Columbus, added to the departure taken from 
Fernandina and the distance from these islands of Arena at the time of 
discovering, give a sum of thirty leagues. This sum of thirty leagues is 
about three less than the distance from the S. W. point of Fernandina or 
Exuma, whence Columbus took his departure, to the group of Mucaras, 
which lie east of Cayo Lobo on the grand bank of Bahama, and which 
correspond to the description of Columbus. If it were necessary to ac- 
count for the difference of three leagues in a reckoning, where so much 
is given on conjecture, it would readily occur to a seaman, that an allow- 
ance of two leagues for drift, during a long night of blowy weather, is 
but a small one. The course from Exuma to the Mucaras is about S. W. 
by W. The course followed by Columbus differs a little from this, but as 
it was his intention, on setting sail from Isabella, to steer W. S. W., and 
since he afterwards altered it to west, we may conclude that he did so in 
consequence of having been run out of his course to the southward, while 
lying to the night previous. 

Oct. 27. — At sunrise Columbus set sail from the isles Arenas or Mu- 



APPENDIX. 373 



caras, for an island called Cuba, steering S. S. W. At dark, having made 
seventeen leagues on that course, he saw the land, and hove his sl)ips to 
until morning. On the 28th he made sail again at S. S. W., and entered 
a beautiful river with a fine harbor, which he named San Salvador. The 
journal in this part does not describe the localities with the minuteness 
with which every thing has hitherto been noted ; the text also is in several 
places obscure. 

This port of San Salvador we take to be the one now known as Cara- 
velas Grandes, situated eight leagues west of Nuevitas del Principe. Its 
bearings and distance from the Mucaras coincide exactly with those run 
by Columbus ; and its description agrees, as far as can be ascertained bv 
charts, with the port which he visited. 

Oct. 29. — Leaving this port, Columbus stood to the west, and having 
sailed six leagues, he came to a point of the island running N. W., which 
we take to be the Punta Gorda ; and, ten leagues farther, another stretch- 
ing easterly, which will be Punta Curiana. One league farther he disco- 
vered a small river, and beyond this another very large one, to which he 
gave the name of Rio de Mares. This river emptied into a fine basin re- 
sembling a lake, and having a bold entrance ; it had for landmarks two 
round mountains at the S. W., and to the W. N. W. a bold promontory, 
suitable for a fortification, which projected far into the sea. This we take 
to be the fine harbor and river situated west of Point Curiana ; its distance 
corresponds with that run by Columbus from Caravelas Grandes, which 
we have supposed identical with Port San Salvador. Leaving Rio de 
Mares the 30th of October, Columbus stood to the N. W. for fifteen 
leagues, when he saw a cape, to which he gave the name of Cabo de 
Palmas. This, we believe, is the one which forms the eastern entrance to 
Laguna de Moron. Beyond this cape was a river, distant, according to 
the natives, four days' journey from the town of Cuba ; Columbus deter- 
mined therefore to make for it. 

Having lain to all night, he reached the river on the 31st of October, 
but found that it was too shallow to admit his ships. This is supposed to 
be what is now known as Laguna de Moron. Beyond this was a cape 
surrounded by shoals, and another projected still farther out. Between 
these two capes was a bay capable of receiving small vessels. The iden- 
tity here of the description with the coast near Laguna de Moron seems 
very clear. The cape east of Laguna de Moron coincides with Cape 
Palmas, the Laguna de Moron with the shoal river described by Colum- 
bus ; and in the western point of entrance, with the island of Cabriof 



374 APPENDIX. 



opposite it, we recognize tlie two projectinir capes he speaks of, with what 
appeared to be a bay between tliem. This all is a remarkable combination, 
difficult to be found any v/hcre but in the same spot which Columbus vis- 
ited and described. Further, the coast from the port of San Salvador 
had run west to Rio de Mares, a distance of seventeen leagues, and from 
Rio de Mares it had extended N. W. fifteen leagues to Cabo de Palmos ; 
all of which agrees fully with what has been here supposed. The wind 
having shifted to north, which was contrary to the course they had been 
steering, the vessels bore up and returned to Rio de Mares. 

On the 12th of November the ships sailed out of Rio de Mares to go 
in quest of Babeque, an island believed to abound in gold, and to lie E. by 
S. from that port. Having sailed eight leagues with a fair wind, they 
came to a river, in which may be recognized the one which lies just west 
of Punta Gorda. Four leagues farther they saw another, which they called 
Rio del Sol. It appeared very large, but they did not stop {o examine it, 
as the wind was fair to advance. This we take to be the river now known 
as Sabana. Columbus was now retracing his steps, and had made twelve 
leagues from Rio de Mures, but in going west from Port San Salvador to 
Rio de Mares, he had run seventeen leagues. San Salvador, therefore, 
remains five leagues east of Rio del Sol ; and, accordingly, on reference 
to the chart, we find Caravelas Grandes situated a corresponding distance 
from Sabana. 

Having run six leagues from Rio del Sol, which makes in all eighteen 
leagues from Rio de Mares, Columbus came to a cape which he called 
Cabo de Cuba, probably from supposing it to bo the extremity of that 
island. This corresponds precisely in distance from Punta Curiana with the 
lesser island of Guajava, situated near Cuba, and between which and the 
greater Guajava Columbus must have passed in running in for Port San 
Salvador. Either he did not notice it, from his attention being engrossed 
by the magnificent island before him, or, as is also possible, his vessels 
may have been drifted through the passage, which is two leagues wide, 
while lying to the night previous to their arrival at Port San Salvador. 

On the 13th of November, having hove to all night, in the morning the 
ships passed a point two leagues in extent, and then entered into a gulf 
that made into the S. S. VV., and which Columbus thought separated Cuba 
from Bohio. At the bottom of the gulf was a large basin between two 
mountains. He could not determine whether or not this was an arm of 
the sea ; for not finding shelter from the north wind, he put to sea again. 
Hence it would appear that Columbus must have partly sailed round the 



APPENDIX. 375 



smaller Guajava, which he took to ho the extremity of Cuba, without 
being aware that a few hours' sail would have taken him, by this channel, 
to Port San Salvador, his first discovery in Cuba, and so back to the same 
Rio del Sol which he had passed the day previous. Of the two mounlains 
seen on both sides of this entrance, the principal one corresponds with the 
peak called Alto de Juan Daune, which lies seven leagues west of Punta 
de Maternillos. The wind continuing north, he stood east fourteen leagues 
from Cape Cuba, which we have supposed the lesser island of Guajava. 
It is here rendered sure that the point of little Guajava was believed by 
him to be the extreniity of Cuba ; for he speaks of the land mentioned as 
lying to leeward of the above-mentioned gulf as being the island of Boiiio, 
and says that he discovered twenty leagues of it running E. S. E. and 
W. N. W. 

On the 14th November, having lain to all night with a N. E. wind, he 
determined to seek a port, and if he found none, to return to those which 
he had left in the island of Cuba ; for it will be remembered that all east 
of little Guajava he supposed to be Bohio. He steered E. by S. therefore 
six leagues, and then stood in for the land. Here he saw many ports and 
islands ; but as it blew fresh, with a heavy sea, he dared not enter, but ran 
the coast down N. W. by W. for a distance of eighteen leagues, where he 
saw a clear entrance and a port, in which he stood S. S. W. and afterwards 
S. E.,the navigation being all clear and open. Here Columbus beheld so 
many islands that it was impossible to count them. They were very lofty, 
and covered with trees. Columbus called the neighboring sea Mar de 
Nuestra Seiiora, and to the harbor near the entrance to these islands he 
gave the name of Puerto del Principe. This harbor he says he did not 
enter until the Sunday following, which was four days after. This part 
of the text of Columbus's journal is confused, and there are also anticipa- 
tions, as if it had been written subsequently, or mixed together in copying. 
It appears evident, that while lying to the night previous, with the wind at 
N. E., the ships had drifted to the N. W., and been carried by the powerful 
current of the Bahama channel far in the same direction. When they 
bore up, therefore, to return to the ports which they had left in the island 
of Cuba, they fell in to leeward of them, and now first discovered the 
numerous group of islands of which Cayo Romano is the principal. The 
current of this channel is of itself sufficient to have carried the vessels to 
the westward a distance of 20 leagues, which is what they had run east- 
erly since leaving Cape Cuba, or Guajava, for it had acted upon them 
during a period of thirty hours. There can be no doubt as to the identity 



376 APPENDIX. 



of these keys with those about Cayo Romano ; for they are the only ones 
in the neighborhood of Cuba that are not of a low and swampy nature, but 
large and lofty. They inclose a free, open navigation, and abundance of 
fine harbors, in late years the resort of pirates, who found security and 
concealment for themselves and their prizes in the recesses of these lofty 
keys. From the description of Columbus, the vessels must have entered 
between the islands of Baril and Pacedon, and sailing along Cayo Romano 
on a S. E. course, have reached in another day their old cruising ground in 
the neighborhood of lesser Guajava. Not only Columbus does not tell us 
here of his having changed his anchorage amongst these keys, but his 
journal does not even mention his having anchored at all, until the return 
from the ineffectual search after Babeque. It is clear, from what has 
been said, that it was not in Port Principe that the vessels anchored on this 
occasion ; but it could not have been very distant, since Columbus went 
from the ships in his boats on the 18th November, to place a cross at its 
entrance. He had probably seen the entrance from without, when sailing 
east from Guajava on the 13th of November. The identity of this port 
with the one now known as Neuvitas el Principe seems certain, from the 
description of its entrance. Columbus, it appears, did not visit its interior. 
On the 19th November the ships sailed again, in quest of Babeque. 
At sunset Port Principe bore S. S. W. distant seven leagues, and having 
sailed all night at N. E. by N. and until ten o'clock of the next day (20th 
November), they had run a distance of fifteen leagues on that course. 
The wind blowing from E. S. E., which was the direction in which Babe- 
que was supposed to lie, and the weather being foul, Columbus determined 
to return to Port Principe, which was then distant twenty-five leagues. 
He did not wish to go to Isabella, distant only twelve leagues, lest the In- 
dians whom he had brought from San Salvador, which lay eight leagues 
from Isabella, should make their escape. Thus, in sailing N. E. by N. 
from near Port Principe, Columbus had approached within a short distance 
of Isabella. That island was then, according to his calculations, thirty- 
seven leagues from Port Principe ; and San Salvador was forty-five leagues 
from the same point. The first differs but eight leagues from the truth, 
the latter nine ; or from the actual distance of Neuvitas el Principe from 
Isla Larga and San Salvador. Again, let us now call to mind the course 
made by Columbus in going from Isabella to Cuba ; it was first W. S. W., 
then west, and afterwards S. S. W. Having consideration for the different 
distances run on each, these yield a medium course not materially different 
from S. W. Sailing then S. W. from Isabella, Columbus had reached Porr 



APPENDIX. 377 



San Salvador, on the coast of Cuba. Making afterwards a course of 
N. E. by N. from off Port Principe, he was going in the direction of Isa- 
bella. Hence we deduce that Port San Salvador, on the coast of Cuba, 
lay west of Port Principe, and the whole combination is thus bound to- 
gether and established. The two islands seen by Columbus at ten o'clock 
of the same 20th November, must have been some of the keys which lie 
west of the Jumentos. Running back towards Port Principe, Columbus 
made it at dark, but found that he had been carried to the westward by the 
currents. This furnishes a sufficient proof of the strength of the current 
in the Bahama channel ; for it will be remembered that he ran over to 
Cuba with a fair wind. After contending for four days, until the 24th 
November, with light winds against the force of these currents, he arrived 
at length opposite the level island whence he had set out the week before 
when going to Babeque. 

We are thus accidentally informed that the point from which Colum- 
bus started in search of Babeque was the same island of Guajava the 
lesser, which lies west of Neuvitas el Principe. P'urther : at first he 
dared not enter into the opening between the two mountains, for it seemed 
as though the sea broke upon them ; but having sent the boat ahead, the 
vessels followed in at S. W. and then W. into a fine harbor. The level 
island lay north of it, and with anotiier island formed a secure basin capa- 
ble of sheltering all the navy of Spain. This level island resolves itself 
then into our late Cape Cuba, which we have supposed to be little Gua- 
java, and the entrance east of it becomes identical with the gulf above 
mentioned which lay between two mountains, one of which we have sup- 
posed the Alto de Juan Daune, and which gulf appeared to divide Cuba 
from Bohio. Our course now becomes a plain one. On the 26th of No- 
vember, Columbus sailed from Santa Catalina (the name given by him to 
the port last described) at sunrise, and stood for the cape at the S. E. 
which he called Cabo de Pico. In this it is easy to recognize the high 
peak already spoken of as the Alto de Juan Daune. Arrived off this he 
.saw another cape, distant fifteen leagues, and still farther another five 
leagues beyond it, which he called Cabo de Campana. The first must be 
that now known as Point Padre, the second Point Mulas : their distances 
from Alto de Juan Daune are underrated ; but it requires no little experi- 
ence to estimate correctly the distances of the bold headlands of Cuba, as 
seen through the pure atmosphere that surrounds the island. 

Having passed Point Mulas in the night, on the 27th Columbus looked 
into the deep bay that lies S. E. of it. and seeing the bold projecting head- 



378 APPENDIX. 



land that makes out between Port Nipe and Port Banes, with those deep 
bays on each side of it, he siipjiosed it to be an arm of the sea dividing one 
land from anotlier with an island between them. 

Having landed at Taco for a short time, Columbus arrived in the eve- 
ning of the 27th at Baracoa, to which he gave the name of Puerto Santo. 
From Cabo del Pico to Puerto Santo, a distance of sixty leagues, he had 
passed no fewer than nine good ports and five rivers to Cape Campana, 
and thence to Puerto Santo eight more rivers, each with a good port ; all 
of which may be found on the chart between Alto de Juan Daune and 
Baracoa. By keeping near the coast he had been assisted to the S. E. by 
the eddy current of the Bahama channel. Sailing from Puerto Santo or 
Baracoa on the 4th of December, he reached the extremity of Cuba the 
following day, and striking off upon a wind to the S. E. in search of Ba- 
beque, which lay to the N. E., he came in sight of Bohio, to which he 
gave the name of Hispaniola. 

On taking leave of Cuba, Columbus tells us that he had coasted it a 
distance of 120 leagues. Allowing twenty leagues of this distance for 
his having followed the undulations of the coast, the remaining 100 mea- 
sured from Point Maysi fall exactly upon Cabrion Key, wliich we have 
supposed the western boundary of his discoveries. 

The astronomical observations of Columbus form no objection to what 
has been here advanced ; for he tells us that the instrument which he 
made use of to measure the meridian altitudes of the heavenly bodies was 
out of order and not to be depended upon. He places his first discovery, 
Guanahani, in the latitude of Ferro, which is about 27^^ 30' north. San 
Salvador we find in 24° 30' and Turk's Island in 21° 30' : both are very 
wide of the truth, but it is certainly easier to conceive an error of three 
than one of six degrees. 

Laying aside geographical demonstration, let us now examine how 
historical records agree with the opinion here supported, that the island of 
San Salvador was the first point where Columbus came in contact with 
the New World. Herrera, who is considered the most faithful and 
authentic of Spanish historians, wrote his History of the Indies towards 
the year 1600. In describing the voyage of Juan Ponce de Leon, made 
to Florida in 1512, he makes the following remarks :* " Leaving Aguada 
in Porto Rico, they steered to the N. W. by N., and in five days arrived 



* Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. ix. cap. 10. 



APPENDIX. 379 



at an island called El Viejo, in latitude 22° 30' north. The next day they 
arrived at a small island of the Lucayos, called Caycos. On the eiirhth 
day they anchored at another island called Yaguna in 24°, on the eighth 
day out from Porto Rico. Thence they passed to the island of Manviega, 
in 24° 30', and on the eleventh day they reached Guanahani, which is in 
25° 40' north. This island of Guanahani was the first discovered by 
Columbus on his first voyage, and which he called San Salvador." This 
is the substance of the remarks of Herrera, and is entirely conclusive as 
to the location of San Salvador. The latitudes, it is true, are all placed 
higher than we now know them to be ; that of San Salvador being such 
as to correspond with no other land than that now known as the Berry 
Islands, which are seventy leagues distant from the nearest coast of 
Cuba: whereas Columbus tells us that San Salvador was only forty-five 
leagues from Port Principe. But in those infant days of navigation, the 
instruments for measuring the altitudes of the heavenly bodies, and the 
tables of declinations for deducing the latitude, must have been so imperfect 
as to place the most scientific navigator of the time below the most mechan- 
ical one of the present. 

The second island arrived at by Ponce de Leon, in his northwestern 
course, was one of the Caycos ; the first one, then, called El Viejo, must 
have been Turk's Island, which lies S. E. of the Caycos. The third 
island they came to was probably Mariguana ; the fourth, Crooked Island ; 
and the fifth, Isla Larga. Lastly they came to Guanahani, the San Salva- 
dor of Columbus. If this be supposed identical with Turk's Island, where 
do we find the succession of islands touched at by Ponce de Leon on his 
way from Porto Rico to San Salvador ?* No stress has been laid, in these 
remarks, on the identity of name which has been preserved to San 
Salvador, Concepcion, and Port Principe, with those given by Columbus, 
though traditional usage is of vast weight in such matters. Geographical 
proof, of a conclusive kind it is thought, has been advanced, to enable the 
world to remain in its old hereditary beKef that the present island of San 
Salvador is the spot where Columbus first set foot upon the New World. 
Established opinions of the kind should not be lightly molested. It is a 



* In the first chapter of Herrera's description of the Indies, appended to 
his history, is another scale of the Bahama islands, which corroborates the 
above. It begins at the opposite end, at the N. W., and runs down to the S. E. 
It is thought unnecessary to cite it particularly. 



380 APPENDIX. 



good old rule, that onolit to bo kept in mind in curious research as well as 
territoriid dculings, " Do not disturb the ancient landmarks." 

Note to the Revised Edition of 1848. — The Baron de Humboldt, in his 
" Exanipn critique de I'histoire de la geographic du nouveau continent," pub- 
lished in 1837, speaks repeatedly in high terms of the abiUty displayed in the 
above examination of the route of Columbus, and argues at great length and 
quite conclusively in support of the opinion contained in it. Above all, he pro- 
duces a document hitherto unknown, and the great importance of which had 
been discovered by M. Valeknaer and himself in 1832. This is a map made 
in 1500 by that able mariner Juan de la Cosa, who accompanied Columbus in 
his second voyage and sailed with other of the discoverers. In this map, of 
which the Baron de Humboldt gives an engraving, the islands as laid down agree 
completely with the bearings and distances given in the journal of Columbus, 
and establishes the identity of San Salvador, or Cat Island, and Guanahani. 

" I feel happy," says M. de Humboldt, " to be enabled to destroy the incer- 
titudes (which rested on this subject) by a document as ancient »s it is unknown ; 
a document which confirms irrevocably the arguments which Mr. Washington 
Irving has given in his work against the hypotheses of the Turk's Island." 

In the present revised edition the author feels at liberty to give the merit 
of the very masterly paper on the route of Columbus, where it is justly due. It 
was furnished him at Madrid by the late commander Alexander Slidell Mac- 
kenzie, of the United States navy, whose modesty shrunk from affixing his 
name to an article so calculated to do him credit, and which has since chal- 
lenged the high eulogiums of men of nautical science. 



No. XVIII. 

PRINCIPLES UPON WHICH THE SUMS MENTIONED IN THIS AVORK 
HAVE BEEN REDUCED INTO MODERN CURRENCY. 

In the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the mark of silver, which was equal 
to 8 ounces or to 50 castillanos was di\'ided into 65 reals, and each real into 
34 maravedis ; so that there were 2210 maravedis in the mark of silver. 
Among other silver coins there was the real of 8, which consisting of 8 
reals, wa-s, within a small fraction, the eighth part of a mark of silver, oi 



APPENDIX. 381 



one ounce. Of the gold coins then in circulation the castillano or dobla 
de la vanda was worth 490 maravedis, and the ducado 383 maravedis. 

It" tlie value of the maravedi had remained unchanged in Spain down 
to the present day, it would be easy to reduce a sum of the time of Fer- 
dinand and Isabella into a correspondent sum of current money ; but by 
the successive depreciations of the coin of Vellon, or mixed metals, issued 
since that period, the real and maravedi of Vellon, which had replaced the 
ancient currency, were reduced towards the year 1700, to about a third of 
the old real and maravedi, now known as the real and maravedi of silver. 
As, however, the ancient piece of 8 reals was equal approximately to the 
ounce o£ silver, and the duro, or dollar of the present day, is likewise 
equal to an ounce, they may be considered identical. Indeed, in Spanish 
America, the dollar, instead of being divided into 20 reals, as in Spain, is 
divided into only 8 parts called reals, which evidently represent the real 
of the time of Ferdinand and Isabella, as the dollar does the real of 8. 
But the ounce of silver was anciently worth 276^ maravedis ; the dollar, 
therefore, is likewise equal to 276^ maravedis. By converting then the 
sums mentioned in this work into maravedis, they have been afterwards 
reduced into dollars by dividing by 276^. 

There is still, however, another calculation to be made, before we can 
arrive at the actual value of any sum of gold and silver mentioned in for- 
mer times. It is necessary to notice the variation which has taken place 
in the value of the metals themselves. In Europe, previous to the dis- 
covery of the New World, an ounce of gold commanded an amount of food 
or labor which would cost three ounces at the present day ; hence an 
ounce of gold was then estimated at three times its present value. At 
the same time an ounce of silver commanded an amount which at present 
costs 4 ounces of silver. It appears from this, that the value of gold and 
silver varied with respect to each other, as well as with respect to all other 
commodities. This is owing to there having been much more silver 
brought from the New World, with respect to the quantity previously in 
circulation, than there has been of gold. In the 15th century one ounce 
of gold was equal to about 12 of silver ; and now, in the year 1827, it is 
exchanged against 16. 

Hence giving an idea of the relative value of the sums mentioned in 
this work, it has been found necessary to multiply them by three when in 
gold, and by four when expressed in silver.* 

• See Caballero Pesos y Medidas. J. B. Say. Economic Politique. 



382 APPENDIX. 



It is expedient to add that the dollar is reckoned in this work at 100 
cents of the United States of North America, and four shillinjrs and six- 
pence of England. 



No. XIX. 

PRESTER JOHN ; 



Said to be derived from the Persian Prestegani or Perestigani, which 
signifies apostoliqiie ; or Presclilak-Geliam, angel of the world. It is 
the name of a potent Christian monarch of shadowy renown, whose domin- 
ions were placed by writers of the middle ages sometimes in the remote 
parts of Asia and sometimes in Africa, and of whom such contradictory 
accounts were given by the travelers of those days that the very exist- 
ence either of him or his kingdom came to be considered doubtful. It 
now appears to be admitted, that there really was such a potentate in a 
remote part of Asia. He was of the Nestorian Christians, a sect spread 
throughout Asia, and taking its name and origin from Nestorius, a 
Christian patriarch of Constantinople. 

The first vague reports of a Christian potentate in the interior of Asia, 
or as it was then called India, were brought to Europe by the Crusaders, 
who it is supposed gathered them from the Syrian merchants who traded 
to the very confines of CWna. 

In subsequent ages, when the Portuguese in their travels and voyages 
discovered a Christian king among the Abyssinians, called Baleel-Gian, 
they confounded him with the potentate already spoken of. Nor was the 
blunder extraordinary, since the original Prester John was said to reign 
over a remote part of India ; and the ancients included in that name Ethio- 
pia and all the regions of Africa and Asia bordering on the Red Sea and 
on the commercial route from Egypt to India. 

Of the Prester John of India we have reports furnished by William 
Ruysbrook, commonly called Rubruquis, a Franciscan friar sent by Louis 
IX, about the middle of the thirteenth century to convert the Grand Khan. 
According to him, Prester John was originally a Nestorian priest, who on 
the death of the sovereign made himself king of the Naymans, all Nesto- 
rian Christians. Carpini, a Franciscan friar, sent by pope Innocent in 



APPENDIX. 383 



1245 to convert the Mongols of Persia, says, that Ocoday, one of the sons 
of Ghengis Khan of Tartary, marched with an army against the Christians 
of Grand India. The king of that country, who was called Prester John, 
came to their succor. Having had figures of men made of bronze, he had 
them fastened on the saddles of horses, and put fire within, with a man 
behind with a bellows. When they came to battle these horses were put in 
the advance, and the men who were seated behind the figures, threw some- 
thing into the fire, and blowing with their bellows, made such a smoke 
that the Tartars were quite covered with it. They tiien fell on them, 
dispatched many with their arrows, and put the rest to flight. 

Marco Polo (1271) places Prester John near the great wall of China, 
to the north of Chan-si, in Teudich, a populous region full of cities and 
castles. 

Mandeville (1332) makes Prester sovereign of Upper India (Asia), 
with four thousand islands tributary to him. 

When John II, of Portugal, was pushing his discoveries along the 
African coast, he was informed that 350 leagues to the east of the king- 
dom of Benin in the profound depths of Africa, there was a puissant 
monarch, called Ogave, who had spiritual and temporal jurisdiction over 
all the surrounding kings. 

An African prince assured him, also, that to the east of Timbuctoo 
there was a sovereign who professed a religion similar to that of the 
Christians, and was king of a Mosaic people. 

King John now supposed he had found traces of the real Prester 
John, with whom he was eager to form an alliance religious as well as 
commercial. In 1487 he sent envoys by land in que.st of him. One was 
a gentleman of his household, Pedro de Covilham ; the other, Alphonso 
de Paiva. They went by Naples to Rhodes, thence to Cairo, thence to 
Aden on the Arabian Gulf above the mouth of the Red Sea. 

Here they separated with an agreement to rendezvous at Cairo. Al- 
phonso de Paiva sailed direct for Ethiopia ; Pedro de Covilham for the 
Indies. The latter passed to Calicut and Goa, where he embarked for 
Sofala on the eastern coast of Africa, thence returned to Aden, and made 
his way back to Cairo. Here he learned that his coadjutor, Alphonso de 
Paiva, had died in that city. He found two Portuguese Jews waiting for 
him with fresh orders from king John not to give up his researches after 
Prester John until he foimd him. One of the Jews he sent back with a 
journal and verbal accounts of his travels. With the other he set off 
again for Aden ; thence to Ormuz, at the entrance of the Gulf of Persia, 



384 APPENDIX. 



where all tfie rich merchandise of the East was brought to be transported 
thence by Syria and Egypt into Europe. 

Having taken note of every thing here, he embarked on the Red Sea, 
and arrived at the court of an Abyssinian prince named Escander, (the Ara- 
bic version of Alexander,) whom he considered the real Prester John. The 
prince received him graciously, and manifested a disposition to favor the 
object of his embassy, but died suddenly, and his successor Naut refused 
to let Covilham depart, but kept him for many years about his person, as 
his prime councilor, lavishing on him wealth and honors. After all, 
this was not the real Prester John ; who, as has been observed, was an 
Asiatic potentate. 



No. XX. 

MARCO POLO.* 

The travels of Marco Polo, or Paolo, furnish a key to many parts of 
the voyages and speculations of Columbus, which without it would hardly 
be comprehensible. 

Marco Polo was a native of Venice, who, in the thirteenth century, 
made a journey into tiie remote, and, at that time, unknown regions of the 
East, and filled all Christendom with curiosity by his account of the coun- 
tries he had visited. He was preceded in his travels by his father Nicho- 
las and his uncle Maffeo Polo. These two brothers were of an illustrious 
family in Venice, and embarked about the year 1255, on a commercial 
voyage to the East. Having traversed the Mediterranean and through the 

* In preparing the first edition of this work for the press the author had not 
the benefit of the English translation of Marco Polo, published a few years 
since, with admirable commentaries, by William Marsden, F. R. S. He 
availed himself, principally, of an Italian version in the Venetian edition 
of Ramusio (1606), the Frencli translation by Bergeron, and an old and 
very incorrect Spanish translation. Having since procured the work of 
Mr. Marsden he has made considerable alterations in these notices of 
Marco Polo. 



APPENDIX. 385 



Bosphorus, they stopped for a short time at Constantinople, which city had 
recently been wrested from the Greeks by the joint arms of France and 
Venice. Here they disposed of their Italian merchandise, and, having pur- 
chased a stock of jewelry, departed on an adventurous expedition to trade 
with the western Tartars, who. having overrun many parts of Asia and 
Europe, were settling and forming cities in the vicinity of the Wolga. 
After traversing the Euxinc to Soldaia, (at present Sudak.) a port in the 
Crimea, they continued on, by land and water, until they reached the mili- 
tary court, or rather camp of a Tartar prince, named Barkah, a descendant 
of Ghengis Khan, into whose hands they confided all their merchandise. 
The barbaric chieftain, while he was dazzled by their precious commodi- 
ties, was flattered by the entire confidence in his justice manifested by 
these strangers. He repaid them with princely munificence, and loaded 
them with favors during a year that they remained at his court. A war 
breaking out between their patron and his cousin Hulagu. chief of the 
eastern Tartars, and Barkah being defeated, the Polos were embarrassed 
how to extricate themselves from the country and return home in safety. 
The road to Constantinople being cut off by the enemy, they took a cir- 
cuitous route, round the head of the Caspian Sea, and through the deserts 
of Transoxiana, until they arrived in the city of Bokhara, where they re- 
sided for three years. 

While here there arrived a Tartar nobleman who was on an embassy 
from the victorious Hulagu to his brother the Grand Khan. The ambas- 
sador became acquainted with the Venetians, and finding them to be 
versed in the Tartar tongue and possessed of curious and valuable know- 
ledge, he prevailed upon them to accompany him to the court of the em- 
peror, situated as they supposed, at the verj^ extremitj* of the East. 

After a march of several months, being delayed by snow-storms and 
inundations, they arrived an the court of Cublai, otherwise called the Great 
Khan, which signifies King of Kings, being the sovereign potentate of the 
Tartars. This magnificent prince received them with great distinction ; 
he made inquiries about the countries and princes of the West, their civil 
and military government, and the manners and customs of the Latin nation. 
Above all, he was curious on the subject of the Christian religion. He 
was so much struck by their replies, that after holding a council with the 
chief persons of his kingdom, he entreated the two brothers to go on his 
part as ambassadors to the pope, to entreat liim to send a hundred learned 
men well instructed in the Christian faith, to impart a knowledge of it to 
the sages of his empire. He also entreated them to bring him a little oil 

VOL. III. 17 



386 APPENDIX. 



from tlie lump of our Saviixir, in Jernsulem, which lie concluded must 
have marvelous virtues. It has boon supposed, and with great reason, that 
under this covert of religion, the shrewd Tartar sovereign veiled motives of 
a political nature. The influence of the ]]ope in promoting the crusades 
had caused his power to be known and respected throughout the East ; it 
was of some moment, therefore, to conciliate liis good will. Cublai Khun 
had no bigotry nor devotion to any particular faith, and probably hoped, 
by adopting Christianity to make it a common cause between himself and 
the warlike princes of Christendom, against his and their inveterate ene- 
mies, the soldan of Egypt and the Saracens. 

Having written letters to the pope in the Tartar language, he de- 
livered them to the Polos, and appointed one of the principal noblemen of 
his court to accompany them in their mission. On their taking leave he 
furnished them with a tablet of gold on which was engraved the royal 
arms ; this was to serve as a passport, at sight of which tlie governors of 
the various provinces were to entertain them, to furnish them with escorts 
through dangerous places, and render them all other necessary ser\'ices at 
the expense of the Great Khan. 

They had scarce proceeded twenty miles, when the nobleman who ac- 
companied them fell ill, and they were obliged to leave him. and continue 
on their route. Their golden passport procured them every attention and 
facility throughout the doniinioas of the Great Khan. They arrived safely 
at Acre, in April, 1269. Here they received news of the recent death of 
pope Clement IV, at which they w'ere much grieved, fearing it would 
cause delay in their mission. There was at that time in Acre a legate of 
the holy chair, Tebaldo di Vesconti, of Placentia, to whom they gave an 
account of their embassy. He heard them with great attention and 
interest, and advised them to await the election of a new pope, which 
must soon take place, before they proceeded to Rome on their mission. 
They determined in the interim to make a visit to their families, and ac- 
cordingly departed for Negropont, and thence to Venice, where great 
changes had taken place in their domestic concerns, during their long 
absence. The wife of Nicholas, whom he had left pregnant, had died, in 
giving birth to a son, who had been named Marco. 

As the contested election for the new pontiff remained pending for two 
years, they were uneasy, lest the emperor of Tartary should grow im- 
patient at so long a postponement of the conversion of himself and his 
people ; they determined, therefore, not to wait the election of a pope, but 
to proceed to Acre, and get such dispatches and such ghostly ministry for 



APPENDIX. 387 



tlie Grand Khan, as tlie legate could furnish. On the second journey, 
Nicholas Polo took with hiru his son Marco, who aftenvards wrote an 
account of these travels. 

They were again received with great favor by the legate Tebaldo, who, 
anxious for the success of their mission, furnished them with letters to the 
Grand Khan, in which the doctrines of the Christian faith were fully 
expounded. With tiiese, and with a supply of the holy oil from the 
sepulchre, they once more set out in September, 1271, for the remote parts 
of Tartary. They had not long departed, when missives arrived from 
Rome, informing the legate of his own election to the holy chair. He 
took the name of Gregory X, and decreed that in future, on the death of a 
pope, the cardinals should be shut up in conclave until they elected a suc- 
cessor; a wise regulation, which has since continued, enforcing a prompt 
decision, and preventing intrigue. 

Immediately on receiving intelligence of his election, he dispatched a 
courier to the king of Armenia, requesting that the two Venetians might 
be sent back to him, if they had not departed. They joyfully returned, 
and were furnished with new letters to the Khan. Two eloquent friars, 
also, Nicholas Vincenti and Gilbert dc Tripoli, were sent with them, with 
powers to ordain priests and bishops and to grant absolution. They had 
presents of crystal vases, and other costly articles to deliver to the 
Grand Khan ; and thus well provided, they once more set forth on their 
journey.* 

Arriving in Armenia, they ran great risk of their lives from the war 
which was raging, the soldan of Babylon having invaded the country. 
They took refuge for some time with the superior of a monastery. Here 
the two reverend fathers, losing all courage to prosecute so perilous an 
enterprise, determined to remain, and the Venetians continued their journey. 
They were a long time on the way, and exposed to great hardships and 
sufferings from floods and snow storms, it being the winter season. At 
length they reached a town in the dominions of the Khan. That potentate 
sent officers to meet them at forty days' distance from the court, and to pro- 
vide quarters for them during their journey.f He received them with 

* Ramusio, tom. iii. 

t Bergeron, by blunder in the translation from the original Latin, has stated 
that the Khan sent 40,000 men to escort them. This has drawn the ire of 
the critics upon Marco Toio, who have cited it as one of his monstrous ex- 
aggerations. 



388 APPENDIX. 



trreat kindi)c.ss, was hicrhly fjratiticd with tlie result of their mission and 
with the letters of the pope, and luivinfj received from them some oil from 
the lamp of the holy sepulchre, he had it locked up, and guarded it as a 
precious treasure. 

The three Venetians, flither, brother and son, were treated with such 
distinction by the Khan, that the courtiers were filled with jealousy. Marco 
soon, however, made himself popular, and was particularly esteemed by 
the emperor. He acquired the four principal languages of the country, 
and was of such remarkable capacitj', that, notwithstanding his youth, the 
Khan employed him in missions and services of importance, in various 
parts of his dominions, some to the distance of even six months' journey. 
On these expeditions he was industrious in gathering all kinds of informa- 
tion respecting that vast empire ; and from notes and minutes made for 
the satisfaction of the Grand Khan, he afterwards composed the history 
of his travels. 

After about seventeen years residence in the Tartar court the Vene- 
tians felt a longing to return to their native country. Their patron was 
advanced in age and could not survive much longer, and after his death, 
their return might be difficult if not impossible. They applied to the 
Grand Khan for permission to depart, but for a time met with a refusal, 
accompanied by friendly upbraidings. At length a singular train of events 
operated in their favor ; an embassy arrived from a Mogul Tartar prince, 
who ruled in Persia, and who was grand nephew to the emperor. The 
object was to entreat, as a spouse, a princess of the imperial lineage. A 
granddaughter of Cublai Khan, seventeen years of age, and of great 
beauty and accomplishments, was granted to the prayer of the prince, and 
departed for Persia with the ambassadors, and with a splendid retinue, but 
after traveling for some months, was obliged to return on account of the 
distracted state of the country. 

The ambassadors despaired of conveying the beautiful bride to the arms 
of her expecting bridegroom, when Marco Polo returned from a voyage to 
certain of the Indian islands. His representations of the safety of a voy- 
age in those seas, and his private instigations, induced the ambassadors to 
urge the Grand Khan for permission to convey the princess by sea to the 
gulf of Persia, and that the Christians might accompany them, as being 
best experienced in maritime affairs. Cublai Khan consented with great 
reluctance, and a splendid fleet was fitted out and victualed for two years, 
consisting of fourteen ships of four masts, some of which had crews 
of two hundred and fifty men. 



APPENDIX. 389 



On parfinof with the Venetians the munificent Khan gave them rich 
presents of jewels, and made tliem promise to return to him after they 
had visited their families. He authorized them to act as his ambassa- 
dors to the principal courts of Europe, and, as on a former occasion, 
furnished them with tablets of gold, to serve, not merely as passports, but 
as orders upon all commanders in his territories for accommodations and 
supplies. 

They set sail therefore in the fleet v/ith the oriental princess and her 
attendants and the Persian ambassadors. The ships swept along the coast 
of Cochin China, stopped for three months at a port of the island of Su- 
matra near the western entrance of the straits of Malacca, waiting for the 
change of the monsoon to pass the bay of Bengal. Traversing this vast 
expanse they touched at the island of Ceylon and then crossed the strait to 
the southern part of the great peninsula of India. Thence sailing up the 
Pirate coast, as it is called, the fleet entered the Persian gulf and arrived 
at the famous portof Olmuz, where it is presumed the voyage terminated, 
after eighteen months spent in traversing the Indian seas. 

Unfortunately for the royal bride who was the object of this splendid 
naval expedition, her bridegroom, the Mogul king, had died some time be- 
fore her arrival, leaving a son named Ghazan, during whose minority the 
government was administered by his uncle Kai-Khatu. According to the 
directions of the regent, the princess was delivered to the youthful prince, 
son of her intended spouse. He was at that time at the head of an army 
on the borders of Persia. He was of a diminutive stature but of a great 
soul, and, on afterwards ascending the throne, acquired renown for his 
talents and virtues. What became of the Eastern bride, who had traveled 
so fur in quest of a husband, is not known -, but every thing favorable is 
to be inferred from the character of Ghazan. 

The Polos remained some time in the court of the regent, and then 
departed, with fresh tablets of gold given by that prince, to carry them in 
safety and honor through his dominions. As they had to traverse many 
countries where the traveler is exposed to extreme peril, they appeared on 
their journeys as Tartars of low condition, having converted all their 
wealth into precious stones and sewn them up in the folds and linings of 
their coarse garments. They had a long, difficult and perilous journey to 
Trebizond, whence they proceeded to Constantinople, thence to Negro- 
pont, and, finally, to Venice, where they arrived in 1295, in good health, 
and literally laden with riches. Having heard during their journey of the 
death of their old benefactor Cublai Khan, they considered their diplo- 



890 APPENDIX. 



matic functions at an end, and also that tlicy were absolved from their 
promise to return to his dominions. 

Ramusio, in his preftice to the narrative of Marco Polo, gives a variety 
of particulars concerning their arrival, which he compares to that of 
Ulysses. When they arrived at Venice, they were known by nobody. 
So many years had elapsed since their departure without any tidings of 
them, that they were either forgotten or considered dead. Besides, their 
foreign garb, the influence of southern suns, and the similitude which 
men acquire to those among whom they reside for any length of time, 
had given them the look of Tartars rather than Italians. 

They repaired to their own house, which was a noble palace, situated 
in the street of St. Giovanne Chrisostomo, and was afterwards known by 
the name of la Corte de la Milione. They found several of their relatives 
still inhabiting it ; but they were slow in recollecting tlie travelers, not 
knowing of their wealth, and probably considering them, from their 
coarse and foreign attire, poor adventurers returned to be a charge upon 
their families. The Polos, however, took an efli^ctal mode of quickening 
the memories of their friends, and insuring themselves a loving reception. 
They invited them all to a grand banquet. When their guests arrived, 
they received them richly dressed in garments of crimson satin of oriental 
fashion. When water had been served for the washing of hands, and 
the company were summoned to table, the travelers, who had retired, 
appeared again in still richer robes of crimson damask. The fir-st dresses 
were cut up and distributed among the servants, being of such length 
that they swept the ground, which, says Ramusio, was the mode in those 
days with dresses worn within doors. After the first course, they again 
retired and came in dressed in crimson velvet ; the damask dresses being 
likewise given to the domestics, and the same was done at the end of the 
feast with their velvet robes, when they appeared in the Venetian dress of 
the day. The guests were lost in astonishment, and could not compre- 
hend the meaning of this masquerade. Having dismissed all the 
attendants, Marco Polo brought forth the coarse Tartar dresses in which 
they had arrived. Slashing them in several places with a knife, and 
ripping open the seams and lining, there tumped forth rubies, sapphires, 
emeralds, diamonds, and other precious stones, until the whole table 
glittered with inestimable wealth, acquired from the munificence of the 
Grand Khan, and conveyed in this portable form through the perils of 
their long journey. 

The company, observes Ramusio, were out of their wits with amaze- 



APPENDIX. 391 



ment, and now clearly perceived what they had at first doubted, that these 
in very truth were those honored and valiant gentlemen the Polos, and, 
accordingly^paid them great respect and reverence. 

The account of this curious feast is given by Ramusio, on traditional 
authority, having heard it many times related by the illustrious Gasparo 
Malipiero, a very ancient gentleman, and a senator, of unquestionable 
veracity, who had it from his father, who had it from his grandfather, and 
so on up to the fountain-head. 

Wiien the fame «f this banquet and of the wealth of the travelers 
came to be divulged throughout Venice, all the city, noble and simple, 
crowded to do honor to the extraordinary merit of the Polos. Maffeo, who 
was the eldest, was admitted to the dignity of the magistracy. The 
youth of the city came every day to visit and converse with Marco Polo, 
who was extremely amiable and communicative. They were insatiable 
in their inquiries about Cathay and the Grand Khan, which he answered 
with great courtesy, giving details with which they were vastly delighted, 
and, as he always spoke of the wealth of the Grand Khan in round num- 
bers, they gave him the name of Messer Marco Milioni. 

Some months after their return, Lampa Doria, commander of the 
Genoese navy, appeared in the vicinity of the island of Curzola with 
seventy galleys. Andrea Dandolo, the Venetian admiral, was sent against 
him. Marco Polo commanded a galley of the fleet. His usual good 
fortune deserted him. Advancing the first in the line with his galley, and 
not being properly seconded, he was taken prisoner, thrown in irons, and 
carried to Genoa. Here he was detained for a long time in prison, and all 
offers of ransom rejected. His imprisonment gave great uneasiness to his 
father and uncle, fearing that he might never return. Seeing themselves 
in this unhappy state, with so much treasure and no heirs, they consulted 
together. They were both very old men ; but Nicolo, observes Ramusio, 
was of a galliard complexion : it was determined he should take a wife. He 
did so ; and, to the wonder of his friends, in four years had three children. 

In the meanwhile, the fame of Marco Polo's travels had circulated in 
Genoa. His prison was daily crowded with nobility, and he was supplied 
with every thing that could cheer him in his confinement. A Genoese 
gentleman, who visited him every day, at length prevailed upon him to 
write an account of what he had seen. He had his papers and journals 
sent to him from Venice, and with the assistance of his friend, or, as some 
will have it, his fellow-prisoner, produced the work which afterwards 
made such noise throughout the world. 



392 APPENDIX. 



The merit of Marco Polo at length procured him his liberty. He 
returned to Venice, where he found his father with a house full of children. 
He took it in good part, followed the old man's example, marHfed, and had 
two daughters, Moretta and Fantina. The date of the death of Marco 
Polo is unknown ; he is supposed to have been, at the time, about seventy 
years of age. On his death-bed he is said to have been exhorted by his 
friends to retract what he had published, or, at least, to disavow those 
parts commonly regarded as fictions. He replied indignantly that so far 
from having exaggerated, he had not told one half of the extraordinary 
things of which he had been an eye-witness. 

Marco Polo died without male issue. Of the three sons of his father 
by the second marriage, one only had children, viz. five sons and one 
daughter. The sons died without leaving issue ; the daughter inherited 
all her father's wealth and married into the noble and distinguished house 
of Trevesino. Thus the male line of the Polos ceased in 1417, and the 
family name was extinguished. 

Such are the principal particulars known of Marco Polo ; a man whose 
travels for a long time made a great noise in Europe, and will be found to 
have had a great effect on modern discovery. His splendid account of the 
extent, wealth, and population of the Tartar territories filled every one 
with admiration. The possibility of bringing all those regions under the 
dominion of the church, and rendering the Grand Khan an obedient vassal 
to the holy chair, was for a long time a favorite topic among the enthusi- 
astic missionaries of Christendom, and there were many saints-errant who 
undertook to effect the conversion of this magnificent infidel. 

Even at the distance of two centuries, when the enterprises for the 
discovery of the new route to India had set all the warm heads of Europe 
madding about these remote regions of the East, the conversion of the 
Grand Kahn became again a popular theme ; and it was too speculative 
and romantic an enterprise not to catch the vivid imagination of Columbus. 
In all his voyages, he will be found continually to be seeking after the ter- 
ritories of the Grand Khan, and even after his last expedition, when nearly 
worn out by age, hardships, and infirmities, he offered, in a letter to the 
Spanish monarchs, written from a bed of sickness, to conduct any mis- 
sionary to the territories of the Tartar emperor, who would undertake his 
conversion. 



APPENDIX. 393 



No. XXL 

THE "WORK OF MARCO POLO. 

The work of Marco Polo is stated by some to have been originally written 
in Latin,* though the most probable opinion is that it was written in the 
Venetian dialect of the Italian. Copies of it in manuscript were multiplied 
and rapidly circulated ; translations were made into various languages, 
until the invention of printing enabled it to be widely diffused throughout 
Europe. In the course of these translations and successive editions, the 
original text, according to Purchas, has been much vitiated, and it is pro- 
bable many extravagances in numbers and measurements with which 
Marco Polo is charged may be the errors of translators and printers. 

When the work lirst appeared, it was considered by some as made up 
of fictions and extravagances, and Vossius assures us that even after the 
death of Marco Polo he continued to be a subject of ridicule among the 
light and unthinking, insomuch that he was frequently personated at mas- 
querades by some wit or droll, who, in his feigned character related all 
kinds of extravagant fables and adventures. His work, however, excited 
great attention among thinking men, containing evidently a fund of infor- 
mation concerning vast and splendid countries, before unknown to the Eu- 
ropean world. Vossius assures us that it was at one time highly esteemed 
by the learned. Francis Pepin, author of the Brandenburgh version, 
styles Polo a man commendable for his piety, prudence, and fidelity. 
Athanasius Kirciier, in his account of China, says that none of the an- 
cients have described the kingdoms of the remote East with more exact- 
ness. Various other learned men of past times, have borne testimony to 
his character, and most of the substantial parts of his work have been au- 
thenticated by subsequent travelers. The most able and ample vindication 
of Marco Polo, however, is to be found in the English translation of his 
work, with copious notes and commentaries, by William Marsden, F. R. S. 
He has diligently discriminated between what Marco Polo relates from his 
own observation, and what he relates as gathered from others ; he points 
out the errors that have arisen from misinterpretations, omissions or inter- 
pretations of translators, and he claims all proper allowance for the super- 

* Hist, des Voyages, torn, x.xvii. lib. iv- cap. 3. Paris, 1549. 
VOL. III. 17* 



394 APPENDIX. 



stitious coloring of parts of the narrative from the belief, prevalent among 
the most wise and learned of his day, in miracles and magic. After pe- 
rusing the work of Mr. Marsden, the character of Marco Polo rises in the 
estimation of the reader. It is evident that his narration, as far as related 
from his own observations, is correct, and that he had really traversed a 
great part of Tartary and China, and navigated in the Indian seas. Some 
of the countries and many of the islands, however, are evidently described 
from accounts given by others, and in these accounts are generally found 
the fables which have excited incredulity and ridicule. As he composed 
his work after his return home, partly from memory and partly from memo- 
randums, he was liable to confuse what he had heard with what he had 
seen, and thus to give undue weight to many fables and exaggerations 
which he had received from others. 

Much has been said of a map brought from Cathay by Marco Polo, 
which was conserved in the convent of San Michale de Murano in the 
vicinity of Venice, and in which the Cape of Good Hope, and the island 
of Madagascar were indicated ; countries which the Portuguese claim the 
merit of having discovered two centuries afterwards. It has been sug- 
gested also that Columbus had visited the convent and examined this map, 
whence he derived some of his ideas concerning the coast of India. Ac- 
cording to Ramusio, however, who had been at the convent, and was well 
acquainted with the prior, the map preserved there was one copied by a 
friar from the original one of Marco Polo, and many alterations and addi- 
tions had since been made by other hands, so that for a long time it lost all 
credit with judicious people, until on comparing it with the work of Marco 
Polo it was found in the main to agree with his descriptions.* The Cape 
of Good Hope was doubtless among the additions made subsequent to the 
discoveries of the Portuguese.! Columbus makes no mention of this map, 
which he most probably would have done had he seen it. He seems to 
have been entirely guided by the one furnished by Paulo Toscanelli, and 



* Ramusio, vol. ii. p. 17. 

+ Mr. Marsden, who has inspected a splendid fac simile of this map pre- 
served in the British Museum, objects even to the fundamental part of it : 
" where," he obsei-vos, " situations are given to places that seem quite incon- 
sistent with the descriptions in the travels and cannot be attributed to their 
author, although inserted on the supposed authority of his writings." Marsden'fl 
M. Polo. Introd. p. xlii. 



APPENDIX. 395 



which was apparently projected after the original map, or after the descrip. 
tions of Marco Polo, and the maps of Ptolemy. 

When the attention of the world was turned towards the remote parts 
of Asia in the 15th century, and the Portuguese were making tlieir 
attempts to circumnavigate Africa, the nairation of Marco Polo again 
rose to notice. This, with the travels of Nicolo le Comte, the Venetian, 
and of Hieronimo da San Stefano, a Genoese, are said to have been the 
principal lights by which the Portuguese guided themselves in their 
voyages.* 

Above all, the influence which the work of Marco Polo had over the 
mind of Columbus, gives it particular interest and importance. It was 
evidently an oracular work with him. He frequently quotes it, and on his 
voyages, supposing liimself to be on the Asiatic coast, he is continually 
endeavoring to discover the islands and main-lands described in it, and to 
find the famous Cipango. 

It is proper, therefore, to specify some of those places, and the manner 
in wliicli they are described by a Venetian traveler, that the reader may 
more fully understand tha anticipations which were haunting the mind of 
Columbus in his voyages among the West Indian islands, and along the 
coast of Terra Firaia. 

The winter residence of the Great Khan, according to Marco Polo, 
was in the city of Cambalu, or Kanbalu, (since ascertained to be Peki::,) 
in the province of Cathay. This city, he says, was twenty-four miles 
square, and admirablj^ built. It was impossible, according to Marco Polo, 
to describe the vast amount and variety of merchandise and manufactures 
brought there ; it would seem they were enough to furnish the universe. 
" Here are to be seen in wonderful abundance the precious stones, the 
pearls, the silks, and the diverse perfumes of the East ; scarce a day passes 
that there does not arrive nearly a thousand cars laden with silk, of which 
they make admirable stuffs in this city." 

The palace of the Great Khan is magnificently built, and four miles 
in circuit. It is rather a group of palaces. In the interior it is resplen- 
dent with gold and silver ; and in it are guarded the precious vases and 
jewels of the sovereign. All the appointments of the Khan for war, for 
the chase, for various festivities, are described in gorgeous terms. But 
though Marco Polo is magnificent in his description of the provinces of 
Cathay, and its imperial city of Cambalu, he outdoes himself when he 

* Hist, des Voyages, torn. xl. lib. xi. ch. 4. 



396 APPENDIX. 



comes to describe the province of Mangi. This province is supposed to 
be the southern part of China. It contains, he says, twelve hundred cities. 
The capital Quinsai (supposed to be the city of Hang-cheu) was twenty- 
five miles from the sea, but communicated by a river with a port siUiated 
on the sea-coast, and had great trade with India. 

The name Quinsai, according to Marco Polo, signifies the city of 
heaven ; he says he has been in it and examined it diligently, and affirms 
it to be the largest in the world ; and so undoubtedly it is if the measure- 
ment of the traveler is to be taken literally, for he declares that it is one 
hundred miles in circuit. This seeming exaggeration has been explained 
by supposing him to mean Chinese miles or /i, which are to the Italian 
miles in the proportion of three to eight ; and Mr. Marsden obsen^es that 
the walls even of the modern city, the limits of which have been consider- 
ably contracted, are estimated by travelers at sixty li. The ancient city 
has evidently been of immense extent, and as Marco Polo could not be 
supposed to have measured the walls himself, he has probably taken the 
loose and incorrect estimates of the inhabitants. He describes it also as 
built upon little islands like Venice, and has twelve thousand stone 
bridges,* the arches of which are so high that the largest vessels can pass 
under them without lowering their masts. It has, he affirms, three thou- 
sand baths, and six hundred thousand families, including domestics. It 
abounds with magnificent houses, and has a lake thirty miles in circuit 
within its walls, on the banks of which are superb palaces of people of 
rank.f The inhabitants of Quinsai are very voluptuous, and indulge in 
all kinds of luxuries and delights, particularly the women, who are ex- 
tremely beautiful. There are many merchants and artisans, but the mas- 

* Another blunder in translation has drawn upon Marco Polo the indigna- 
tion of George Hornius, who (in his Origin of America, IV. 3) exclaims, 
" Who can believe all that he says of the city of Quinsai ? as for example, that 
it has stone bridges twelve thousand miles high !" &c. It is probable that 
many of the exaggerations in the accounts of Marco Polo arc in fact the errors 
of his translators. 

Mandeville, speaking of this same city, which he calls Causai, says it is 
built on the sea like Venice, and has twelve hundred bridges. 

t Sir George Staunton mentions this lake as being a beautiful sheet of wa- 
ter, about three or four miles in diameter ; its margin ornamented with houses 
and gardens of Mandarines, together with temples, monasteries for the priests 
of Fo, and an imperial palace. 



APPENDIX. 397 



ters do not work, they employ servants to dt all their labor. T;ie province 
of Mangi was conquered by the Great Khan, wlio divided it into nine king- 
doms, appointing to each a tributary king. He drew from it an immense 
revenue, for the country abounded in gold, silver, silks, sugar, spices and 
perfumes. 

ZIPANGU, ZIPANGRI, OR CIPANGO. 

Fifteen hundred miles from the shores of Mangi, according to Marco 
Polo, lay the great island of Zipangu, by some written Zipangri, and by 
Columbus Cipango.* Marco Polo describes it as abounding in gold, 
which, however, the king seldom permits to be transported out of the 
island. The king has a magnificent palace covered with plates of gold, 
as in other countries the palaces are covered with sheets of lead or cop- 
per. The halls and chambers are likewise covered with gold, the win- 
dows adorned with it, sometimes in plates of the thickness of two fingers. 
The island also produces vast quantities of the largest and finest pearls, 
together with a variety of precious stones ; so that, in fact, it abounds in 
riches. The Great Khan made several attempts to conquer this island, 
but in vain ; which is not to be wondered at, if it be true what Marco 
Polo relates, that the inhabitants had certain stones of a charmed virtue 
inserted between the skin and the flesh of their right arms, which, through 
the power of diabolical enchantments, rendered them invulnerable. This 
island was an object of diligent search to Columbus. 

About the island of Zipangu or Cipango, and between it and the coast 
of Mangi, the sea, according to Marco Polo, is studded with small islands 
to the number of seven thousand four hundred and forty, of which the 
greater part are inhabited. There is not one which does not produce 
odoriferous trees and perfumes in abundance. Columbus thought himself 
at one time in the midst of these islands. 

* Supposed to be those islands collec^ively called Japan. They are named 
by the Chinese Ge-pen, the terminating syllable gu added by Marco Polo, is 
6iipposed to be the Chinese word kue, signifying kingdom, which is commonly 
annexed to the names of foreign countries. As the distance of the nearest 
part of the southern island from the coast of China near Ning-po, is not more 
than five hundred Italian miles, Mr. Marsden supposes Marco Polo in stating 
it to be 1500, means Chinese miles or li, which are in the proportion of some- 
wh.it more tlwn one-third of the former. 



398 APPENDIX. 



These are the prhicipal places described by Marco Polo, which occur 
in the letters and journals of Columbus. The island of Cipango was the 
first land he expected to make, and he intended to visit afterwards the 
province of Mangi, and to seek the Great Khan in his city of Cambalu, in 
the province of Cathay. Unless the reader can bear in mind these sump- 
tuous descriptions of Marco Polo, of countries teeming with wealth, and 
cities where the very domes and palaces flamed with gold, he will have 
but a faint idea of the splendid anticipations which filled the imagination of 
Columbus when he discovered, as he supposed, the extremity of Asia. It 
was his confident expectation of soon arriving at these countries, and rea- 
lizing the accounts of the Venetian, that induced him to hold forth those 
promises of immediate wealth to the sovereigns, which caused so much 
disappointment, and brought upon him the frequent reproach of exciting 
false hopes and indulging in wilful exaggeration. 



No. XXII. 

SIR JOHN MANDEVILLE. 



Next to Marco Polo the travels of Sir John Mandeville, and his account 
of the territories of the Great Khan along the coast of Asia, seem to have 
been treasured up in the mind of Columbus. 

Mandeville was born in the city of St. Albans. He was devoted to 
study from his earliest childhood, and after finishing his general education, 
applied himself to medicine. Having a great desire to see the remotest 
parts of the earth, then known, that is to say, Asia and Africa, and above 
all, to visit the Holy Land, he left England in 1332, and passing through 
France embarked at Marseilles. According toTiis own account, he visited 
Turkey, Armenia, Egypt, Upper and Lower Lybia, Syria, Persia, Chaldoa, 
Ethiopia, Tartary, Amazonia and the Indies, residing in their principal 
cities. But most he says he delighted in the Holy Land, where he remained 
for a long time, examining it with the greatest minuteness and endeavoring 
to follow all the traces of our Saviour. After an absence of thiity-four 
years he returned to England, but found himself forgotten and unlvnown 
by the greater part of his countrymen', and a stranger in his native place. 
He wrote a history of his travels in three languages, English, French and 



APPENDIX. 399 



Latin, for he was master of many tongvies. He addressed his wo/k to 
Edward III. His wanderings do not seem to have made him either 
pleased with the world at large, or contented with his home. He railed 
at the age, saying that there was no more virtue extant, that the church 
was ruined ; error prevalent among the clergy ; simony upon the throne ; 
and, in a word, that the devil reigned triumphant. He soon returned to 
the continent, and died at Liege in 1372. He was buried in the abbey of 
the Gulielmites, in the suburbs of that city, where Ortelius, in his Itine- 
rarium Belgia;, says that he saw his monument, on which was the effigy 
in stone, of a man with a forked beard and his hands raised towards his 
head (probably folded as in prayer, according to the manner of old tombs) 
and a lion at his feet. There was an inscription stating his name, quality 
and calling, (viz. professor of medicine,) that he was very pious, very 
learned, and very charitable to the poor, and that after having traveled 
over the whole world he had died at Liege. The people of the convent 
showed also his spurs, and the housings of the horses which he had ridden 
in his travels. 

The descriptions given by Mandeville of the Grand Khan, of the pro- 
vince of Cathay, and the city of Cambalu, are no less splendid than those 
of Marco Polo. The royal palace was more than two leagues in circum- 
ference. The grand hall had twenty-four columns of copper and gold. 
There were more than three hundred thousand men occupied and Uving in 
and about the palace, of which more than one hundred thousand were em- 
ployed in taking care of ten thousand elephants and of a vast variety of 
other animals, birds of prey, falcons, parrots and paroquets. On days of 
festival there were even twice the number of men employed. The title 
of this potentate in his letters was " Khan, the son of God, exalted pos- 
sessor of all the earth, master of those who are masters of others." On 
his seal was engraved, " God reigns in heaven, Khan upon earth." 

Mandeville bas become proverbial for indulging in a traveler's exag- 
gerations ; yet his accounts of the countries which he visited have been 
found far more veracious than had been imagined. His descriptions of 
Cathay, and the wealthy province of Mangi, agreeing with those of Marco 
Polo, had great authoritj- with Columbus. 



400 APPENDIX. 



No. XXIII 

THE ZONES. 



1 



The zones were imaginary bands or circles in the heavens producing an 
effect of climate on corresponding belts on the globe of the earth. The 
polar circles and the tropics mark these divisions. 

The central region, lying beneath the track of the sun, was termed the 
torrid zone ; the two regions between the tropics and the polar circles, 
were termed the temperate zones, and the remaining parts, between the 
polar circles and the poles, the frigid zones. 

The frozen regions near the poles were considered uninhabitable and 
unnavigable on account of the extreme cold. The burning zone, or rather 
the central part of it, immediately about the equator, was considered unin- 
habitable, unproductive, and impassable in consequence of the excessive 
heat. The temperate zones, lying between them, were supposed to be fer- 
tile and salubrious, and suited to the purposes of life. 

The globe was divided into two hemispheres by the equator, an imagi- 
nary line encircling it at equal distance from the poles. The whole of the 
world known to the ancients was contained in the temperate zone of the 
northern hemisphere. 

It was imagined that if there sliould l^e inhabitants in the temperate 
zone of the southern hemisphere, there could still be no communication 
with them on account of the burning zone which intervened. 

Parmenides, according to Strabo, was the inventor of this theory of the 
five zones, but he made the torrid zone extend on each side of tlie equator 
beyond the tropics. Aristotle supported this doctrine of the zones. In 
his time nothing waa known of tiie extreme northern parts of Europe and 
Asia, nor of interior Ethiopia and the soutJiern part of Africa, extending 
beyond the tropic of Capricorn to the Cape of Good Hope. Aristotle be- 
lieved that there was habitable earth in the southern hemisphere, but that 
it was for ever divided from the part of the world already known, by the 
impassable zone of scorching heat at the equator.* 

Pliny supported the opinion of Aristotle concerning the burning 
zones. " The temperature of the central region of the earth," he observes, 

* Aristot., 2 Met. cap. 5. 



APPENDIX. 401 

" whore the sun runs his course is burnt up as with fire. Tiie temperate 
zones which He on either side can have no communication with eacli 
other in consequence of the fervent heat of this region."* 

Strabo, (lib. xi.,) in mentioning this theory, gives it likewise his sup- 
port ; and others of the ancient philosophers, as well as the poets, might 
be cited to show the general prevalence of the belief. 

It must be observed that, at the time when Columbus defended his pro- 
position before the learned board at Salamanca, the ancient theory of the 
burning zone had not yet been totally disproved by modern discovery. 
The Portuguese, it is true, had penetrated within the tropics ; but, though 
the whole of the space between the tropic of Cancer and that of Capri- 
corn, in common parlance, was termed the torrid zone ; the uninhabitable 
and impassable part, strictly speaking, according to the doctrine of the an- 
cients, only extended a limited number of degrees on each side of the 
equator ; forming about a third, or at most, the half of the zone. The 
proofs which Columbus endeavored to draw therefore from the voyages 
made to St. George la Mina, were not conclusive with those who were 
bigoted to the ancient theory, and who placed this scorching region still 
farther southward, and immediately about the equator. 



No. XXIV. 

OF THE ATALANTIS OF PLATO. 

Thic island Atalantis is mentioned by Plato in his dialogue of Timaeus. 
Solon, the Athenian lawgiver, is supposed to have traveled into Egypt. 
He is in an ancient city on the Delta, the fertile island formed by the Nile, 
and is holding converse with certain learned priests on the antiquities of 
remote ages, when one of them gives him a description of the island of 
Atalantis, and of its destruction, which he describes as having taken place 
before the conflagration of the world by Phaeton. 

This island, he was told, had been situated in the Western Ocean, op* 

• Pliny, lib. i. cap. 61. 



402 APPENDIX. 



posite to the Straits of Gibraltar. Tliere was an easy passage from it to 
other islands, whicii lay adjacent to a large continent, exceeding in size all 
Europe and Asia. Neptune settled in this island, from whose son Atlas 
its name was derived, and he divided it among his ten sons. His descend- 
ants reigned here in regular succession for many ages. They made irrup- 
tions into Europe and Africa, subduing all Lybia as far as Egypt, and 
Europe to Asia Minor. They were resisted, however, by the Athenians, 
and driven back to their Atlantic territories. Shortly after this there was 
a tremendous earthquake, and an overflowing of the sea, which continued 
for a day and a night. In the course of this the vast island of Atalantis, 
and all its splendid cities and warlike nations, were swallowed up, and 
sunk to the bottom of the sea, which, spreading its waters over the chasm, 
formed the Atlantic Ocean. For a long time, however, the sea was not 
navigable, on account of rocks and shelves, of mud and slime, and of the 
ruins of that drowned country. 

Many, in modem times, have considered this a mere fable ; others sup- 
pose that Plato, while in Egypt, had received some vague accounts of the 
Canary Islands, and, on his return to Greece, finding those islands so 
entirely unknown to his countrymen, had made them the seat of his 
political and moral speculations. Some, however, have been disposed to 
give greater weight to this story of Plato. They imagine that such an 
island may really have e.xisted, filling up a great part of the Atlantic, and 
that the continent beyond it was America, which, in such case, was not 
unknown to the ancients. Kircher supposes it to have been an island 
extending from the Canaries to the Azores ; that it was really ingulfed 
in one of the convulsions of the globe, and that those small islands are mere 
shattered fragments of it. 

As a farther proof that the New World was not unknown to the 
ancients, many have cited the singular passage in the Medea of Seneca, 
which is wonderfully apposite, and shows, at least, how nearly the warm 
imagination of a poet may approach to prophecy. The predictions of the 
ancient oracles were rarely so unequivocal. 

Venient annis 
Saecula seris, quibus Oceanus 
Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens 
Pa teat tell us, Typhisque novo? 
Detegat orbes, nee sit terris 
Ultima Thule. 



i 



APPENDIX. 403 



Gosselin in his p.ole research into the voyages of the ancients, supposes 
the Atalantis of Plato to have been nothing more nor less than one of 
the nearest of the Canaries, viz. Fortaventura or Lancerote. 



No. XXV. 

THE IMAGINAKT ISLAND OF ST. BRANDAN. 

One of the most singular geographical illusions on record is that which 
for a long while haunted the imaginations of the inhabitants of the 
Canaries. They fencied they beheld a mountainous island about ninety 
leagues in length, lying far to the westward. It was only seen at inter- 
vals, but in perfectly clear and serene weather. To some it seemed one 
hundred leagues distant, to others forty, to others only fifteen or eighteen.* 
On attempting to reach it, however, it somehow or other eluded the 
search, and was nowhere to be found. Still there were so many eye- 
witnesses of credibility who concurred in testifying to their having seen it, 
aiid the testimony of the inhabitants of different islands agreed so well as 
to its form and p ation, that its existence was generally believed, and 
geographers inserted it in their maps. It is laid down on the globe of 
Martin Behem, projected in 1492, as delineated by M. De Murr, and it 
will be found in most of the maps of the time of Columbus, placed com- 
monly about two hundred leagues west of the Canaries. During the time 
that Columbus was making his proposition to the court of Portugal, an 
inliabitant of the Canaries applied to king John 11 for a vessel to go in 
search of this island. In the archives of the Torre do Tombof also, there 
is a record of a contract made by the crown of Portugal with Fernando de 
Ulmo, cavalier of the royal household, and captain of the island of Tercera, 
wherein he undertakes to go at his own expense, in quest of an island or 
islands, or Terra Firma, supposed to be the island of the Seven Cities, on 
condition of having jurisdiction over the same for himself and his heirs, 
allowing one tenth of the revenues to the king. This Ulmo, finding the 
expedition above his capacity, associated one Juan Alfonso del Estreito in 

» Feyjoo, Theatre Critico, tom. iv. d. 10,'§ 29. 
t Lib. iv. de la Chancelaria del Rey Da. Juan II, fol. 101. 



404 APPENDIX. 



the enterprise. They were bound to be ready to sail with two caravels 
in the month of March, 1487.* The fate of their enterprise is unknown. 

The name of St. Brandan, or Borondon, j^ivcn to this imaginary island 
from time immemorial, is said to be derived from a Scotch abbot, who 
flourished in the sixth century, and who is called sometimes by the fore- 
going appellations, sometimes St. Blandano, or St. Blandanus. In the 
Martyrology of the order of St. Augustine, he is said to have been the 
patriarch of three thousand monks. About the middle of the sixth cen- 
tury, he accompanied his disciple, St. Maclovio, or St. Malo, in search of 
certain islands possessing the delights of paradise, which they were told 
existed in the midst of the ocean, and were inhabited by infidels. These 
most adventurous saints-errant wandered for a long time upon the ocean, 
and at length landed upon an island called Ima. Here St. Malo found the 
body of a giant lying in a sepulchre. He resuscitated him, and had much 
interesting conversation with him, the giant informing him that the inhabit- 
ants of that island had some notions of the Trinity, and, moreover, giving 
him a gratifying account of the torments which Jews and Pagans suffered 
in the infernal regions. Finding the giant so docile and reasonable, St. 
Malo expounded to him the doctrines of the Christian religion, converted 
him, and baptized him by the name of Mildum. The giant, however, 
either through weariness of life, or eagerness to enjoy the benefits of his 
conversion, begged permission, at the end of fifteen days, to die again, 
which was granted him. 

According to another account, the giant told them he knew of an 
island in the ocean, defended by walls of burnished gold, so resplendent 
that they shone like crystal, but to which there was no entrance. At 
their request, he undertook to guide them to it, and taking the cable of 
their ship, threw himself into the sea. He had not proceeded far, how- 
ever, when a tempest rose, and obliged them all to return, and shortly after 
the giant died.f A third legend makes the saint pray to heaven on Easter 
day, that they may be permitted to find land where they may celebrate the 
offices of religion with becoming state. An island immediately appears, 
on which they land, perform a solemn mass, and the sacrament of the 
Eucharist ; after which re-embarking and making sail, they behold to their 
astonishment the supposed island suddenly plunge to the bottom of the 



* Torre do Tombo. Lib. das Ylhas, f. 119. 
t Fr. Grcgorio Garcia, Origen de los Indies, lib. i. cap. 9. 



APF ENDIX. 405 



sea, being notliing else than a monstroiis vvliale.* When the niinor cir- 
culated of an island seen from tlic Canaries, which always eluded the 
search, the legends of St. Brandan were revived, and applied to this unap- 
proachable land. We are told, also, that there was an ancient Latin 
manuscript in the archives of the cathedral church of the Grand Canary, 
in which the adventures of these saints were recorded. Through care- 
lessness, however, this manuscript has disappeared.! Some have main- 
tained that this island was known to the ancients, and was the same men- 
tioned by Ptolemy among the Fortunate or Canary islands, by the names 
of Aprositus,! or the Inaccessible ; and which, according to friar Diego 
Philipo, in his book on the Incarnation of Christ, shows that it possessed 
the same quality in ancient times of deluding the eye and being unattaina- 
ble to the feet of mortals. ^ But whatever belief the ancients may have 
had on this subject, it is certain that it took a strong hold on the faith of 
the moderns during the prevalent rage for discovery ; nor did it lack abun- 
dant testimonials. Don Joseph de Viera y Clavijo says, there never was 
a more difficult paradox nor problem in the science of geography ; since, 
to affirm the existence of this island, is to trample upon sound criticism, 
judgment and reason ; and to deny it, one must abandon tradition and ex- 
perience, and suppose that many persons of credit had not the proper use 
of their senses. || 

The belief in this island has continued long since the time of Colum- 
bus. It was repeatedly seen, and by various persons at a time, always in 
the same place and of the same form. In 1526 an expedition set off for 
the Canaries in quest of it, commanded by Fernando de Troya and Fer- 
nando Alvarez. They cruised in the wonted direction, but in vain, and 
their failure ought to have undeceived the public. " The phantasm of the 
island, however," says Viera, " had such a secret enchantment for all who 
beheld it, that the public preferred doubting the good conduct of the ex- 
plorers, than their own senses." In 1570 the appearances were so re- 
peated and clear, that there was a universal fever of curiosity awakened 
among the people of the Canaries, and it was determined to send forth 
another expedition. 

That they might not appear to act upon light grounds, an exact inves- 

* Sigeberto, Episi. ad Tietmar. Abbat. 

tNuiiez de la Pena. Conqnist de la GranCanaria. 

t Ptolemy, lib. iv. torn. iv. 

§ Fr. D. Philipo, lib. viii, fol. 25. || Hist. Isl. Can., lib. i. cap. 26. 



406 APPENDIX. 



tigatiou WHS previously made of all the persons of talent and credibility 
who had seen these apparitions of land, or who had other proofs of its 
existence. 

Alonzo de Espinosa, governor of the island of Fcrro, accordingly made 
a report, in which more than one hundred witnesses, several of them per- 
sons of the highest respectability, deposed that they had beheld the unknown 
island about forty leagues to the northwest of Ferro ; that they had con- 
templated it with calmness and certainty, and had seen the sun set behind 
one of its points. 

Testimonials of still greater force came from the islands of Palma and 
Teneriffe. There were certain Portuguese who affirmed, that, being 
driven about by a tempest, they had come upon the island of St. Borondon. 
Pedro Velio, who was the pilot of the vessel, atTirmed, that having anchored 
in a bay, he landed with several of the crew. They drank fresh water in 
a brook, and beheld in the sand the print of footsteps, double the size of 
those of an ordinary man, and the distance between them was in propor- 
tion. They found a cross nailed to a neighboring tree ; near to which 
were three stones placed in form of a triangle, with signs of fire having 
been made among them, probably to cook shell-fish. Having seen much 
cattle and sheep grazing in the neighborhood, two of their party armed 
with lances went into the woods in pursuit of them. The night was 
approaching, the heavens began to lower, and a harsh wind arose. The 
people on board the ship cried out that she was dragging her anchor, 
whereupon Velio entered tiie boat and hurried on board. In an instant 
they lost sight of land ; being as it were swept away in the hurricane. 
When the storm had passed away, and the sea and sky were again serene, 
they searched in vain for the island ; not a trace of it was to be seen, and 
they had to pursue their voyage, lamenting the loss of their two compan- 
ions who had been abandoned in the wood.* 

A learned licentiate, Pedro Ortiz de Funez, inquisitor of the Grand 
Canary, while on a visit at TenerifFe, summoned several persons before 
him, who testified having seen the island. Among them was one Marcos 
Verde, a man well known in those parts. He stated that in returning 
from Barbary and arriving in the neighborhood of the Canaries, he beheld 
land, which, according to his maps and calculations, could not be any of 
the known islands. He concluded it to be the far-fani ed St. Borondon. 



* NuiSez de la Pena, lib. i. cap. 1. Viera Hist. Isl. Can , Jom. i. catp. 28. 



APPENDIX. 407 



Overjoyed at having disccvered this land of mystery, he coasted along Its 
spell-bound shores, until he anchored in a beautiful harbor formed by the 
month of a mountain ravine. Here he landed with several of his crew. 
It was now, he said, the hour of the Ave Maria, or of vespers. The sun 
being set, the shadows began to spread over the land. The voyagers hav- 
ing separated, wandered about in different directions, until out of hearing 
of each other's shouts. Those on board, seeing the night approaching, 
made signal to summon back the wanderers to the ship. They re-em- 
barked, intending to resume their investigations on the following day. 
Scarcely were they on board, however, when a whirlwind came rushing 
down the ravine, with such violence as to drag the vessel from her anchor, 
and hurry her out to sea ; and they never saw any thing more of this hid 
den and inhospitable island. 

Another testimony remains on record in manuscript of one Abreu 
Galindo ; but whether taken at this time does not appear. It was that of 
a French adventurer, who, many years before, making a voyage among 
the Canaries, was overtaken by a violent storm which carried away his 
masts. At length the furious winds drove him to the shores of an unknown 
island covered with stately trees. Here he landed with part of his crew, 
and choosing a tree proper for a mast, cut it down, and began to shape it 
for his purpose. The guardian power of the island, however, resented as 
usual this invasion of his forbidden shores. The heavens assumed a dark 
and threatening aspect ; the night was approaching, and the mariners, 
fearing some impending evil, abandoned their labor and returned on board. 
They were borne away as usual from the coast, and the next day arrived 
at the island of Palma.* 

The mass of testimony collected by official authority in 1750 seemed 
so satisfactory, that another expedition was fitted out in the same year in 
the island of Palma. It was commanded by Fernando de Villabolos, regi- 
dor of the island ; but was equally fruitless with the preceding. St. Bo- 
rondon seemed disposed only to tantalize the world with distant and serene 
glimpses of his ideal paradise ; or to reveal it amidst storms to tempest- 
tossed mariners, but to hide it completely from the view of all who dili- 
gently sought it. Still the people of Palma adhered to their favorite 
chimera. Thirty-four years afterwards, in 1605, they sent another .ship 
on the quest, commanded by Caspar Perez de Acosta, an accomplished 



* Nunez, Conquista le Gran Canaria. Vicra, Hist. &c. 



408 APPENDIX. 



pilot, accompanied by the padre Lorenzo Pinedo, a holy Franciscan friar, 
skilled in natural science. St. Borondon, however, refused to reveal his 
island to cither monk or mariner. After cruising about in every direction, 
sounding, observing the skies, the clouds, the winds, every thing that 
could furnish indications, they returned without having seen any thing to 
authorize a hope. 

Upwards of a century now elapsed without any new attempt to seek 
this fairy island. Every now and then, it is true, the public mind was 
agitated by fresh reports of its having been seen. Lemons and other 
fruits, and the green branches of trees which floated to the shores of 
Gomera and Ferro, were pronounced to be from the enchanted groves of 
St. Borondon. At length, in 1721, the public infatuation again rose to 
such a height that a fourth expedition was sent, commanded by Don 
Caspar Dominguez, a man of probity and talent. As this was an expedi- 
tion of solemn and mysterious import, he had two holy friars as apostolical 
chaplains. They made sail from the island of TenQriffe towards the end 
of October, leaving the populace in an indescribable state of anxious curi- 
osity mingled with superstition. The ship, however, returned from its 
cruise as unsuccessful as all its predecessors. 

We have no account of any expedition being since undertaken, though 
the island still continued to be a subject of speculation, and occasionally to 
reveal its shadowy mountains to the eyes of favored individuals. In a 
letter written from the island of Gomera, 1759, by a Franciscan monk, to 
one of his friends, ho relates having seen it from the village of Alaxero 
at six in the morning of the third of May. It appeared to consist of two 
lofty mountains, with a deep valley between ; and on contemplating it with 
a telescope, the valley or ravine appeared to be filled with trees. He 
summoned the curate Antonio Joseph Manrique, and upwards of forty 
other persons, all of whom beheld it plainly.^'^ 

Nor is this island delineated merely in ancient maps of the time of 
Columbus. It is laid down as one of the Canary islands in a French map 
published in 1704; and Mons. Gautier, in a geographical chart, annexed 
to his Observations on Natural History, published in 1755, places it five 
degrees to the west of the island of Ferro, in the 29th deg. of N. lati- 
tude.f 

Such are the principal facts existing relative to the island of St. 

* Viera. Hist. Isl. Can. torn. i. eap. 28. 1 Idem. 



APPENDIX. 409 



Brandan. Its reality was for a long time a matter of firm belief. It was 
in \ain that repeated voyages and investigations proved its non-existence ; 
the public, after trying all kinds of sophistrj', took refuge in the super- 
natural, to defend their favorite cliiniera. They maintained that it was 
rendered inaccessible to mortals by Divine Providence, or by diabolical 
magic. Most inclined to the former. All kinds of extravagant fancies 
were indulged concerning it,* some confounded it with the fabled island 
of the Seven Cities situated somewhere in the bosom of the ocean, where 
m old times seven bishops and their followers had taken refuge from the 
Moors. Some of the Portuguese imagined it to be the abode of their lost 
king Sebastian. The Spaniards pretended that Roderick, the last of their 
Gothic kings, had fled thither from the Moors after the disastrous battle 
of the Guadalete. Others suggested that it might be the seat of the ter- 
restrial paradise, the place where Enoch and Elijah remained in a state of 
blessedness until the final day ; and that it was made at times apparent to 
the eyes, but invisible to the search of mortals. Poetry, it is said, has 
owed to this popular belief one of its beautiful fictions, and the garden of 
Annida, where Rinaldo was detained enchanted, and which Tasso places 
in one of the Canary islands, has been identified with the imaginary St. 
Borondon.f 

The learned father Feyjoo,^ has given a philosopliical solution to this 
geographical problem. He attributes all these appearances, whicli have 
been so numerous and so well authenticated as not to admit of doubt, to 
certain atmospherical deceptions, like that of the Fata JMorgana, seen at 
times, in the straits of Messina, where the city of Reggio and its surround- 
ing country is reflected in the air above the neighboring sea : a phenome- 
non which has likewise been witnessed in front of the city of Marseilles . 
As to the tales of the mariners who had landed on these forbidden shores, 
and been hurried thence in whirlwinds and tempests, he considers them as 
mere fabrications. 

As the populace, however, reluctantly give up any thing that partakes 
of the marvelous and mysterious, and as the same atmospherical phe- 
nomena, which first gave birth to the illusion, may still continue, it is not 
improbable that a belief in the island of St. Brandan may still exist among 
the ignorant and credulous of the Canaries, and that they at times behold 
its fairy mountains rising above the distant horizon of the Atlantic. 

* Viera, Hist. Isl. Can., tom i. cap. 28. 
f Viera, ubi sup. t Theatre Critico, tom. iv. d. x. 



410 APPENDIX. 



No. XXVI. 

TUB ISLAND OF THE SEVEN CITIES. 

One of the popular traditions concerning the ocean, which were current 
during the time of Columbus, was that of the Island of the Seven Cities. 
It was recorded in an ancient legend, that at the time of the conquest of 
Spain and Portugal by the Moors, when the inhabitants fled in every di- 
rection to escape from slavery, seven bishops, followed by a great number 
of their people, took shipping and abandoned themselves to their fate, on 
the high seas. After tossing about for some time, they landed on an un- 
known island in the midst of the ocean. Here the bishops burnt the ships, 
to prevent the desertion of their followers, and founded seven cities. 
Various pilots of Portugal, it was said, had reached that island at different 
times, but had never returned to give any information concerning it, hav- 
ing been detained, according to subsequent accounts, by the successors of 
the bishops to prevent pursuit. At length, according to common report, 
at the time that prince Henry of Portugal was prosecuting his discoveries, 
several seafaring men presented themselves one day before him, and stated 
that they had just returned from a voyage, in the course of which they- 
had landed upon this island. The inhabitants, they said, spoke their lan- 
guage, and carried them immediately to cluirch, to ascertain whether they 
were Catholics, and were rejoiced at finding them of the true faith. They 
then made earnest inquiries, to know wdiether the Moors still retained 
possession of Spain and Portugal. While part of the crew were at church, 
the rest gathered sand on the shore for the use of the kitchen, and found 
to their surprise that one-third of it was gold. The islanders were anxious 
that tlie crew sbciuld remain with them a few days, initil tlie return of 
their governor, wno was absent ; but the mariners, afraid of being detained, 
embarked and made sail. Such was the story they told to prince Henry, 
hoping to receive reward for their intelligence. The prince expressed 
displeasure at their hasty departure from the island, and ordered them to 
return and procure further information ; but the men, apprehensive, no 
doubt, of having the falsehood of their tale discovered, made their escape, 
and nothing more was heard of them.* 

* Hist, del Almirante, cap. 10. 



APPENDIX. 411 



This story had miicli currency. The Island of the Seven Cities was 
identified with the island mentioned by Aristotle as having been discovered 
by the Carthaginians, and was put down in tlie early maps about the time 
of Columbus, under the name of Antilla. 

At the time of the discovery of New Spain, reports were brought to 
Hispaniola of the civilization of the country ; that the people wore cloth- 
ing ; that their houses and temples were solid, spacious, and often mag- 
nificent ; and that crosses were occasionally found among them. Juan de 
Grivalja, being dispatched to explore the coast of Yucatan, reported that 
in sailing along it he beheld, with great wonder, stately and beautiful edi- 
fices of lime and stone, and many high towers that shone at a distance.* 
For a time the old tradition of the Seven Cities was revived, and many 
thought that they were to be found in the same part of New Spain. 



No. XXVII. 

DISCOVERY OF THE ISLAND OF MADEIRA. 

The discovery of Madeira by Macham rests principally upon the authority 
of Francisco Alcaforado, an esquire of prince Henry of Portugal, who 
composed an account of it for that prince. It does not appear to have ob- 
tained much faith among Portuguese historians. No mention is made of 
it in Barros ; he attributes the first discovery of the island to Juan Gon- 
zalez and Tristram Vaz, who he said descried it from Porto Santo, re- 
sembling a cloud on the horizon.f 

The abbe Provost, however, in his general history of voyages, vol. 6, 
seems inclined to give credit to the account of Alcaforado. " It was com- 
posed," he observes, " at a time when the attention of the public would 
have exposed the least falsities ; and no one was more capable than Alca- 
forado of giving an exact detail of this event, since he was of the number 
of those who assisted at the second discovery." The narrative, as origin- 
ally written, was overcharged with ornaments and digressions. It was 

* Torquemada Monarquia Indiana, lib. iv. cap. 4. Origen de los Indioa 
por Fr. Gregorio Garcia, lib. iv. cap. 20. 
t Barros, Asia, decad. i. lib. i. cap. 3. 



412 APPENDIX. 



Cranslated into French and publislicd in Paris, in 1 G71 . The French trans- 
lator had retrenched the ornaments but scrupulously retained the facts. 
The story however is cherished in the island of Madeira, where a painting 
in illustration of it is still to be seen. The following is the purport of the 
French translation : I have not been able to procure the original of Alca- 
forado. 

During the reign of Edward the Third of England, a young man of 
great courage and talent, named Robert Macham, fell in love with a young 
lady of rare Ijeauty, of the name of Anne Dorset. She was his superior 
in birth, and of a proud and aristocratic family ; but the merit of Macham 
gained him the preference over all his rivals. The family of the young 
lady, to prevent her making an inferior alliance, obtained an order from the 
king to have Macham arrested and confined, until by arbitrary means they 
married his mistress to a man of quality. As soon as the nuptials were 
celebrated, the nobleman conducted his beautiful and afflicted bride to his 
seat near Bristol. Macham was now restored to liberty. Indignant at 
the wrongs he had suffered, and certain of tlio affections of his mistress, 
he prevailed upon several friends to assist him in a project for the gratifi- 
cation of his love and his revenge. Tliey followed hard on the traces of 
the new married couple to Bristol. One of the friends obtained an intro- 
duction into the family of the nobleman in quality of a groom. He found 
the young bride full of tender recollections of her lover, and of dislike to 
the husband thus forced upon her. Through the means of this friend, 
Macham had several communications with her, and concerted means for 
their escape to France, where they might enjoy their mutual love unmo- 
lested. 

When all things were prepared, the young lady rode out one day ac- 
companied only by the fictitious groom, under pretence of taking the air. 
No sooner were they out of sight of the house, than they galloped to an 
appointed place on the shore of the channel, where a boat awaited them. 
They were conveyed on board a vessel which lay with anchor a-trip, and 
sails unfurled, ready to put to sea. Here the lovers were once more 
united. Fearful of pursuit, the ship immediately weighed anchor ; they 
made their way rapidly along the coast of Cornwall, and Macham antici- 
pated the triumph of soon landing with his beautiful prize on the shores 
of gay and gallant France. Unfortunately an adverse and stormy wind 
arose in the night ; at daybreak they found themselves out of sight of land. 
The mariners were ignorant and inexperienced ; they knew nothing of the 
compass, and it was a time when men were unaccustomed to traverse the 



APPENDIX. 413 



high seas. For thirteen days the lovers were driven about on a tempestu- 
ous ocean, at the mercy of wind and wave. The fugitive bride was filled 
with terror and remorse, and looked upon this uproar of the elements as 
the anger of heaven directed against her. All the efforts of her lover 
could not remove from her mind a dismal presage of some approaching 
catastrophe. 

At length the tempest subsided. On the fourteenth day at dawn, the 
mariners perceived what appeared to be a tuft of wood rising out of the 
sea. They joyfully steered for it, supposing it to be an island. They were 
.not mistaken. As they drew near, the rising sun shone upon noble forests, 
the trees of which were of a kind unknown to them. Flights of birds also 
came hovering about the ship, and perched upon the yards and rigging 
without any signs of fear. The boat was sent on shore to reconnoitre, 
and soon returned with such accounts of the beauty of the country, that 
Macham determined to take his drooping companion to the land, in hopes 
her health and spirits might be restored by refreshment and repose. They 
were accompanied on shore by the faithful friends who had assisted in their 
flight. The mariners remained on board to guard the ship. 

The country was indeed delightful. The forests were stately and 
magnificent ; there were trees laden with excellent fruits, others with aro- 
matic flowers ; the waters were cool and limpid, the sky was serene, and 
there was a balmy sweetness in the air. The animals they met with 
showed no signs of alarm or ferocity, from which they concluded that the 
island was uninhabited. On penetrating a little distance they found a 
sheltered meadow, the green bosom of which was bordered by laurels 
and refreshed by a mountain brook which ran sparkling over pebbles. In 
the centre was a majestic tree, the wide branches of which afforded shade 
from the rays of the sun. Here Macham had bowers constructed and de- 
termined to pass a few days, hoping that the sweetness of the country, 
md the serene tranquillity of this delightful solitude, would recruit the 
drooping health and spirits of his companion. Three days, however, had 
scarcely passed, when a violent storm arose from the northeast, and raged 
all night over the island. On the succeeding morning Macham repaired 
to the sea-side, but nothing of his ship was to be seen, and he concluded 
that it had foundered in the tempest. 

Consternation fell upon the little band, thus left in an uninhabited 
island in the midst of the ocean. Tiie blow fell most severely on the timid 
and repentant bride. She reproached herself with being the cause of all 
thp.=r misfortunes, and, from the first, had been haunted by dismal forebo- 



414 APPENDIX. 



dings. She now considered them about to be accomplished, and her horror 
was so great as to deprive her of speech ; she expired in three days with- 
out uttering a word. 

Macliam was struck with despair at beholding the tragical end of this 
tender and beautiful being. He upbraided himself, in the transports of his 
grief, with tearing her from her home, her country, and her friends, to 
perish upon a savage coast. All the efforts of his companions to console 
him were in vain. He died within five days, broken-hearted ; begging, as 
a last request, that his body might be interred beside that of his mistress, 
at the foot of a rustic altar which they had erected under the great tree. 
They set up a large wooden cross on the spot, on which was placed an 
inscription written by Macham himself, relating in a few words his piteous 
adventure, and praying any Christians who might arrive there, to build a 
chapel in the place dedicated to Jesus the Saviour. 

After the death of their commander, his followers consulted about 
means to escape from the island. The ship's boat remained on the shore. 
They repaired it and put it in a state to bear a voyage, and then made sail, 
intending to return to England. Ignorant of their situation, and carried 
about by the winds, they were cast upon the coast of Morocco, where, 
their boat being shattered upon the rocks, they were captured by the 
Moors and thrown into prison. Here they understood that their ship had 
shared the same fate, having been driven from her anchorage in the tem- 
pest, and carried to the same inhospitable coast, where all her crew were 
made prisoners. 

The prisons of Morocco were in those days filled with captives of all 
nations, taken by their cruisers. Here the English prisoners met with an 
experienced pilot, a Spaniard of Seville, named Juan de Morales. He 
listened to their story with great interest ; inquired into the situation and 
description of the island they had discovered ; and, subsequently, on his 
redemption from prison, communicated the circumstances, it is said, to 
prince Henry of Portugal. 

There is a difficulty in the above narrative of Alcaforado in reconciling 
dates. The voyage is said to have taken place during the reign of 
Edward III, which commenced in 1327 and ended in 1378. Morales, to 
whom the English communicated their voyage, is said to have been in the 
service of the Portuguese, in the second discovery of Madeira, in 1418 
and 1420. Even if the voyage and imprisonment had taken place in tlie 
last year of king Edward's reign, this leaves a space of forty years. 

Hacluyt gives an account of the same voyage, taken from Antonio Gal- 



APPENDIX. 415 



vano. He varies in certain particulars. It happened, he .says, in the year 
1344, in the time of Peter IV of Aragon. Macham ca.st anclior in a bay 
since called after him Machio. 

The lady being ill, he took her on shore, accompanied by some of his 
friends, and the ships sailed without them. After the death of the lady, 
Macham made a canoe out of a tree, and ventured to sea in it with his 
companions. They were cast upon the coast of Africa, where the Moors, 
considering it a kind of miracle, carried him to the king of their country, 
who sent him to the king of Castile. In consequence of the traditional 
accounts remaining of this voyage, Henry II of Castile sent people, in 
1395, to re-discover the island. 



No. XXVIII. 

LAS CASAS. 

Bartholomew Las Casas, bishop of Chiapa, so often cited in all histo- 
ries of the New World, was born at Seville, in 1474, and was of French 
extraction. The family name was Casaus. The first of the name who 
appeared in Spain, served under tlie standard of Ferdinand III, surnamed 
the Saint, in his wars with the Moors of Andalusia. He was at the 
taking of Seville from the Moors, when he was rewarded by the king, 
and received permission to establish himself there. His descendants 
enjoyed the prerogatives of nobility, and suppressed the letter u in their 
name, to accommodate it to the Spanish tongue. 

Antonio, the father of Bartholomew, went to Hispaniola with Colum- 
bus in 1493, and returned rich to Seville in 1498.* It has been stated by 
one of the biographers of Bartholomew Las Casas, that he accompanied 
Columbus in his third voyage in 1498, and returned with him in 1500.f 
This, however, is incorrect. He was, during that time, completing his 
education at Salamanca, where he was instructed in Latin, dialectics, 
logic, metaphysics, ethics, and physics, after the supposed method and 
system of Aristotle. While at the university, he had, as a servant, 

* Navarrete, Colec. Viag. torn, i, Introd. p. Ixx. 
t T. A. Llorente (Euvres de Las Casas, p. xi. Paris, 1822. 



416 APPENDIX. 



an Indian slave, given him by his father, who had received him from 
Columbus. When Isabella, in her transport of virtuous indignation, 
ordered the Indian slaves to be sent back to their country, this one was 
taken from Las Casas. The young man was aroused by the circum- 
stance, and, on considering the nature of the case, became inflamed with 
a zeal in favor of the unhappy Indians, which never CQoled throughout a 
long and active life. It was excited to tenfold fervor, when, at about thff 
age of twenty-eight years, he accompanied the commander Ovando to 
Hispaniola in 1502, and was an eye-witness to many of the cruel scenes 
which took place under his administration. The whole of his future life, 
a space exceeding sixty years, was devoted to vindicating the cause, and 
endeavoring to meliorate the sufferings of the natives. As a missionary, 
he traversed the wilderness of the New World in various directions, 
seeking to convert and civilize them ; as a protector and champion, he 
made several voyages to Spain, vindicated their wrongs before courts and 
monarchs, wrote volumes in their behalf, and exhibited a zeal, and con- 
stancy, and intrepidity worthy of an apostle. He died at the advanced 
age of ninety-two years, and was buried at Madrid, in the churCh of the 
Dominican convent of Atocha, of which fraternity he was a member. 

Attempts have been made to decry the consistency, and question the 
real philanthropy of Las Casas, in consequence of one of the expedients 
to which he resorted to relieve the Indians from the cruel bondage im- 
posed upon them. This occurred in 1517, when he arrived in Spain, on 
one of his missions, to obtain measures in their favor from the govern- 
ment. On his arrival in Spain, he found cardinal Ximenes, who had 
been left regent on the death of king Ferdinand, too ill to attend to his 
affairs. He repaired, therefore, to Valladolid, where he awaited the 
coming of the new monarch Charles, archduke of Austria, afterwards 
the emperor Charles V. He had strong opponents to encounter in 
various persons high in authority, who, holding estates and repartimientos 
in the colonies, were interested in the slavery of the Indians. Among 
these, and not the least animated, was the bishop Fonseca, president of 
the council of the Indies. 

At length the youthful sovereign arrived, accompanied by various 
Flemings of his court, particularly his grand chancellor, doctor Juan 
de Selvagio, a learned and upright man, whom he consulted on all affairs 
of administration and justice. Las Casas soon became intimate with the 
cliancellor, and stood high in his esteem ; but so much opposition arose on 
every side that he foimd his various propositions for the relief of the na 



APPENDIX. 417 



lives but little attended to. Iii his doubt and anxiety he had now recourse 
to an expedient which he considered as justified by the circumstances of 
the case.* The chancellor Selvagio and other Flemings who had ac- 
companied the youthful sovereign, had obtained from him, before quitting 
Flanders, licenses to import slaves from Africa to the colonies ; a measure 
which had recently in 1516 been prohibited by a decree of cardinal Xime- 
nes while acting as regent. The chancellor, who was a humane man, 
reconciled it to his conscience by a popular opinion that one negro could 
perform, without detriment to his health, the labor of several Indians, and 
that therefore it was a great saving of human suffering. So easy is it for 
interest to wrap itself up in plausible argument ! He might, moreover, 
have thought the welfare of the Africans but Uttle affected by the change. 
They were accustomed to slavery in their own country, and they were 
said to thrive in the New World. " The Africans," observes Herrera, 
" prospered so much in the island of Hispaniola, that it was the opinion 
unless a negro should happen to be hanged, he would never die ; for as 
yet none had been known to perish from infirmity. Like oranges, they 
found their proper soil in Hispaniola, and it seemed ever more natural to 
them than their native Guinea, "f 

Las Casas finding all other means ineffectual, endeavored to turn these 
interested views of the grand chancellor to the benefit of the Indians. 
He proposed that the Spaniards, resident in the colonies, might be per- 
mitted to procure negroes for the labor of the farms and the mines, and 
other severe toils, which were above the strength and destructive of the 
lives of the natives. J He evidently considered the poor Africans as little 
tetter than mere animals ; and he acted like others, on an arithmetical 
c;dculation of diminishing human misery, by substituting one strong man 
for three or four of feebler nature. He, moreover, esteemed the Indians 
as a nobler and more intellectual race of beings, and their preservation and 
welfare of higher importance to the general interests of humanity. 

It is this expedient of Las Casas which has drawn down severe cen- 
sure upon his memory. He has been charged with gross inconsistency. 

* Herrera clearly states this as an expedient adopted when others failed. 
" Bartolome de las Casas, viendo que sus conceptos hallaban en todas partes 
dificultail, i que las opiuiones que tenia, por mucha familiaridad que havia 
seguido i gran credito con el gran Canciller, no podian haber efecto, se volvio 
a oiros expcdientes, h^c." — Decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 2. 

t Herrera, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. decad. iii. cap 4. \ lb. decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 20 

VOL. III. 18* 



418 APPENDIX. 

and even with having originated this inhuman traffic in the New World, 
This last is a grievous charge ; but historical facts and dates re- 
move the original sin from his door, and prove that the practice existed in 
the colonies, and was authorized by royal decree, long before he took a 
part in the question. 

Las Casus did not go to the New World nntil 1502. By a royal or- 
dinance passed in 1501, negro slaves were permitted to be taken there, 
provided they had been born among Christians.* By a letter written by 
Ovando, dated 1503, it appears that there were numbers in the island of 
Hispaniola at that tune, and he entreats that none more might be pennitted 
to be brought. 

In 1506 the Spanish government forbade the introduction of negro 
slaves from the Levant, or those brought up with the Moors ; and stipu- 
lated that none should be taken to the colonies but those from Seville, 
who had been instructed in the Christian faith, that they might contribute to 
the conversion of thelndians.f In 1510, king Ferdinand, being informed 
of the physical weakness of the Indians, ordered fifty Africans to be 
sent from Seville to labor in the mines.J In 1611, he ordered that a great 
number should be procured from Guinea, and transported to Hispaniola, 
understanding that one negro could perform the work of four Indians.^ 
In 1512 and '13 he signed further orders relative to the same subject. In 
1516, Charles V granted licenses to the Flemings to import negroes to 
the colonies. It was not until the year 1517, that Las Casas gave his 
sanction of the traffic. It already existed, and he countenanced it solely 
with a view to having the hardy Africans substituted for the feeble In- 
dians. It was advocated at the same time, and for the same reasons, by 
the Jeronimite friars, who were missionaries in the colonies. The motives 
of Las Casas were purely benevolent, though founded on erroneous no- 
tions of justice. He thought to permit evil that good might spring out of 
it ; to choose between two existing abuses, and to eradicate the greater by 
resorting to the lesser. His reasoning, however fallacious it may be, was 
considered satisfactory and humane by some of the most learned and be- 
nevolent men of the age, among whom was the cardinal Adrian, after- 
wards elevated to the papal chair, and characterized by gentleness and hu- 
manity. The traffic was permitted ; inquiries were made as to the num- 



* Herrera, Hist. Ind., d. ii. lib. iii, cap. 8. t Idem, d. i. lib. vi, cap. 20. 
t Idem, d. i. lib. viii. cap. 9. § Idem, d. i. lib. ix. cap. 5. 



APPENDIX. 419 



ber of slaves required, which was limited to four thousand, and the Flem- 
ings obtained a monopoly of the trade, which they afterwards farmed out 
to the Genoese. 

Dr. Robertson, in noticing tliis affair, draws a contrast between the con- 
duct of the cardinal Ximen'is and that of Las Casas, strongly to the disad- 
vantage of the latter. " The cardinal," he observes, " when solicited to 
encourage this commerce, peremptorily rejected the proposition, because 
he perceived the iniquity of reducing one race of men to slavery, wlicn he 
was consulting about the means of restoring liberty to another ; but Las 
Casas, from the inconsistency natural to men who hurry with headlong 
impetuosity towards a favorite point, was incapable of making this distinc- 
tion. In the warmth of his zeal to save the Americans from the yoke, he 
pronounced it to be lawful and expedient to impo.se one still heavier on 
the Africans."* 

This distribution of praise and censure is not perfectly correct. Las 
Casas had no idea that he was imposing a heavier, nor so heavy, a yoke 
upon the Africans. The latter were considered more capable of labor, and 
less impatient of slavery. While the Indians sunk under their tasks, and 
perished by thousands in Hispaniola, the negroes, on the contrary, thrived 
there. Herrera, to whom Dr. Robertson refers as his authority, assigns a 
different motive, and one of mere finance, for the measures of cardinal 
Ximenes. He says that he ordered that no one should take negroes to the 
Indies, because, as the natives were decreasing, and it was known that 
one negro did more work than four of them, there would probably be a 
great demand for African slaves, and a tribute might be imposed upon the 
trade, from which would result profit to the royal treasury.f This meas- 
ure was presently after carried into effect, though subsequent to the death 
of the cardinal, and licenses were granted by the sovereign for pecuniary 
considerations. Flechier, in his life of Ximenes, assigns another but a 
mere political motive for this prohibition. The cardinal, he says, objected 
to the importation of negroes into the colonies, as he feared they would 
corrupt the natives, and by confederacies with them render them formida- 
ble to government. De Marsolier, another biographer of Ximenes, gives 

* Robertson, Hist. America, p. .S. 

t Porque corao ibau faltando los Indies i se conocia que un negro trabajaba, 
mas que quatro, per lo qual habia gran demanda de ellos, parecia que se podia 
pouer algun tributo en la saca, de que resultaria provecho a la Rl. Hacienda. 
Herrera, decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 8. 



4:20 APPKNDIX. 



<i(|ually politic reasons for this prohibition. He cites a letter written by 
the cardinal on tlie subject, in whicli he observed that he knew the nature 
of the negroes; they were a people capable, it was true, of great fatigue, 
but extremely prolific and enterprising ; and that if they had time to multi- 
ply in America, they would infallibly revolt, and impose on the Spaniards 
the same chains which they had compelled them to wear.* These facts, 
while they take from the measure of the cardinal that credit for exclusive 
philanthropy which has been bestowed upon it, manifest the clear foresight 
of that able politician ; whose predictions with respect to negro revolt have 
been so strikingly fulfilled in the island of Hispaniola. 

Cardinal Ximenes, in fact, though a wise and upright statesman, was 
not troubled with scruples of conscience on these questions of natural 
right ; nor did he possess more toleration than his contemporaries towards 
savage and infidel nations. He was grand inquisitor of Spain, and was 
very efficient during the latter years of Ferdinand in making slaves of the 
refractory Moors of Granada. He authorized, by express instructions, 
expeditions to seize and enslave the Indians of the Caribbee islands, whom 
he termed only suited to labor, enemies of the Christians, and cannibals. 
Nor will it be considered a prooof of gentle or tolerant policy, that he 
introduced the tribunal of the inquisition into the New World. These 
cii'cumstances are cited not to cast reproach upon the character of cardinal 
Ximenes, but to show how incorrectly he has been extolled at the expense 
of Las Casas. Both of them must be judged in connection with the cus- 

« Jo 

toms and opinions of the age in which they lived. 

Las Casas was the author of many works, but few of which have been 
printed. The most important is a general history of the Indies, from the 
discovery to the year 1520, in three volumes. It exists only in manu- 
script, but is the fountain from which Herrera, and most of the other his- 
torians of the New World, have drawn large supplies. The work,thougli 
prolix, is valuable, as the author was an eye-witness of many of the facts, 
had others from persons who were concerned in the transactions recorded, 
and possessed copious documents. It displays great erudition, though 
somewhat crudely and diff'usely introduced. His history was commenced 
in 1527, at fifty-three years of age, and was finished in 1559, when eighty- 
five. As many things are set down from memory, there is occasional 
inaccuracy, but the whole bears the stamp of sincerity and truth. The 

* De Marsolier, Hist, du Ministere Cardinal Ximenes, lib. vi. Toulouse 
1694. 



APPENDIX. 421 



autlior of the present work, having had access to this valuable manuscript, 
has made great use of it, drawing forth many curious facts hitherto neg- 
lected ; but he has endeavored to consult it with caution and discrimination, 
collating it with other authorities, and omitting whatever appeared to be 
dictated by prejudice or over-heated zeal. 

Las Casus has been accused of high coloring and extravagant decla- 
mation in those passages which relate to the barbarities practised on the 
natives ; nor is the charge entirely without foundation. The same zeal in 
the cause of the Indians is expressed in his writings that shone forth in 
liis actions, always pure, often vehement, and occasionally unseasonable. 
Still, however, where he errs it is on a generous and righteous side. If 
one-tenth part of what he says he " witnessed with his own eyes " be 
true, and his veracity is above all doubt, he would have been wanting in 
the natural feelings of humanity had he not expressed himself in terms of 
indignation and abhorrence. 

In the course of his work, when Las Casas mentions the original 
papers lying before him, from which he drew many of his facts, it makes 
one lament that they should be lost to the world. Besides the journals 
and letters of Columbus, he says he had numbers of the letters of the 
Adelantado, Don Bartholomew, who wrote better than his brother, and 
whose writings must have been full of energy. Above all, he had the 
map formed from study and conjecture, by which Columbus sailed on his 
first voyage. What a precious document would this be for the world I 
These writings may still exist, neglected and forgotten among the rubbish 
of some convent in Spain. Little hope can be entertained of discovering 
them in the present state of degeneracy of the cloister. The monks of 
Atocha, in a recent conversation with one of the royal princes, betrayed 
an ignorance that this illustrious man was buried in their convent, nor 
can any of the fraternity point out his place of sepulture to the stranger.* 

The publication of this work of Las Casas has not been permitted in 
Spain, where every book must have the sanction of a censor before it is 
committed to the press. The horrible picture it exhibits of the cruelties 
inflicted on the Indians, would, it was imagined, excite an odium against 
iheir conquerors. Las Casas himself seems to have doubted tiie expe- 

* In this notice the autlior has occasionally availed himself of the interest- 
ing memoir of Mon. J. A. Llorente, prefixed to his collection of the works of 
Las Casas, collating it with the history of Herrcra, from which its facts are 
principally derived. 



422 APPENDIX. 



diency ol' publisliino- it ; for in 15G0 he made a note with his own hand, 
which is preserved in the two first vohimes of the original, mentioning 
that he left them in confidence to the college of the order of Predicators 
of St. Gregorio, in Valladolid, begging of its prelates that no secular per- 
son, nor even the collegians, should be permitted to read his history for the 
space of forty years ; and that after that term it might be printed if con- 
sistent with the good of the Indies and of Spain.* 

For the foregoing reason the work has been cautiously used by Span- 
ish historians, passing over in silence, or with brief notice, many passages 
of disgraceful import. This feeling is natural, if not commendable ; for 
the world is not prompt to discriminate between individuals and the nation 
of whom they are but a part. The laws and regulations for the govern- 
ment of the newly-discovered countries, and the decisions of the council 
of the Indies on all contested points, though tinctured in some degree with 
the bigotry of the age, were distinguished for wisdom, justice and humanity, 
and do honor to the Spanish nation. It was only in the abuse of them by 
individuals to whom the execution of the laws was intrusted, that these 
atrocities were committed. It should be remembered, also, that the same 
nation which gave birth to the sanguinary and rapacious adventurers who 
perpetrated these cruelties, gave birth likewise to the early missionaries, like 
Las Casas, who followed the sanguinary course of discovery, binding up 
the wounds inflicted by their countrymen ; men who in a truly evangelical 
spirit braved all kinds of perils and hardships, and even death itself, not 
through a prospect of temporal gain or glory, but tlirough a desire to me- 
liorate the condition and save the souls of barbarous and suffering nations. 
The dauntless enterprises and fearful peregrinations of many of these 
virtuous men, if properly appreciated, would be found to vie in romantic 
daring with the heroic achievements of chivalry, with motives of a purer 
and far more exalted nature. 

* Navarrete, Colec. de Viag., torn. i. p. Ixxv. 



APPENDIX. 423 



No. XXIX. 

PETER MARTYR. 



Peter Maktir, or Martyr, of whose writings much use has been made 
in this history, was born at Anghierra, in the territory of Milan, in Italy, 
on the second of February, 1455. He is commonly termed Peter Martyr 
of Angleria, from the Latin name of his native place. He is one of the 
earliest historians that treat of Columbus, and was his contemporary and 
intimate acquaintance. Being at Rome in 1487, and having acquired a 
distinguished reputation for learning, he was invited by the Spanish am- 
bassador, the count de Tendilla, to accompany him to Spain. He willingly 
accepted the invitation, and was presented to the sovereigns at Saragossa. 
Isabella, amidst the cares of the war with Granada, was anxious for the 
intellectual advancement of her kingdom, and wished to employ Martyr to 
instruct the young nobility of the royal household. With her peculiar 
delicacy, however, she first made her confessor, Hernando de Talavera, 
inquire of Martyr in what capacity he desired to serve her. Contrary to 
her expectation. Martyr replied, " in the profession of arms." The queen 
complied, and he followed her in her campaigns, as one of her household 
and military suite, but without distinguishing himself, and perhaps without 
having any particular employ in a capacity so foreign to his talents. After 
the surrender of Granada, when the war was ended, the queen, through 
the medium of the grand cardinal of Spain, prevailed upon him to under- 
take the instruction of the young nobles of her court. 

Martyr was acquainted with Columbus while making his application to 
the sovereigns, and was present at his triumphant reception by Ferdinand 
and Isabella in Barcelona, on his return from his first voyage. He was 
continually in the royal camp during the war with the Moors, of which 
his letters contain many interesting particulars. He was sent ambassador 
extraordinary by Ferdinand and Isabella, in 1501, to Venice, and thence to 
the grand soldan of Egypt. The soldan, in 1490 or 1491, had sent an 
embassy to the Spanish sovereigns, threatening that, unless they desisted 
from the war against Granada, he would put all the Christians in Egypt 
and Syria to death, overturn all their temples, and destroy the holy sepul- 
chre at Jerusalem. Ferdinand and Isabella pressed the war with tenfold 
energy, and brought it to a triumphant conclusion in the next campaign, 



424 APPENDIX. 



while the soldiin was still carrying on a similar negotiation with the pope. 
They afterwards sent Peter Martyr ambassador to the soldan to explain 
and justify their measure. Martyr discharged the duties of his embassy 
with great ability ; obtained permission from the soldan to repair the holy 
places at Jerusalem, and an abolition of various extortions to which Chris- 
tian pilgrims had been subjected. While on this embassy, he wrote his 
work De Legatione Babylonica, which includes a history of Egypt in 
those times. 

On his return to Spain, he was rewarded with places and pensions, 
and in 1524 was appointed a minister of the council of the Indies. His 
principal work is an account of the discoveries of the New World, in 
eight decades, each containing ten chapters. They are styled Decades 
of the New World, or Decades of the Ocean, and, like all his other works, 
were originally written in Latin, though since translated into various lan- 
guages. He had familiar access to letters, papers, journals, and narratives 
of the early discoverers, and was personally acquainted with many of them, 
gathering particulars from their conversation. In writing his Decades, he 
took great pains to obtain information from Columbus himself, and from 
others, his companions. 

In one of his epistles, (No. 153, January, 1494, to Pomponius Laetus,) 
he mentions having just received a letter from Columbus, by which it ap- 
pears he was in correspondence with him. Las Casas says that great 
credit is to be given to him in regard to those voyages of Columbus, 
although his Decades contain some inaccuracies relative to subsequent 
events in the Indies. Munoz allows him great credit, as an author con- 
temporary with his subject, grave, well cultivated, instructed in the facts 
of which he treats, and of entire probity. He observes, however, that his 
writings being composed on the spur or excitement of the moment, often 
related circumstances which subsequently proved to be erroneous ; that 
they were written without method or care, often confusing dates and 
events, so that they must be read with .some caution. 

Martyr was in the daily habit of writing letters to distinguished per- 
sons, relating the passing occurrences of the busy court and age in which 
he lived. In several of these Columbus is mentioned, and also some of 
the chief events of his voyages, as promulgated at the very moment of 
his retin-n. These letters not being generally known or circulated, or 
frequently cited, it may be satisfactory to the reader to have a few of the 
main passages which relate to Columbus. They have a striking effect in 
carrying us back to the very time of the discoveries. 



APPENDIX. 425 



In one of his epistles, dated Barcelona, May 1st, 1493, and addressed 
to C. Borromeo, he says : " Within these few days a certain Christopher 
Columbus has arrived from the western antipodes ; a man of Liguria, 
whom my sovereigns reluctantly intrusted witli three ships, to seek that 
region, for they thought that what he said was fabulous. He has returned 
and brought specimens of many precious things, but particularly gold, 
which those countries naturally produce."* 

In another letter, dated likewise from Barcelona, in September follow- 
ing, he gives a more particular account. It is addressed to count Ten- 
dilla, governor of Granada, and also to Hernando Talavera, archbishop of 
that diocess, and the same to whom the propositions of Columbus had been 
referred by the Spanish sovereigns. " Arouse your attention, ancient 
sages," says Peter Martyr in his epistle ; " listen to a new discovery. 
Yon remember Columbus the Ligurian, appointed in the camp by our 
sovereigns to search for a new hemisphere of land at the western antipodes. 
You ought to recollect, for you had some agency in the transaction ; nor 
would the enterprise, as I think, have been undertaken, without your 
counsel. He has returned in safety, and relates the wonders he has dis- 
covered. He exhibits gold as proofs of the mines in those regions ; 
Gossampine cotton, also, and aromatics, and pepper more pungent than that 
from Caucasus. All these things, together with scarlet dye-woods, the 
earth produces spontaneously. Pursuing the western sun from Gades 
five thousand miles, of each a thousand paces, as he relates, he fell in with 
sundry islands, and took possession of one of them, of greater circuit, he 
asserts, than the whole of Spain. Here he found a race of men Uving 
contented, in a state of nature, subsisting on fruits and vegetables, and 
bread formed from roots. * * * * These people have kings, some 
greater than others, and they war occasionally among themselves, with 
bows and arrows, or lances sharpened and hardened in the fire. The 
desire of command prevails among them, though they are naked. They 
have wives also. What they worship except the divinity of heaven, is not 
ascertained. "f 

In another letter, dated likewise in September, 1493, and addressed to 
the cardinal and vice-chancellor Ascanius Sforza, he says : 

" So great is my desire to give you satisfaction, illustrious prince, that 
I consider it a gratifying occurrence in the great fluctuations of events, 
when any thing takes place among us, in which you may take an interest. 

* Opus Epist. P. Martyris Anglerii, Epist. 131. t Idem, Epist. 134. 



i26 APPENDIX. 



The wonders of this terrestrial globe, round which the sun makes a circuit 
in the space of four and twenty hours, have, until our time, as you are well 
aware, been known only in regard to one hemisphere, merely from the 
Golden Chersonesus to our Spanish Gades. The rest has been given up 
as unknown by cosmographers, and if any mention of it has been made, it 
has been slight and dubious. But now, O blessed enterprise ! under the 
auspices of our sovereigns, what has hitherto lain hidden since the first 
origin of things, has at length begun to be developed. The thing has thus 
occurred — attend, illustrious prince ! A certain Christopher Columbus, a 
Ligurian, dispatched to those regions with three vessels by my sovereigns , 
pursuing the western sun above five thousand miles from Gades, achieved 
his way to the antipodes. Three and thirty successive days they navi- 
gated with nought but sky and water. At length from the mast-head of 
the largest vessel, in which Columbus himself sailed, those on the look- 
out proclaimed the sight of land. He coasted along six islands, one of 
them, as all his followers declare, beguiled perchance by the novelty of the 
scene, is larger than Spain." 

Martyr proceeds to give the usual account of the productions of the 
islands, and the manners and customs of the natives, particularly the wars 
which occurred among them ; " as if meum and tuum had been introduced 
among them as among us, and expen.sive luxuries, and the desire of 
accumulating wealth ; for what, you will think, can be the wants of 
naked men ?" " What farther may succeed," he adds, " I will hereafter 
signify. Farewell."* 

In another letter, dated Valladolid, February 1, 1494, to Hernando de 
Talavera, archbishop of Granada, he observes, " The king and queen, on 
the return of Columbus to Barcelona, from his honorable enterprise, 
appointed him admiral of the ocean sea, and caused him, on account of his 
illustrious deeds, to be seated in their presence, an honor and a favor, as 
you know, the highest with our sovereigns. They have dispatched him 
again to those regions, furnished with a fleet of eighteen ships. There is 
prospect of great discoveries at the western antarctic antipodes.f " * * * 

In a subsequent letter to Pomponius Laetus, dated from Alcala de 
Henares, December 9th, 1494, he gives the first news of the success of 
this expedition. 

" Spain," says he, " is spreading her wings, augmenting her empire, 
and extending her name and glory to the antipodes.* * * * Of 

* Opus Epist. P. Martyris Anglerii, Epist. 135. t Idem, Epist. 141. 



APPENDIX. 427 



eighteen vessels dispatched by my sovereigns with the admiral Columbus, 
in his second voyage to the western hemisphere, twelve have returned 
and have brought Gossanipine cotton, huge trees of dye-wood, and many 
other articles held with us as precious, the natural productions of that 
hitherto hidden world ; and besides all other things, no sniiill quantity of 
gold. O wonderful, Pomponius ! Upon the surface of that earth are 
found rude masses of native gold, of a weight that one is afraid to mention. 
Some weigh two hundred and fifty ounces, and they hope to discover 
others of a much larger size, from what the naked natives intimate, when 
they extol their gold to our people. Nor are the Lestrigonians nor Poly- 
phemi, who feed on human flesh, any longer doubtful. Attend — but 
beware ! lest they rise in horror before thee ! When he proceeded from 
the Fortunate islands, now termed the Canaries, to Hispaniola, the island 
on which he first set foot, turning his prow a little toward the south, he 
arrived at innumerable islands of savage men, whom they call cannibals, 
or Caribbees ; and these, though naked, are courageous warriors. They 
fight skillfully with bows and clubs, and have boats hollowed from a single 
tree, yet very capacious, in which they make fierce descents on neighbor- 
ing islands, inhabited by milder people. They attack their villages, from 
which they carry off the men and devour them," &c.* 

Another letter to Pomponius Laetus, on the same subject, has been 
cited at large in the body of this work. It is true these extracts give 
nothing that has not been stated more at large in the Decades of the same 
author, but they are curious, as the very first announcements of tiie dis- 
coveries of Columbus, and as showing the first stamp of these extra- 
ordinary events upon the mind of one of the most learned and liberal men 
of the age. 

A collection of the letters of Peter Martyr was published in 1530, 
under the title of Opus Epistolarum, Petri Martyris Anglerii ; it is divided 
into thirty-eight books, each containing the letters of one year. The same 
objections have been made to his letters as to his Decades, but they bear 
the same stamp of candor, probity, and great information. They possess 
peculiar value from being written at the moment, before the focts they 
record were distorted or discolored by prejudice or misrepresentation. His 
works abound in interesting particulars not to be found in any contempo- 
rary historian. They are rich in thought, but still richer in fact, and are 
full of urbanity, and of the liberal feeling of a scholar who has mingled 

* Opus Epist. P. Martyris Anglerii, Epist. 147. 



428 APPENDIX. 



with tlic world. Ho is a fountain from wiiich others draw, and from 
which, witli a little precaution, they may draw .securely. He died in Val 
ladolid, in 1526. 



No. XXX. 

OVIEDO. 

GoNZALO Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes, commonly known as Ovi- 
edo, was born in Madrid in 1478, and died in Valladolid in 1557, aged 
seventy-nine years. He was of a noble Asturian family, and in his boy- 
hood (in 1490) was appointed one of the pages to prince Juan, heir ap- 
parent of Spain, the only son of Ferdinand and Isabella. He was in this 
situation at the time of the siege and surrender of Granada, was conse- 
quently at court at the time that Columbus made his agreement with the 
Catholic sovereigns, and was in the same capacity at Barcelona, and wit- 
nessed the triumphant entrance of the discoverer, attended by a number 
of the natives of the newly found countries. 

Ill 1513, he was sent out to the New World by Ferdinand, to superin- 
tend the gold foundries. For many years he served there in various offices 
of trust and dignity, both nnder Ferdinand, and his grandson and successor 
Charles V. In 1535, he was made alcayde of the fortress of St. Domin- 
go in Hispaniola, and afterwards was appointed historiographer of the 
Indies. At the time of his death, he had served the crown upwards of 
forty years, thirty-four of which were passed in the colonies, and he had 
crossed the ocean eight times, as he mentions in various parts of his wri- 
tings. He wrote several works ; the most important is a chronicle of the 
Indies in fifty books, divided into three parts. The first part, containing 
nineteen books, was printed at Seville in 1535, and reprinted in 1547 at 
Salamanca, augmented by a twentieth book containing shipwrecks. The 
remainder of the work exists in manuscript. The printing of it was com- 
menced at Valladolid in 1557, but was discontinued in consequence of his 
death. It is one of the unpublished treasures of Spanish colonial history. 

He was an indefatigable writer, laborious in collecting and recording 
facts, and composed a multitude of volumes which are scattered through 
the Spanish libraries. His writings are full of events which happened 



APPENDIX. 429 



under his own eye, or were communicated to liim by eye-witnesses ; but 
he was deficient in judgment and discrimination. He took his facts with- 
out caution, and often from sources unworthy of credit. In his account 
of the first voyage of Columbus, he falls into several egregious errors, in 
consequence of taking the verbal information of a pilot named Ilernan 
Perez Matteo, who was in the interest of the Pinzons, and adverse to the 
admiral. His work is not much to be depended upon in matters relative 
to Columbus. When he treats of a more advanced period of the New 
World, from his own actual observation, he is much more satisfactory, 
though he is accused of listening too readily to popular fables and misrepre- 
sentations. His account of the natural productions of the New World, 
and of the customs of its inhabitants, is full of curious particulars ; and 
the best narratives of some of the minor voyages which succeeded those 
of Columbus, are to be found in the unpublished part of his work. 



NO. XXXI. 

CURA DE LOS PALACIOS. 



Andres Bernaldes, or Bernal, generally known by the title of the curate 
of Los Palacios, from having been curate of the town of Los Palacios 
from about 1488 to 1513, was born in the town of Fuentes, and was for 
some time chaplain to Diego Deza, archbishop of Seville, one of the 
greatest friends to the application of Columbus. Bernaldes was well ac- 
quainted with the admiral, who was occasionally his guest, and in 1496, 
left many of his manuscripts and journals with him, wliich the curate made 
use of in a liistory of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, in which he in- 
troduced an account of the voyages of Columbus. In his narrative of the 
admiral's coasting along the southern side of Cuba, the curate is more 
minute and accurate than any other historian. His work exists only in 
manuscript, but is well known to historians, who have made frequent use 
of it. Nothing can be more simple and artless than the account which the 
honest curate gives of his being first moved to undertake his chronicle. 
" I who wrote these chapters of memoirs," he says, " being for twelve 
years in the habit of reading a register of my deceased grandfather, who 
was notary public of the town of Fuentes, where I was bom, I found 



430 APPENDIX. 



therein several chapters recording certain events and acliievemcnts which 
liad taken place in his time ; and my grandmother his widow, who was 
very old, hearing me read them said to me, ' And thou, my son, since thou 
art not slothful in writing, why dost thou not write, in this manner, the 
good things which are happening at present in thy own day, that those 
who come hereafter may know them, and marveling at what they read 
may render thanks to God.' 

" From that time," continues he, " I proposed to do so, and as I con- 
sidered the matter, I said often to myself, ' if God gives me life and health 
I will continue to write until I behold the kingdom of Granada gained by 
the Christians ;' and I always entertained a hope of seeing it, and did see 
it : great thanks and praises be given to our Saviour Jesus Christ ! And 
because it was impossible to write a complete and connected account of 
all things that happened in Spain, during the matrimonial union of the 
king Don Ferdinand, and the queen Doiia Isabella, I wrote only about 
certain of the most striking and remarkable events, of which I had correct 
information, and of those which I saw or which were public and notorious 
to all men."* 

The work of the worthy curate, as may be inferred from the foregoing 
statement, is deficient in regularity of plan ; the style is artless and often 
inelegant, but it abounds in facts not to be met with elsewhere, often 
given in a very graphical manner, and strongly characteristic of the times. 
As he was contemporary with the events and familiar with many of the 
persons of his history, and as he was a man of probity and void of all pre- 
tension, his manuscript is a document of high authenticity. He was much 
respected in the limited sphere in which he moved, " yet," says one of his 
admirers, who wrote a short preface to his chronicle, " he had no other 
reward than that of the curacy of Los Palacios, and the place of chaplain 
to the archbishop Don Diego Deza." 

In the possession of O. Rich, Esq., of Madrid, is a very curious manu- 
script chronicle of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella already quoted in 
ills work, made up from this history of the curate of Los Palacios, and 
from various other historians of the times, by some contemporary writer. 
In his account of the voyage of Columbus, he differs in some trivial par- 
ticulars from the regular copy of the manuscript of the curate. These 
variations have been carefully examined by the author of this work, and 
wherever they appear to be for the better, have been adopted. 

* Cura de los Palacios, cap. 7. 



APPENDIX. 431 



No. XXXII. 



" NAVIGATIONE DEL RE DE CASTIGLIA DELLE ISOLE E I'AESE 
NUOVAMENTE KITROVATE." 

" NAVIGATIO CHRISTOPHORI COLOMBl." 

The above are the titles, in Italian and in Latin, of tiie earliest narra- 
tives of the tirst and second voyages of Columbus that appeared in print. 
It was anonymous ; and there are .some curious particulars in regard to it. 
It was originally written in Italian by Montalbodo Fracanzo, or Fracan- 
zano, or by Francapano de Montabaldo, (for writers differ in regard to the 
name,) and was published in Vicenza, in 1507, in a collection of voyages, 
entitled Mondo Novo, e Paese Nuovamente Ritrovate. The collection 
was republished at Milan, in 1508, both in Italian, and in a Latin transla- 
tion made by Archangelo Madrignano, under the title of Itinerarium 
Portugallensium ; this title being given, because the work related chiefly 
to the voyages of Luigi Cadamosto, a Venetian in the service of Portugal. 

The collection was afterwards augmented by Simon Grinaeus with 
other travels, and printed in Latin at Basle, in 1533,* by Hervagio, 
entitled Novus Orbis Regionum, &lc. The edition of Basle, 1555, and 
the Italian edition of Milan, in 1508, have been consulted in the course of 
this work. 

Peter Martyr (Decad. 2, Cap. 7,) alludes to this publication, under the 
first Latin title of the book, Itinerarium Portugallensium, and accuses the 
author, whom by mistake he terms Cadamosto, of having stolen the mate- 
rials of his book from the three first chapters of his first Decade of the 
Ocean, of which, he says, he granted copies in manuscript to several per- 
sons, and in particular to certain Venetian ambassadors. Martyr's 
Decades were not published until 1616, excepting the first three, which 
were published in 1511, at Seville. 

This narrative of the voyages of Columbus is referred to by Gio. 
Batista Spotorno, in his historical memoir of Columbus, as having been 
written by a companion of Columbus. 

It is manifest, from a perusal of the narrative, that though the author 

* Bibliotheca Pinello. 



432 APPENDIX. 



may have helped hhiiscH" freely from the inanu.script of Martyr, he must 
have had oti)er sources of information. His description of the person of 
Columbus as a man tall of stature and large of frame, of a ruddy com- 
plexion and oblong visage, is not copied from Martyr, nor from any other 
writer. No historian liad, indeed, preceded him, except Sabellicus, in 
1504; and the portrait agrees with that subsequently given of CoUimbus 
hi the biography written by his son. 

It is probable that this narrative, which appeared only a year after the 
death of Columbus, was a piece of literary job-work, written for the 
collection of voyages published at Vicenza ; and that the materials were 
taken from oral communication, from the account given by Sabellicus, 
and particularly from the manuscript copy of Martyr's first decade. 



No. XXXITI. 

ANTONIO DE HERRERA. 

Antonio Hereera de Tordesillas, one of the authors most frequently 
cited in this work, was born in 1565, of Roderick Tordesillas, and Agnes do 
Herrera, his wife. He received an excellent education, and entered into 
the employ of Vespasian Gonzago, brother to the duke of Mantua, who 
was viceroy of Naples for Philip the Second of Spain. He was for some 
time secretary to this statesman, and intrusted with all his secrets. He 
was afterwards grand historiographer of the Indies to Philip II, who added 
to that title a large pension. He wrote various books, but the most cele- 
brated is a General History of tiie Indies, or American Colonies, in four 
volumes, containing eight decades. Wlien he undertook this work, all 
the public archives were thrown open to him, and he had access to docu- 
ments of all kinds. Ho has been charged with great precipitation in the 
production of his two first volumes, and with negligence in not making 
sufficient use of the indisputable sources of information thus placed 
within his reach. The fact was, that he met with historical tracts lying 
in manuscript, which embraced a great part of the first discoveries, and 
ho contented himself with stating events as he found them therein 
recorded. It is certain that a great part of his work is little more than a 
transcript of the manuscript history of the Indies by Las Casas, some- 



APPENDIX. 433 



times reducing and iinproving the language wlien tumid ; omittino- the 
impassioned sallies of the zealous father, when the wrongs of the Indians 
were in question ; and suppressing various circumstances degrading to 
the character of the Spanish discoverers. The author of the present 
work has, therefore, frequently put aside the history of Herrera, and 
consulted the source of his information, the manuscript history of I^as 
Casas. 

]\Iunoz observes, that " in general Herrera did little more than join 
together morsels and extracts, taken from various parts, in the way 
that a writer arranges chronologically the materials from which he 
intends to compose a history ;" he adds, that " had not Herrera been a 
learned and judicious man, the precipitation with which he put together 
these materials would have led to innumerable errors." The remark is 
just ; yet it is to be considered, that to select and arrange such mate- 
rials judiciously, and treat them learnedly, was no trifling merit in the 
historian. 

Herrera has been accused also of flattering his nation ; exalting the 
deeds of his countrymen, and softening and concealing their excesses. 
There is nothing very serious in this accusation. To illustrate the glory 
of his nation is one of the noblest offices of the historian ; and it is difficult 
to speak too highly of the extraordinary enterprises and splendid actions 
of the Spaniards in those days. In softening their excesses he fell into 
an amiable and pardonable error, if it were indeed an error for a Spanish 
writer to endeavor to sink them in oblivion. 

Vossius passes a high eulogium on Herrera. " No one," he says, 
" has described with greater industry and fidelity the magnitude and boun- 
daries of provinces, the tracts of sea, positions of capes and islands, of 
ports and harbors, the windings of rivers and dimensions of lakes; the 
situation and peculiarities of regions, with the appearance of the heavens, 
and the designation of places suitable for the establishment of cities." 
He has been called among the Spaniards the prince of the historians of 
America, and it is added that none have risen since his time capable of 
disputing with him that title. Much of this praise wall appear exaggera- 
ted by such as examine the manuscript histories from which he transferred 
chapters and entire books, with very little alteration, to his volumes ; and 
a great part of the eulogiums passed on him for his work on the Indies, 
will be found really due to Las Casas, who has too long been eclipsed 
by his copyist. Still Herrera has left voluminous proofs of industrious 
research, extensive information and great literary talent. His works 

VOL. m 19 



434 APPENDIX. 



bear the mark of candor, integrity, and a sincere desire to record the 
truth. 

He died in 1625, at sixty years of age, after having obtained from 
Philip IV the promise of the first charge of secretary of state that should 
become vacant. 



No. XXXIV. 

BISHOP FONSECA. 

The singular malevolence displayed by bishop .Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca 
toward Columbus and his ftimily, and which was one of tlie secret and 
principal causes of their misfortunes, has been frequently noticed in the 
course of this work. It originated, as has been shown, in some dispute 
between the admiral and Fonseca at Seville in 1493, on account of the 
delay in fitting out the armament for the second voyage, and in regard to 
the number of domestics to form the household of the admiral. Fonseca 
received a letter from the sovereigns, tacitly reproving him, and ordering 
him to show all possible attention to the wishes of Columbus, and to see 
that he was treated with honor and deference. Fonseca never forgot this 
affront, and, what with him was the same thing, never forgave it. His 
spirit appears to have been of that unhealthy kind which has none of the 
balm of forgiveness ; and in which, a wound once made, for ever rankles. 
The hostility thus produced continued with increasing virulence through- 
out the life of Columbus, and at his death was transferred to his son and 
successor. This persevering animosity has been illustrated in the course 
of this work by facts and observations, cited from authors, some of them 
contemporary with Fonseca, but who were apparently restrained by mo- 
tives of prudence, from giving full vent to the indignation which they 
evidently felt. Even at the present day, a Spanish historian would be 
cautious of expressing his feelings freely on the subject, lest they should 
prejudice his work in the eyes of the ecclesiastical censors of the press. 
In this way, bishop Fonseca has in a great measure escaped the general 
odium his conduct merited. 

This prelate had the chief superintendence of Spanish colonial affairs, 
both under Ferdinand and Isabella, and the emperor Charles V, He was 



APPENDIX. 435 



an active and intrepid, but selfish, overbearing and perfidious man. His 
administration bears no marks of enlarged and liberal policy ; but is full 
of traits of arrogance and meanness. He opposed the benevolent attempts 
of Las Casas to ameliorate the condition of the Indians, and to obtain the 
abolition of repartimientos ; treating him with personal haughtiness and 
asperity.* The Veason assigned is that Fonseca was enriching himself 
by those very abuses, retaining large numbers of the miserable Indians in 
slavery, to work on his possessions in the colonies. 

To show that his character has not been judged with undue severity, 
it is expedient to point out his invidious and persecuting conduct towards 
Hernando Cortez. The bishop, while ready to foster rambling adventu- 
rers who came forward under his patronage, had never the head or the 
heart to appreciate the merits of illustrious commanders like Columbus 
and Cortez. 

At a time when disputes arose between Cortez and Diego Velazquez, 
governor of Cuba, and the latter sought to arrest the conqueror of Mexico 
in the midst of his brilliant career, Fonseca, with entire disregard of the 
merits of the case, took a decided part in favor of Velazquez. Personal 
interest was at the bottom of this favor ; for a marriage was negotiating 
between Velazquez and a sister of the bishop. f Complaints and misrepre- 
sentations had been sent to Spain by Velazquez of the conduct of Cortez, 
who was represented as a lawless and unprincipled adventurer, attempting 
to usurp absolute authority in New Spain. The true services of Cortez 
had already excited admiration at court, but such was the influence of 
Fonseca, that, as in the case of Columbus, he succeeded in prejudicing the 
mind of the sovereign against one of the most meritorious of his subjects. 
One Christoval de Tapia, a man destitute of talent or character, but whose 
greatest recommendation was his having been in the employ of the bishop,| 
was invested with powers similar to those once given to Bobadilla to the 
prejudice of Columbus. He was to inquire into the conduct of Cortez, and 
in case he thought fit, to seize him, sequestrate his property, and supersede 
him in command. Not content with the regular official letters furnished to 
Tapia, the bishop, shortly after his departure, sent out Juan Bono de 
Quexo with blank letters signed by his own hand, and with otliers directed 
to various persons, charging them to admit Tapia for governor, and assuring 

* Herrera, decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 3. 

t Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. iii. lib. iv. cap. 3. 

t Idem, decad. iii. lib. i. cap. 15. 



436 APPENDIX. 



them that the king considered the conduct of Cortez as disloyal. Nothing 
but the sagacity and firmness of Cortez prevented this measure from com- 
pletely interrupting, if not defeating his enterprises ; and he afterwards 
declared, that he had experienced more trouble and difficulty from the 
menaces and atironts of the ministers of the king than it cost him to con- 
quer Mexico.* 

When the dispute between Cortez and Velazquez came to be decided 
upon in Spain, in 1522, tiie father of Cortez, and those who had come 
from New Spain as his procurators, obtained permission from cardinal 
Adrian, at that time governor of the realm, to prosecute a public accusation 
of the bishop. A regular investigation took place before the council of 
the Indies of their allegations against its president. They charged him with 
having publicly declared Cortez a traitor and a rebel : with having inter- 
cepted and suppressed his letters addressed to the king, keeping his 
majesty in ignorance of their contents and of the important services he 
had performed, while he diligently forwarded all letters calculated to pro- 
mote the interest of Velazquez : with having prevented the representations 
of Cortez from being heard in the council of the Indies, declaring that 
they should never be heard there while he lived : with having interdicted 
the forwarding of arms, merchandise and reinforcements to New Spain : 
and with having issued orders to the office of the India House at Seville 
to arrest the procurators of Cortez and all persons arriving from him, and 
to seize and detain all gold that they should bring. These and various 
other charges of similar nature were dispassionately investigated. Enough 
were substantiated to convict Fonseca of the most partial, oppressive and 
perfidious conduct, and the cardinal consequently forbade him to interfere 
in the cause between Cortez and Velazquez, and revoked all the orders 
which the bishop had issued, in the matter, to the India House of Seville. 
Indeed Salazar, a Spanish historian, says that Fonseca was totally divested 
of his authority as president of the council, and of all control of the affairs 
of New Spain, and adds that he was so mortified at the blow, that it brought 
on a fit of illness, which well nigh cost him his life.f 

The suit between Cortez and Velazquez was referred to a special tribu- 
nal, composed of the grand chancellor and other persons of note, and was 
decided in 1522. The influence and intrigues of Fonseca being no longer 
of avail, a triumphant verdict was given in favor of Cortez, which was 

* Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. iii. lib. iv. cap. 3. 
t Salazar, Conq. de Mexico, lib. i. cap. 2. 



APPENDIX. 437 



afterwards confirmed by the emperor Charles V, and additional honors 
awarded him. This was another blow to the malignant Fonseca, wlio re- 
tained his enmity against Cortez until liis last moment, rendered still more 
rancorous by mortification and disappointment. 

A charge against Fonseca, of a still darker nature than any of the pre- 
ceding, may be found lurking in the pages of Herrera, though so ob- 
scure as to have escaped tlie notice of succeeding historians. He points 
to tiie bishop as the instigator of a desperate and perfidious man, who con- 
spired against the life of Hernando Cortez. This was one Antonio de 
Villafafia, who fomented a conspiracy to assassinate Cortez, and elect 
Francisco Verdujo, brother-in-law of Velazquez, in his place. While the 
conspirators were waiting for an opportunity to poniard Cortez, one of 
them relenting, apprised him of his danger. Villafaiia was arrested. He 
attempted to swallow a paper containing a list of the conspirators, but 
being seized by the tliroat, a part of it was forced from his mouth contain- 
ing fourteen names of persons of importance. Villafaiia confessed his 
guilt, but tortures could not make him inculpate the persons whose names 
were on the list, who he declared were ignorant of the plot. He was 
hanged by order of Cortez.* 

In the investigation of the disputes between Cortez and Velazquez, this 
execution of Villafana was magnified into a cruel and wanton act of 
power ; and in their eagerness to criminate Cortez the witnesses on the 
part of Alvarez declared that Villafana had been instigated to what he had 
done by letters from bishop Fonseca ! (Que se movi6 a lo que hizo con 
cartas del obispo de Burgos.f ) It is not probable that Fonseca had recom- 
mended assassination, but it shows the character of his agents, and what 
must have been the malignant nature of his instructions, when these men 
thought that such an act would accomplish his wishes. 

Fonseca died at Burgos, on the 4th of November, 1754, and was in- 
terred at Coca. 

* Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. iii. lib. i. cap. 1. 
t Idem, decad. iii. lib. iv. cap. 3. 



438 APPENDIX. 



No. XXXV. 

OF THE SITUATION OF THE TERRESTRIAL PARADISE. 

The speculations of Columbus on the situation of the terrestrial paradise, 
extravagant as they may appear, were such as have occupied many grave 
and learned men. A slight notice of their opinions on this curious sub- 
ject may be acceptable to the general reader, and may take from the 
apparent wildness of the ideas expressed by Columbus. 

The abode of our first parents, vv^as anciently the subject of anxious 
inquiry ; and indeed mankind have always been prone to picture some 
place of perfect felicity, where the imagination, disappointed in the coarse 
realities of life, might revel in an Elysium of its own creation. It is an idea 
not confined to our religion, but is found in the rude creeds of the most 
savage nations, and it prevailed generally among the ancients. The 
speculations concerning the situation of the garden of Eden, resemUe 
those of the Greeks concerning the garden of the Hesperides ; that region 
of delight, which they for ever placed at the most remote verge of the 
known world ; which their poets embellished with all the charms of fic- 
tion ; after which they were continually longing, and which they could 
never find. At one time it was in the Grand Oasis of Arabia. The ex- 
hausted travelers, after traversing the parched and sultry desert, hailed 
this verdant spot with rapture ; they refreshed themselves under its shady 
bowers, and beside its cooling streams, as the crew of a tempest-tost vessel 
repose on the shores of some green island in tlie deep ; and from its 
being thus isolated in the midst of an ocean of sand, they gave it the name 
of the Island of the Blessed. As geographical knowledge increased, the 
situation of the Hesperian gardens was continually removed to a greater 
distance. It was transferred to the borders of the great Syrtis, in the 
neighborhood of Mount Atlas. Here, after traversing the frightful deserts 
of Barca, the traveler found himself in a fair and fertile country, watered 
by rivulets and gushing fountains. The oranges and citrons transported 
hence to Greece, where they were as yet unknown, delighted the Athe- 
nians by their golden beauty and delicious flavor, and they thought that 
none but the garden of the Hesperides could produce such glorious fruits. 
In this way the happy region of the ancients was transported from place 
to place, still in the remote and obscure extremity of the world, until it 



APPENDIX. 439 



was fabled to exist in the Canaries, thence called the Fortunate or the 
Hesperian islands. Here it remained, because discovery advanced no far." 
ther, and because these islands were so distant, and so little known, as to 
allow full latitude to the fictions of the poet.* 

In like manner the situation of the terrestrial paradise, or garden of 
Eden, was long a subject of earnest inquiry and curious disputation, and 
occupied the laborious attention of the most learned theologians. Some 
placed it in Palestine or the Holy Land ; others in Mesopotamia, in that 
rich and beautiful tract of country embraced by the wanderings of the Ti- 
gris and the Euphrates ; others in Armenia, in a valley surrounded by 
precipitous and inaccessible mountains, and imagined that Enoch and 
Elijah were transported thither, out of the sight of mortals, to live in a 
state of terrestrial bliss until the second coming of our Saviour. There 
were others who gave it situations widely remote, such as in the Trapoban 
of the ancients, at present known as the island of Ceylon ; or in the island 
of Sumatra ; or in the Fortunate or Canary islands ; or in one of the islands 
of Sunda ; or in some favored spot under the equinoctial line. 

Great difficulty was encountered by these speculators to reconcile the 
allotted place with the description given in Genesis of the garden of Eden ; 
particularly of the great fountain which watered it, and which afterwards 
divided itself into four rivers, the Pison or Phison, the Gihon, the Euphra- 
tes, and the Hiddekel. Those who were in favor of the Holy Land sup- 
posed that the Jordan was the great river which afterwards divided itself 
into the Phison, Gihon, Tigris, and Euphrates, but that the sands have 
choked up the ancient beds by which these streams were supplied ; that 
originally the Phison traversed Arabia Deserta and Arabia Felix, whence 
it pursued its course to the gulf of Persia; tliat the Gihon bathed 
northern or stony Arabia and fell into the Arabian Gulf or the Red Sea ; 
that the Euphrates and the Tigris passed by Eden to Assyria and Chaldea, 
whence they discharged themselves into the Persian Gulf. 

By most of the early commentators the river Gihon is supposed to be 
tlie Nile. The source of this river was unknown, but was evidently far 
distant from the spots whence the Tigris and the Euphrates arose. This 
difficulty, however, was ingeniously overcome, by giving it a subterranean 
course of some hundreds of leagues from the common fountain, until it 
issued forth to daylight in Abyssinia.f In like manner, subterranean 

* Gosselin, Recherches sur la Geog. des Anciens, torn. i. 
t Feyjoo, Theatro Critico, lib. vii. § 2. 



440 APPENDIX. 



courses were given to the Tigris and the Euphrates, passing under the 
Red Sea, until they sprang forth in Armenia, as if just issuing from one 
common source. So atso those who placed the terrestrial paradise in 
islands, supposed that the rivers which issued from it, and formed those 
heretofore named, either traversed the surface of the sea, as fresh water, 
by its greater lightness, may float above the salt ; or that they flowed 
through deep veins and channels of the earth, as the fountain of Arethusa 
was said to sink into the ground in Greece, and rise in the island of Sicily, 
while the river Alpheus pursuing it, but with less perseverance, rose 
somewhat short of it in the sea. 

Some contended that the deluge had destroyed the garden of Eden, and 
altered the whole face of the earth ; so that the rivers had changed their 
beds, and had taken different directions from those mentioned in Genesis ; 
others, however, amongst whom was St. Augustine, in his commentary 
upon the book of Genesis, maintained that the terrestrial paradise still 
existed, with its original beauty and delights, but that it was inaccessible 
to mortals, being on the summit of a mountain of stupendous height, 
reaching into the third region of the air, and approaching the moon ; being 
thus protected by its elevation from the ravages of the deluge. 

By some this mountain was placed under the equinoctial line ; or under 
that band of the heavens metaphorically called by the ancients " the table 
of the sun," * comprising the space between the tropics of Cancer and 
Capricorn, beyond which the sun never passed in his annual course. 
Here would reign a uniformity of nights and days and seasons, and the 
elevation of the mountain would raise it above the heats and storms of the 
lower regions. Others transported the garden beyond the equinoctial line 
and placed it in the southern hemisphere ; supposing that the torrid zone 
might be the flaming sword appointed to defend its entrance against mor- 
tals. They had a fanciful train of argument to support their theory. They 
observed that the terrestrial paradise must be in the noblest and happiest 
part of the globe ; that part must be under the noblest part of the heavens ; 
as the merits of a place do not so much depend upon the virtues of the 
earth, as upon the happy influe:ices of the stars and the favorable and 
benign aspect of the heavens. Now, according to philosophers, the world 
was divided into two hemispheres. The southern they considered the 
head, and the northern the feet, or under part ; the right hand the east, 
whence commenced the movement of the primum mobile, and the left th« 

* Herodot. lib. iii. Virg. Georg. i. Pomp. Mela, lib. iii. cap. 10. 



APPENDIX. 441 



west, towards which it moved. This supposed, they observed that as it 
was manifest that the head of all thing-s, natural and artificial, is al- 
ways the best and noblest part, governing the other parts of the body, so 
the south, being the head of the earth, ought to be superior and nobler 
than either east, or west, or north ; and in accordance with this, they cited 
(he opinion of various philosophers among the ancients, and more espe- 
cially that of Ptolemy, that the stars of the southern hemisphere were 
larger, more resplendent, more perfect, and of course of greater virtue and 
efficacy than those of the northern : an error universally prevalent until 
disproved by modern discovery. Hence they concluded that in this southern 
hemisphere, in this head of the earth, under this purer and brighter sky, and 
these more potent and benignant stars, was placed the terrestrial* paradise. 

Various ideas were entertained as to the magnitude of this blissful 
region. As Adam and all his progeny were to have lived there, had he 
not sinned, and as there would have been no such thing as death to thin 
the number of mankind, it was inferred that the terrestrial paradise must 
be of great extent to contain them. Some gave it a size equal to Europe 
or Africa ; others gave it the whole soutliern hemisphere. St. Augustine 
supposed that as mankind multiplied, numbers would be translated without 
death to heaven ; the parents, perhaps, when their children had arrived at 
mature age ; or portions of the human race at the end of certain periods, 
and when the population of the terrestrial paradise had attained a certain 
amount.* Others supposed that mankind, remaining in a state of primitive 
innocence, would not have required so much space as at present. Having 
no need of rearing animals for subsistence, no land would have been 
required for pasturage ; and the earth not being cursed with sterility, 
there would have been no need of e?:tensive tracts of country to permit of 
fallow land and the alternation of crops required in husbandry. The 
spontaneous and never-failing fruits of the garden would have been abun- 
dant for the simple wants of man. Still, that the human race might not 
be crowded, but might have ample space for recreation and enjoyment, and 
the charms of variety and change, some allowed at least a hundred leagues 
of circumference to the garden. 

St. Basilius in his eloquent discourse on paradisef expatiates with rap- 

* St. August, lib. ix. cap. 6. Sup. Genesis. 

t St. Basilius was calhd the great. His works were read and admired by 
nil the world, even by Pagans. They are written in an elevated and majestic 
Biyle, with great splendor of idea, and vast erudition. 

VOL. III. 19* 



442 APPENDIX. 



ture on the joys of this sacred abode, elevated to the third region of the 
air, and under the happiest skies. There a pare and never-failing pleasure 
is furnished to every sense. The eye delights in the admirable clearness 
of the atmosphere, in the verdure and beauty of the trees, and the never- 
withering bloom of the flowers. The ear is regaled with the singing of 
the birds, the smell with the aromatic odors of the land. In like manner 
the other senses have each their peculiar enjoyments. There the vicissi- 
tudes of the seasons are unknown and the climate unites the fruitfulness 
of summer, the joyful abundance of autumn, and the sweet freshness and 
quietude of spring. There the earth is always green, the flowers are 
ever blooming, the waters limpid and delicate, not rushing in rude and 
turbid torrents, but swelling up in crystal fountains, and winding in peace- 
ful and silver streams. There no harsh and boisterous winds are per- 
mitted to shake and disturb the air, and ravage the beauty of the groves, 
there prevails no melancholy, nor darksome weather, no drowning rain, 
nor pelting hail ; no forked lightning, nor rending and resounding thun- 
der ; no wintry pinching cold, nor withering and panting summer heat ; 
nor any thing else that can give pain or sorrow or annoyance, but all is 
bland and gentle and serene ; a perpetual youth and joy reigns throughout 
all nature, and nothing decays and dies. 

The same idea is given by St. Ambrosius, in his book on Paradise,* an 
author likewise consulted and cited by Columbus. He wrote in the fourth 
century, and his touching eloquence, and graceful yet vigorous style, in- 
sured great popularity to his writings. Many of these opinions are cited 
by Glanville, usually called Bartholomeus Anglicus, in his work De Pro- 
prietatibns Rerum ; a work with which Columbus was evidently acquainted. 
It was a species of encyclopedia of the general knowledge current at the 
time, and was likely to recommend itself to a curious and inquiring voya- 
ger. This author cites an assertion as made by St. Basilius and St. Am- 
brosius, that the water of the fountain which proceeds from the garden 
of Eden falls into a great lake with such a tremendous noise that the 
inhabitants of the neighborhood are born deaf ; and that from this lake 
proceed the four chief rivers mentioned in Genesis. f 

* St. Ambros. Opera. Edit. Coignard. Parisiis. MDCXC. 

t Paradisus autem in Oriente, in altissimo monte, de cujus cacumine caden- 
tes aqua, maximum faciunt lacum, que in suocasu tantum faciunt strepitum et 
fragorem, quod omnes incolae, juxta praedictum lacum, nascuntur surdi, ex im- 
moderate sonitu seu fragore scnsum auditus in parvulis corrumpente. Ut dicil 



APPENDIX. 443 



This passage, however, is not to be found in the Hexameron of cither 
Basilius or Ambrosias, from which it is quoted ; neither is it in the oration 
on Paradise by the former, nor in the letter on the same subject written by 
Ambrosias to Ambrosiiis Sabinus. It must be a misquotation by Glanvilie. 
Columbus, however, appears to have been struck with it, and Las Casas is 
of opinion that he derived thence his idea that the vast body of fresh water 
which filled the gulf of La Ballena or Paria, flowed from the fountain 
of Paradise, though from a remote distance ; and that in this gulf, which 
he supposed in the extreme part of Asia, originated the Nile, the Tigris, 
the Euphrates, and the Ganges, which might be conducted under the land 
and sea by subterranean channels, to tlie places where tliey spring forth 
on the earth and assume their proper names. 

I forbear to enter into various other of the voluminous speculations 
which have been formed relative to the terrestrial paradise, and perhaps it 
may be thought that I have already said too much on so fanciful a sub- 
ject ; but to illustrate clearly the character of Columbus, it is necessary to 
elucidate those veins of thought passing through his mind while consider- 
ing the singular phenomena of the unknown regions he was exploring, 
and which are often but slightly and vaguely developed in his journals and 
letters. These speculations, likewise, like those concerning fancied islands 
in the ocean, carry us back to the time, and make us feel the mystery and 
conjectural charm which reigned over the greatest part of the world, and 
have since been completely dispelled by modern discovery. Enough has 
been cited to show, that, in his observations concerning the terrestrial par- 
adise, Columbus was not indulging in any fanciful and presumptuous chi- 
meras, the offspring of a heated and disordered brain. However visionary 
his conjectures may seem, they were all grounded on written opinions held 
little less than oracular in his day ; and they will be found on examination 
to be far exceeded by the speculations and theories of sages held illustrious 
for their wisdom and erudition in the school and cloister. 



Basilius in Hexameron, similiter et Ambros. Ex illo lacu,velut ex uno fonte, 
procedunt ilia flumina quatuor, Phison, qui et Ganges, Gyon, qui et Nilus dici- 
tur, et Tigris ac Euphrates. Bart. Angl. de Proprietalibus rerum, lib. 15, cap. 
112. Francofurti, 1540. 



444 APPENDIX. 



No. XXXVI. 

WILL OF COLUMBUS. 



In the name of tlie Most Holy Trinity, who inspired me with the idea, and 
afterwards made it perfectly clear to me, that I could navigate and go to 
the Indies from Spain, by traversing the ocean westwardly ; which I 
communicated to the king, Don Ferdinand, and to the queen, Doiia Isa- 
bella, our sovereigns ; and they were pleased to furnish me the necessary 
equipment of men and ships, and to make me their admiral over the said 
ocean, in all parts lying to the west of an imaginary line, drawn from pole 
to pole, a hundred leagues west of the Cape de Verd and Azore islands ; 
also appointing me their viceroy and governor over all continents and 
islands that I might discover beyond the said line westwardly ; with the right 
of being succeeded in the said offices by my eldest son and his heirs for 
ever ; and a grant of the tenth part of all things found in the said jurisdic- 
tion ; and of all rents and revenues arising from it ; and the eighth of all 
the lands and every thing else, together with the salary corresponding to 
my rank of admiral, viceroy, and governor, and all other emoluments 
accruing thereto, as is more fully expressed in the title and agreement 
sanctioned by their highnesses. 

And it pleased the Lord Almiglity, that in the year one thousand four 
hundred and ninety-two, I should discover the continent of the Indies and 
many islands, among them Hispaniola, which the Indians call Ayte, and 
the Monicongos, Cipango. I then returned to Castile to their highnesses, 
who approved of my undertaking a second enterprise for farther discoveries 
and settlements ; and the Lord gave me victory over the island of Hispa- 
niola, which extends six hundred leagues, and I conquered it and made it 
tributary; and I discovered many islands inhabited by cannibals, and seven 
hundred to the west of Hispaniola, among which is Jamaica, which we call 
Santiago ; and three hundred and thirty-three leagues of continent from 
south to west, besides a hundred and seven to the north, which I discov- 
ered in my first voyage, together with many islands, as may more 
clearly be seen by my letters, memorials, and maritime charts. And as 
we hope in God that before long a good and great revenue will be derived 
from the above islands and continent, of which, for the reasons aforesaid, 
belong to me the tenth and the eighth, with the salaries and em.olument? 



APPENDIX. 445 



Bpecified above ; and considering that we are mortal, and that it is proper 
for every one to settle his affairs, and to leave declared to his heirs and 
successors the property he possesses or may have a right to : Wherefore 
I have concluded to create an entailed estate (mayorazgo) out of the said 
eighth of the lands, places, and revenues, in the manner which I now pro- 
ceed to state. 

In the first place, I am to be succeeded by Don Diego, my son, who in 
case of death without children is to be succeeded by my other son Ferdinand ; 
and should God dispose of him also without leaving children, and without 
my having any other son, then my brother Don Bartholomew is to succeed ; 
and after him his eldest son ; and if God should dispose of him without 
heirs, he shall be succeeded by his sons from one to another for ever ; or, 
in the failure of a son, to be succeeded by Don Ferdinand, after the same 
manner, from son to son successively ; or in their place by my brothers 
Bartholomev/ and Diego. And should it please the Lord that the estate, 
after having continued for some time in the line of any of the above suc- 
cessors, should stand in need of an immediate and lawful male heir, the 
succession shall then devolve to the nearest relation, being a man of legi- 
timate birth, and bearing the name of Columbus derived from his father 
and his ancestors. This entailed estate shall in nowise be inherited by a 
woman, except in case that no male is to be found, either in this or any 
other quarter of the world, of my real lineage, whose name, as well as 
that of his ancestors, shall have always been Columbus. In such an event, 
(which may God forefend,) then the female of legitimate birth, most nearly 
related to the preceding possessor of the estate, shall succeed to ir ; and 
this is to be under the conditions herein stipulated at foot, which must be 
understood to extend as well to Don Diego, my son, as to the aforesaid 
and their heirs, every one of them, to be fulfilled by them ; and failing to 
do so they are to be deprived of the succession, for not having complied 
with what shall herein be expressed ; and the estate to pass to the person 
most nearly related to the one who held the right : and the person thus 
succeeding shall in like manner forfeit the estate, should he also fail to 
comply with said conditions ; and another person, the nearest of my lineage, 
shall succeed, provided he abide by them, so that they may be observed for 
ever in the form prescribed. This forfeiture is not to be incurred for tri- 
fling matters, originating in lawsuits, but in important cases, when the 
glory of God, or my own, or that of my family, may be concerned, which 
supposes a perfect fulfillment of all the things licrcby ordained ; all which 
I recommend to the courts of justice. And I supplicate his Holiness, who 



446 APPENDIX. 



now is, and those that may succeed in the holy church, that if it should 
happen that this my will and testament lias need of his holy order and com- 
mand for its fulfillment, that such order be issued in virtue of obedience, 
and under penalty of excommunication, and that it shall not be in any wise 
disfigured. And I also pray the king and queen, our sovereigns, and their 
eldest-born. Prince Don Juan, our lord, and their successors, for the sake 
of the services I have done them, and because it is just, that it may please 
them not to permit this my will and constitution of my entailed estate to be 
any way altered, but to leave it in the form and manner which I have or- 
dained, for ever, for the greater glory of the Almighty, and that it may be 
the root and basis of my lineage, and a memento of the services I have 
rendered their highnesses ; that, being born in Genoa, I came over to serve 
them in Castile, and discovered to the west of Terra Firma, the Indies and 
islands before mentioned. J accordingly pray their highnesses to order that 
this my privilege and testament be held valid, and be executed summarily 
and without any opposition or demur, according to the letter. I also pray 
the grandees of the realm and the lords of the council, and all others having 
administration of justice, to be pleased not to sufTer this my will and tes- 
tament to be of no avail, but to cause it to be fulfilled as by me ordained ; 
it being just that a noble, who has served the king and queen, and the 
kingdom, should be respected in the disposition of his estate by will, tes- 
tament, institution of entail or inheritance, and that the same be not in- 
fringed either in whole or in part. 

In the first place, my son Don Diego, and all my successors and 
descendants, as well as my brothers Bartholomew and Diego, shall bear 
my arms, such as I shall leave them after my days, without inserting any 
thing else in them ; and they shall be their seal to seal withal. Don 
Diego my son, or any other who may inherit this estate, on coming into 
possession of the inheritance, shall sign with the signature which I now 
make use of, which is an X with an S over it, and an M with a Roman A 
over it, and over that an S, and then a Greek Y, with an S over it, with 
its lines and points as is my custom, as may be seen by my signatures, of 
which there are many, and it will be seen by the present one. 

He shall only write " the Admiral," whatever other titles the king 
may have conferred on him. This is to be understood as respects his 
signature, but not the enumeration of his titles, which he can make at full 
length if agreeable, only the signature is to be "the Admiral." 

The said Don Diego, or any other inheritor of this estate, shall possess 
my offices of admiral of the ocean, which is to the west of an imaginary 



APPENDIX. 447 



line, which his highness ordered to be drawn, running from pole to pole a 
hundred leagues beyond the Azores, and as many more beyond the Cape 
dc Verd islands, over all which I was made, by their order, their admiral 
of the sea, with all the pre-eminences held by Don Henrique in the 
admiralty of Castile, and they made me their governor and viceroy per- 
petually and for ever, over all the islands and main-land discovered, or to 
be discovered, for myself and heirs, as is more fully shown by my treaty 
and privilege as above mentioned. 

Item : The said Don Diego, or any other inheritor of this estate, shall 
distribute the revenue which it may please our Lord to grant him, in the 
following manner, under the above penalty. 

First — Of the whole income of this estate, now and at all times, and 
of whatever may be had or collected from it, he shall give the fourth part 
annually to my brother Don Bartholomew Columbus, Adelantado of the 
Indies ; and this is to continue till he shall have acquired an income of a 
million of maravadises, for his support, and for the services he has 
rendered and will continue to render to this entailed estate ; which million 
he is to receive, as stated, every year, if the said fourth amount to so much, 
and that he have nothing else ; but if he possess a part or the whole of 
that amount in rents, that thenceforth he shall not enjoy the said million, 
nor any part of it, except that he shall have in the said fourth part unto 
the said quantity of a million, if it should amount to so much ; and as much 
as he shall have of revenue beside this fourth part, whatever sum of 
maravadises of known rent from property or perpetual offices, the said 
quantity of rent or revenue from property or offices shall be discounted ; 
and from the said million shall be reserved whatever marriage portion he 
may receive with any female he may espouse ; so that whatever he may 
receive in marriage with his wife, no deduction shall be made on that 
account from said million, but only for whatever he may acquire, or may 
have, over and above his wife's dowry, and when it shall please God 
that he or his heirs and descendants shall derive from their property 
and offices a revenue of a million arising from rents, neither he nor his 
heirs shall enjoy any longer any thing from the said fourth part of the 
entailed estate, which shall remain with Don Diego, or whoever may 
inherit it. 

Item : From the revenues of the said estate, or from any other fourth 
part of it, (should its amount be adequate to it,) shall be paid every year to 
my son Ferdinand two millions, till such time as his revenue shall amount 
to two millions, in the same form and manner as in the case of Bartholo- 



448 APPENDIX. 



mew, who, as well as Iiis heirs, are to have the million or the part that may 
be wanting. 

Item : The said Don Diego or Don Bartholomew shall make, out of 
the said estate, for my brother Diego, such provision as may enable him 
to live decently, as he is my brother, to whom I assign no particular sum, 
as he has attached himself to the church, and that will be given him 
which is right : and this to be given him in a mass, and before any thing 
shall have been received by Ferdinand my son, or Bartholomew my brother, 
or their heirs, and also according to the amount of the income of the 
estate. And in case of discord, the case is to be referred to two of our 
relations, or other men of honor ; and should they disagree among them- 
selves, they will choose a third person as arbitrator, being virtuous and not 
distrusted by either party. 

Item : All this revenue which I bequeath to Bartholomew, to Ferdi- 
nand, and to Diego, shall be delivered to and received by them as prescribed 
under the obligation of being faithful and loyal to Diego my son, or his 
heirs, they as well as their children : and should it appear that they, or 
any of them, had proceeded against him in any thing touching his honor, 
or the prosperity of the family, or of the estate, either in word or deed, 
whereby might come a scandal and debasement to my family, and a detri- 
ment to my estate ; in that case, nothing farther shall be given to them or 
him, from that time forward, inasmuch as they are always to be faithful to 
Diego and to his successors. 

Item : As it was my intention, when I first instituted this entailed 
estate, to dispose, or that my son Diego should dispose for me, of the tenth 
part of the income in favor of necessitous persons, as a tithe, and in com- 
memoration of the Almighty and Eternal God ; and persisting still in this 
opinion, and hoping that his High Majesty will assist me, and those who 
may inherit it, in this or the New World, I have resolved that the said 
tithe shall be paid in the manner following : 

First — It is to be understood that the fourth part of the revenue of the 
estate which I have ordained and directed to be given to Don Bartholo- 
mew, till he have an income of one million, includes the tenth of the 
whole revenue of the estate ; and that as in proportion as the income of 
my brother Don Bartholomew shall increase, as it has to be discounted 
from the revenue of the fourth part of the entailed estate, that the said 
revenue shall be calculated, to know how much the tenth part amounts 
to ; and the part which exceeds what is necessary to make up the million 
for Don Bartholomew shall be received by such of my family as may most 



APPENDIX. 449 



stand in need of it, discounting it from said tenth, if their income do not 
amount to fifty thousand maravadises ; and should any of these come to 
have an income to this amount, such a part shall be awarded them as two 
persons, chosen for the purpose, may determine along with Don Diego, or 
liis heirs. Thus, it is to be understood that the million which I leave to 
Don Bartholomew comprehends the tenth of the whole revenue of the 
estate ; which revenue is to be distributed among my nearest and most 
needy relations in tlie manner I have directed ; and when Don Bartholo- 
mew have an income of one million, and that nothing more shall be due 
to him on account of said fourth part, then, Don Diego my son, or the 
person who may be in possession of the estate, along with the two other 
persons which I shall herein point out, shall inspect the accounts, and so 
direct, that the tenth of the revenue shall still continue to be paid to the 
most necessitous members of my family that may be found in this or any 
other quarter of the world, who shall be diligently sought out ; and they 
are to be paid out of tlie fourth part from which Don Bartholomew is to 
derive his million ; which sums are to be taken into account, and deducted 
from the said tenth, which, should it amount to more, the overplus, as it 
arises from the fourth part, shall be given to the most necessitous persons 
as aforesaid ; and should it not be sufficient, that Don Bartholomew shall 
have it until his own estate goes on increasing, leaving the said million in 
part or in the whole. 

Item : The said Don Diego my son, or whoever may be the inheritor, 
shall appoint two persons of conscience and authority, and most nearly 
related to the family, who are to examine the revenue and its amount care- 
fully, and to cause the said tenth to be paid out of the fourth from which 
Don Bartholomew is to receive his million, to the most necessitated mem- 
bers of my fiimily that may be found here or elsewhere, whom they shall 
look for diligently upon their consciences ; and as it might happen that 
said Don Diego, or others after him, for reasons vvhich may concern their 
own welfare, or tlie credit and support of the estate, may be unwilling to 
make known the full amount of the income ; nevertheless I charge him, 
on Ills conscience, to pay the sum aforesaid ; and I charge them, on their 
souls and consciences, not to denounce or make it known, except with the 
consent of Don Diego, or the person that may succeed him ; but let the 
above tithe be paid in the manner I have directed. 

Item : In order to avoid all disputes in the choice of the two nearest 
relations who are to act with Don Diego or his heirs, I hereby elect Don 
Bartholomew my brother for one, and Don Fernando my son for the other ; 



450 APPENDIX. 



and when these two shall enter upon the business, they shall choose two 
other persons among the most trusty, and most nearly related, and these 
again shall elect two others when it shall be question of commencing the 
examination ; and thus it shall be managed with diligence from one to the 
other, as well in this as in the other of government, for the service and 
glory of God, and the benefit of the said entailed estate. 

Item : I also enjoin Diego, or any one that may inherit the estate, to 
have and maintain in the city of Genoa, one person of our lineage to reside 
there with his wife, and appoint him a sufficient revenue to enable him to 
live decently, as a person closely connected with the family, of which he 
is to be the root and basis in that city ; from which great good may accrue 
to him, inasmuch as I was born there, and came from thence. 

Item : The said Don Diego, or whoever shall inherit the estate, must 
remit in bills, or in any other way, all such sums as he may be able to save 
out of the revenue of the estate, and direct purchases to be made in his 
name, or that of his heirs, in a stock in the Bank of St. George, which 
^ves an interest of six per cent, and in secure money ; and this shall be 
devoted to the purpose I am about to explain. 

Item : As it becomes every man of property to serve God, either per- 
sonally or by means of his wealth, and as all moneys deposited with St. 
George are quite safe, and Genoa is a noble city, and powerful by sea, and 
as at the time that I undertook to set out upon the discovery of the Indies, 
it was with the intention of supplicating the king and queen, our lords, 
that whatever moneys should be derived from the said Indies, should be 
invested in the conquest of Jerusalem ; and as I did so supplicate them ; 
if they do this, it will be well ; if not, at all events, the said Diego, or such 
person as may succeed him in this trust, to collect together all the money 
he can, and accompany the king our lord, should he go to the conquest of 
Jerusalem, or else go there himself with all the force he can command ; 
and in pursuing this intention, it will please the Lord to assist towards 
the accomplishment of the plan ; and should he not be able to effect the 
conquest of tlie whole, no doubt he will achieve it in part. Let him there- 
fore collect and make a fund of all his wealth in St. George of Genoa, and 
let it multiply there till such time as it may appear to him that something 
of consequence may be effected as respects the project on Jerusalem ; for 
I believe that when their highnesses shall see that this is contemplated, 
they will wish to realize it tliemselves, or will afford him, as their servant 
and vassal, the means of doing it for them. 

Item : 1 charge my son Diego and my descendants, especially whoever 



APPENDIX. 451 



may inherit this estate, which consists, as aforesaid, of the tenth of what- 
soever may be had or found in the Indies, and the eighth part of the 
lands and rents, all which, together with my rights and emoluments as ad- 
miral, viceroy and governor, amount to more than twenty-five per cent. ; I 
say, that I require of him to employ all this revenue, as well as his person 
and all the means in his power, in well and faithfully serving and support- 
ing their highnesses, or their successors, even to the loss of life tmd 
property ; since it was their highnesses, next to God, who first gave me 
the means of getting and achieving this property, although it is true, I 
came over to these realms to invite them to the enterprise, and that a long 
time elapsed before any provision was made for carrying it into execution ; 
which, however, is not surprising, as this was an undertaking of which all 
the world was ignorant, and no one had any faith in it ; wherefore I am 
by so much the more indebted to them, as well as because they have since 
also much favored and promoted me. 

Item : I also require of Diego, or whomsoever may be in possession of 
the estate, that in the case of any schism taking place in the church of 
God, or that any person of whatever class or condition should attempt to 
despoil it of its property and honors, they hasten to offer at the feet of his 
holiness, that is, if they are not heretics (which God forbid !) their persons, 
power and wealth, for the purpose of suppressing such schism, and pre- 
venting any spoliation of the honor and property of the church. 

Item : I command the said Diego, or whoever may possess the said 
estate, to labor and strive for the honor, welfare and aggrandizement of 
the city of Genoa, and to make use of all his power and means in defend- 
ing and enhancing the good and«credit of that republic, in all things not 
contrary to the service of the church of God, or tlie high dignity of our 
king and queen, our lords, and their successors. 

Item : The said Diego, or whoevef may possess or succeed to the es- 
tate, out of the fourtli part of the whole revenue, from which, as aforesaid, 
is to be taken the tenth, when Don Bartholomew or his heirs shall have 
saved the two millions, or part of them, and when the time shall come of 
making a distribution among our relations, shall apply and invest the said 
tenth in providing marriages for such daughters of our lineage as may re- 
quire it, and in doing all the good in their power. 

Item : When a suitable time shall arrive, he shall order a church to be 
built in the island of Hispaniola, and in the nost convenient spot, to be 
called Santa Maria de la Concepcion ; to which is to be annexed an hos- 
pital, upon the best possible plan, like those of Italy and Castile, and a 



452 APPENDIX. 



chapel erected to say mass in for the good of my soul, and those of my 
ancestors and successors with great devotion, since no doubt it will please 
the Lord to give us a sufficient revenue for this and the aforementioned 
purposes. 

Item : I also order Diego my son, or whomsoever may inherit after 
him, to spare no pains in having and maintaining in the island of Hispa- 
niola, four good professors of theology, to the end and aim of their study- 
ing and laboring to convert to our holy fiiith the inhabitants of the Indies ; 
and in proportion as, by God's will, the revenue of the estate shall increase, 
in the same degree shall the number of teachers and devout increase, who 
are to strive to make Christians of the natives ; in attaining wliich no ex- 
pense should be thought too great. And in commemoration of all that 
I hereby ordain, and of the foregoing, a monument of marble shall be 
erected in the said church of la Concepcion, in the most conspicuous 
place, to serve as a record of what I here enjoin on the said Diego, as 
well as to other persons who may look upon it ; which marble shall con- 
tain an inscription to the same effect. 

Item : I also require of Diego my son, and whomsoever may succeed 
liim in the estate, that every time, and as often as he confesses, he first 
show this obligation, or a copy of it, to the confessor, praying him to read 
it through, that he may be enabled to inquire respecting its fulfillment ; 
from which will redound great good and happiness to his soul. 

S. 

S. A. S. 

X. M. Y. 

EL ALMIRANTE. 



No. XXXVIL 

SIGNATURE OF COLUMBUS. 



As every thing respecting Columbus is full of interest, his signature has 
been a matter of some discussion. It partook of the pedantic and bigoted 
character of the age, and perhaps of the peculiar character of the man, 
who, considering himself mysteriously elected and set apart from among 
men for certain great purposes, adopted a correspondent formality and 
solemnity in all his concerns. His signature was as follows : 



APPENDIX. 453 



S. 

S. A. S. 

X. M. Y. 

XPO FERENS. 



The first half of the signature, XPO, (for CHRISTO,) is in Greek 
letters ; the second, FERENS, is in Latin. Such was the usage of those 
days ; and even at present both Greek and Roman letters are used in sifr. 
natures and inscriptions in Spain. 

The ciphers or initials above the signature are supposed to represent 
a pious ejaculation. To read them one must begin with the lower letters, 
and connect them with those above. Signor Gio. Batista Spotorno con- 
jectures them to mean either Xristus (Christus) Sancta Maria Yosephus, 
or, Salve me, Xristus, Maria, Yosephus. The North American Re\iew, 
for April, 1 827, suggests the substitution of Jesus for Josephus, but the 
suggestion of Spotorno is most probably correct, as a common Spanish 
ejaculation is " Jesus Maria y Jos6." 

It was an ancient usage in Spain, and it lias not entirely gone by, to 
accompany the signature with some words of religious purport. One 
object of tliis practice was to show the writer to be a Christian. This 
was of some importance in a country in which Jews and Mahometans 
were proscribed and persecuted. 

Don Fernando, son to Columbus, says that his father, when he took 
his pen in hand, usually commenced by writing " Jesus cum Maria sit 
nobis in via ;" and the book which the admiral prepared and sent to the 
sovereigns, containing the prophecies which he considered as referring to 
his discoveries, and to the rescue of the holy sepulchre, begins with tlie 
same words. Tiiis practice is akin to tliat of placing the initials of pious 
words above his signature, and gives great probability to the mode in 
which they have been deciphered. 



454 APPENDIX. 



No. XXXVIII. 

A VISIT TO PALOS. 



[The following narrative was actually commenced, by the author of this work, 
as a letter to a friend, but unexpectedly swelled to its present size. He has 
been induced to insert it here from the idea, that many will feel the same 
curiosity to know something of the present state of Palos and its inhabitants 
that led him to make the journey. J 

Seville, 1828. 
Since I last wrote to you, I have made what I may term an American 
pilgrimage, to visit the little port of Palos in Andalusia, where Columbus 
fitted out his ships, and whence lie sailed for the discovery of the New 
World. Need I tell you how deeply interesting and gratifying it has 
been to me ? I had long meditated this excursion, as a kind of pious, 
and, if I may so say, filial duty of an American, and my intention was 
quickened when I learnt that many of the edifices, mentioned in the 
History of Columbus, still remained in nearly the same state in which 
they existed at the time of his sojourn at Palos, and that the descendants 
of the intrepid Pinzons, who aided him with ships and money, and sailed 
with him in the great voyage of discovery, still flourished in the neighbor- 
hood. 

The very evening before my departure from Seville on the excursion, 
I heard that there was a young gentleman of the Pinzon family studying 
law in the city. I got introduced to him, and found him of most prepos- 
sessing appearance and manners. He gave me a letter of introduction to 
his father, Don Juan Fernandez Pinzon, resident of Moguer, and the pre- 
sent head of the family. 

As it was in the middle of August, and the weather intensely hot, I 
hired a calesa for the journey. This is a two-wheeled carriage, resem- 
bling a cabriolet, but of the most primitive and rude construction ; the 
harness is profusely ornamented with brass, and the horse's head deco- 
rated with tufts and tassels and dangling bobs of scarlet and yellow 
worsted. I had for calasero, a tall, long-legged Andalusian, in short 
jacket, little round-crowned hat, breeches decorated with buttons from the 
hip to the knees, and a pair of russet leather bottinas or spatterdashes. 



APPENDIX. 455 



He was an active fellow, though uncommonly taciturn for an Andalusian, 
and strode along beside his horse, rousing him occasionally to greater 
speed by a loud malediction or a hearty thwack of his cudgel. 

In this style, I set off late in the day to avoid the noontide heat, and, 
after ascending the lofty range of hills which borders the great valley of 
the Guadalquiver, and having a rough ride among their heights, I 
descended about twilight into one of those vast, silent, melancholy jiiains, 
frequent in Spain, where I beheld no other signs of life than a roamincp 
flock of bustards, and a distant herd of cattle, guarded by a solitary herds- 
man, who, with a long pike planted in the earth, stood motionless in the 
midst of the dreary landscape, resembling an Arab of the desert. The 
night had somewhat advanced when we stopped to repose for a few hours 
at a solitary venta or inn, if it might so be called, being nothing more 
than a vast low-roofed stable, divided into several compartments for the 
reception of the troops of mules and arrieros (or carriers) who cany on 
the interna] trade of Spain. Accommodation for the traveler there was 
none — not even for a traveler so easily accommoduted as myself. The 
landlord had no food to give me, and as to a bed, he had none but a horse- 
cloth, on which his only child, a boy of eight years old, lay naked on the 
earthen floor. Indeed the heat of the weather and the fumes from the 
stables made the interior of the hovel insupportable ; so I was fain to 
bivouac, on my cloak, on the pavement, at the door of the venta, where, 
on waking, after two or three hours of sound sleep, I found a contraban- 
dista (or smuggler) snoring beside me, with his blunderbuss on his arm. 

I resumed my journey before break of day, and had made several 
leagues by ten o'clock, when we stopped to breakfast, and to pass tlie 
sultry hours of mid-day in a large village ; whence we departed about 
four o'clock, and after passing through the same kind of solitary country, 
arrived just after sunset at Moguer. This little city (for at present it is a 
city) is situated about a league from Palos, of which place it has 
gradually absorbed all the respectable inhabitants, and, among the number, 
the whole family of the Pinzons. 

So remote is this little place from the stir and bustle of travel, and so 
destitute of the show and vainglory of this world, that my calesa, as it 
rattled and jingled along the narrow and ill-paved streets, caused a great 
sensation ; the children shouted and scampered along by its side, admiring 
its splendid trappings of brass and worsted, and gazing with reverence at 
the important stranger who came in so gorgeous an equipage. 

I drove up to the principal posada, the landlord of which was at the 



456 APPENDIX. 



door. lie was one of the very civilest men in the world, and dispci.sod to 
do every thing in his power to make mo comfortable ; there was only one 
difficulty, he had neither bed nor bed-room in his house. In fact it was a 
mere venta for muleteers, who are accustomed to sleep on the ground, 
with their mule-cloths for beds and pack-saddles for pillows. It was a 
hard case, but there was no better posada in the place. Few people 
travel for pleasure or curiosity in these out-of-the-way-parts of Spain, 
and those of any note are generally received into private houses. I had 
traveled sufficiently in Spain to find out that a bed, after all, is not an 
article of indispensable necessity, and was about to bespeak some quiet 
corner where I might spread my cloak, when fortunately the landlord's 
wife came forth. She could not have a more obliging disposition than 
her husband, but then — God bless the women ! — they always know how 
to carry their good wishes into effect. In a little while a small room, 
about ten feet square, which had formed a thoroughfare between the 
stables and a kind of shop or bar-room, was cleared of a variety of lum- 
ber, and I was assured that a bed should be put up there for me. 
From the consultations I saw my hostess holding with some of her 
neighbor gossips, I fancied the bed was to be a kind of piecemeal contri- 
bution among them for the credit of the house. 

As soon as I could change my dress, I commenced the historical 
researches which were the object of my journey, and inquired for the 
abode of Don Juan Fernandez Pinzon. My obliging landlord hunself 
volunteered to conduct me thither, and I set off full of animation at the 
thoughts of meeting with the lineal representative of one of the coadjutors 
of Columbus. 

A short walk brought us to the house, which was most respectable in 
its appearance, indicating easy, if not affluent, circumstances. The door, 
as is customary in Spanish villages, during summer, stood wide open. 
We entered with the usual salutation or rather summons, " Ave Maria !" 
A trim Andalusian handmaid answered to the call, and, on our inquiring 
for the master of the house, led the way across a little patio or court, in 
the centre of the edifice, cooled by a fountain sun-ounded by shrubs and 
flowers, to a back court or terrace, likewise set out with flowers, where 
Don Juan Fernandez was seated with his family, enjoying the serene 
evening in the open air. 

I was much pleased with his appearance. He was a venerable old 
gentleman, tall, and somewhat thin, with fair complexion and gray hair. 
He received me with great urbanity, and on reading the letter from liia 



APPENDIX. 45'; 



son, appeared struck with sui-prise to find I had come quite to Mojruer, 
merely to visit the scene of the emharkation of Cohimbus ; and still more 
so on my tellinjf him, that one of my leading objects of curiosity was his 
own family connection ; for it would seem that the worthy cavalier had 
troubled his head but little about the enterprises of his ancestors. 

I now took my seat in the domestic circle, and soon felt myself quite 
at home, for there is generally a frankness in the hospitality of Spaniards, 
that soon puts a stranger at his ease beneath their roof. The wife of Don 
Juan Fernandez was extremely amiable and aflable, possessing much of 
that natural aptness for which the Spanish women arc remarkable. In 
the course of conversation with them I learnt, that Don Juan Fernandez, 
who is seventy-two years of age, is the eldest of tive brothers, all of whom 
are married, have numerous offspring, and live in Moguer and its vicinity, 
in nearly the same condition and rank of life as at the time of the dis- 
covery. This agreed with what I had previously heard, respecting the 
families of the discoverers. Of Columbus no lineal and direct decendant 
exists ; his was an exotic stock which never took deep and lasting root in 
the country ; but the race of the Pinzons continues to thrive and multi- 
ply in its native soil. 

While I was yet conversing, a gentleman entered, who was introduced 
to me as Don Luis Fernandez Pinzon, the youngest of the brothers. He 
appeared between fifty and sixty years of age, somewhat robust, with fair 
complexion, gray hair, and a frank and manly deportment. He is the 
only one of the present generation that has followed the ancient profession 
of the family ; having served with great applause as an officer of the 
royal navy, from which he retired, on his marriage, about twenty-two 
years since. He is the one, also, who takes the greatest interest and 
pride in the historical honors of his house, carefully presen'ing all the 
legends and documents of the achievements and distinctions of his fiunily, 
a manuscript volume of which he lent to me for my inspection. 

Don Juan now expressed a wish that, during my residence in Moguer, 
I vvoidd make his house my home. I endeavored to excuse myself, alleg- 
ing, that the good people at the posada had been at such extraordinary 
trouble in preparing quarters for me, that I did not like to disappoint them. 
The worthy old gentleman undertook to arrange all this, and, while sup- 
per was preparing, we walked together to the posada. I found that my 
obliging host and hostess had indeed exerted themselves to an uncommon 
degree. An old rickety table had been spread out in a corner of the 
little room as a bedstead, on toji of which was propped up a grand cama 

VOL. ra. 20 



458 APPENDIX. 



de hixo, or state bed, vvhicli aiipoarcd to be the admiration of the house. 
I could not, for the soul of nie, appear to undervalue what the poor people 
had prepared with such hearty jrood-will, and considered such a triumph 
of art and luxury ; so I again entreated Don Juan to dispense with my 
sleeping at his house, promising most faithfully to make my meals there 
whilst I should stay at Moguer, and as the old gentleman understood my 
motiv'es for declining his invitation, and felt a good-humored sympathy in 
them, we readily arranged the matter. I returned therefore with Don 
Juan to his house and supped witli liis family. During the repast a plan 
was agreed upon for my visit to Palos, and to tlie convent La Rabida, in 
which Don Juan volunteered to accompany me and be my guide, and the 
following day was allotted to tlie expedition. We were to breakfixst at a 
hacienda, or country-seat, which he possessed in the vicinity of Palos, in 
the midst of his vineyards, and were to dine there on our return from the 
convent. These arrangements being made, we parted for the night ; 1 
returned to the posada highly gratified with my visit, and slept soundly in 
the extraordinary bed which, I may almost say, liad been invented for my 
accommodation. 

On the following morning, bright and early, Don Juan Fernandez and 
myself set off in the calesa for Palos. I felt apprehensive at first, that the 
kind-hearted old gentleman, in his anxiety to oblige, had left liis bed at too 
early an hour, and was exposing himself to fatigues unsuited to his age. 
He laughed at the idea, and assured me that he was an early riser, and 
accustomed to all kinds of exercise on horse and foot, being a keen sports- 
man, and frequently passing days together among the mountains on 
shooting expeditions, taking with him servants, horses, and provisions, and 
living in a tent. He appeared, in fact, to be of an active habit, and to pos- 
sess a youthful vivacity of spirit. His cheerful disposition rendered our 
morning drive extremely agreeable ; his urbanity was shown to every one 
whom we met on the road ; even the common peasant was saluted by him 
with the appellation of caballero, a mark of respect ever gratifying to the 
poor but proud Spaniard, when yielded by a superior. 

As the tide was out we drove along the flat grounds bordering the 
Tinto. The river was on our right, while on our left was a range of hills, 
jutting out into promontories, one beyond the other, and covered with vine- 
yards and fig-trees. The weather was serene, the air soft and balmy, and 
the landscape of that gentle kind calculated to put one in a quiet and 
hapjiy humor. We pa?vsed close by the skirts of Palos, and drove to the 
hacienda, which is situated at some little distance from thp village, between 



APPENDIX. 459 



it and the river. The house is a low stone building, well wiiitc-vviishcd, 
and of great length ; one end l)eing fitted up as a summer residence, witli 
saloons, bed-rooms, and a domestic, chapel ; and the other as a bodetra or 
magazine for the reception of the wine produced on the estate. 

The house stands on a hill, amidst vineyards, which are sup[)osed to 
cover a part of the site of tlie ancient town of Palos, now shrunk to a 
miserable village. Beyond these vineyards, on the crest of a distiint hill, 
are seen the white walls of the convent of La Rabida rising above a dark 
wood of pine-trees. 

Below the hacienda flows the river Tinto, on which Columbus em- 
barked. It is divided by a low tongue of land, or rather the sand-bar of 
Saltes, from the river Odiel, with which it soon mingles its waters, and 
flows on to the ocean. Beside this sand-bar, where the channel of the 
river runs deep, the squadron of Columbus was anchored, and thence he 
made sail on the morning nf his departure. 

The soft breeze that was blowing scarcely ruffled the surface of this 
beautiful river ; two or three picturesque barks, called mystics, with long 
latine sails, were gliding down it. A little aid of the imagination might 
suffice to picture them as the light caravels of Columbus, sallying forth on 
their eventful expedition, while the distant bells of the town of Huelva, 
which were ringing melodiously, might be supposed as cheering the voy- 
agers with a farewell peal. 

I cannot express to you what were my feelings on treading the shore 
which had once been animated with the bustle of departure, and whose 
sands had been printed by the last footstep of Columbus. The solemn 
and sublime nature of the event that had followed, together with the fate 
and fortunes of those concerned in it, filled the mind with vague yet mel- 
ancholy ideas. It was like viewing the silent and empty stage of some 
great drama when all the actors had departed. The very aspect of the 
landscape, so tranquilly beautiful, had an effect upon me ; and as I paced 
the deserted shores by the side of a descendant of one of the discoverers, 
I felt my heart swelling with emotions and my eyes filling with tears. 

What surprised me was, to find no semblance of a sea-port ; there was 
neither wharf nor landing-place — nothing but a naked river bank, with the 
hulk of a ferry-boat, which I was told carried passengers to Huelva, lying 
high and dry on the sands, deserted by tlie tide. Palos, though it has 
doubtless dwindled away from its former size, can never have been impor- 
tant as to extent and population. If it possessed warehouses on the beach, 
they have disappeared. It is at present a mere village of the poorest kind 



460 APPENDIX. 



.ind lies nearly a quarter of a mile from the river, in a hollow among 
liills. It contains a few hundred inhabitants, who subsist principally by 
laboring in the fields and vineyards. Its race of merchants and mariners 
is extinct. There are no vessels belonging to the place, nor any show of 
traffic, excepting at the season of fruit and wine, when a few mystics and 
other light barks anchor in the river to collect the produce of the neigh- 
borhood. The people are totally ignorant, and it is probable that the 
greater part of them scarce know even the name of America. Such is the 
place whence sallied forth the enterprise for the discovery of the western 
world ! 

We were now simimoned to breakfast in a little saloon of the hacienda. 
The table was covered with natural luxuries produced upon the spot — fine 
purple and muscatel grapes from the adjacent vineyard, delicious melons 
from the garden, and generous wines made on the estate. The repast 
was heightened by the genial manners of my hospitable host, who appeared 
to possess the most enviable cheerfulness of spirit and simplicity of heart. 

After breakfast we set off in the calesa to visit the convent of La 
Rabida, about half a league distant. The road, for a part of the way, lay 
through the vineyards, and was deep and sandy. The calasero had been 
at his wit's end to conceive what motive a stranger like myself, apparently 
traveling for mere amusement, could have in coming so far to see so mis- 
erable a place as Palos, which he set down as one of the very poorest 
places in the whole world ; but this additional toil and struggle through 
deep sand to visit the old convent of La Rabida completed his confusion — 
" Hombre !" exclaimed he, " es una ruina ! no hay mas que dos frailes !" — 
" Zounds ! why it's a ruin ! there are only two friars there !" Don Juan. 
laughed, and told him tiiat I had come all the way from Seville precisely to 
see that old ruin and those two friars. The calasero made the Spaniard's 
last reply when he is perplexed — he shrugged his shoulders and crossed 
himself. After ascending a hill and passing through the skirts of a strag- 
gling pine wood, we arrived in front of the convent. It stands in a bleak 
and solitary situation, on the brow of a rocky height or promontory, over- 
looking to the west a wide range of sea and land, bounded by the frontier 
mountains of Portugal, about eight leagues distant. The convent is shut 
out from a view of the vineyard of Palos by the gloomy forest of pines 
already mentioned, which cover the promontory to the east, and darken 
the whole landscape in that direction. 

There is nothing remarkable in the architecture of the convent ; part 
of it is Gothic, but the edifice, having been frequently repaired, and being 



APPENDIX. 461 



witowashed, according to a universal custom in Andalusia, inhoritod from 
the Moors, lias not that venorable aspect whicii might be expected from it? 
antiquity. 

We alighted at the gate where Columbus, when a poor pedestrian, a 
stranger in the land, asked bread and water for his child ! As long as the 
convent stands, this must be a spot calculated to awaken the most thrilling 
interest. The gate remains apparently in nearly the same state as at the 
time of his visit, but there is no longer a porter at hand to administer to 
the wants of the wayfarer. The door stood wide open, and admitted us 
into a small court-yard. Thence we passed through a Gothic portal into 
the chapel, without seeing a human being. We then traversed two inte- 
rior cloisters, equally vacant and silent, and bearing a look of neglect and 
dilapidation. From an open window we had a peep at what had once 
been a garden, but that had also gone to ruin ; the walls were broken and 
thrown down ; a few shrubs, and a scattered fig-tree or two, were all the 
traces of cultivation that remained. We passed through the long dormito- 
ries, but the cells were shut up and abandoned ; we saw no living thing 
except a solitary cat stealing across a distant corridor, which tied in a panic 
at the unusual sight of strangers. At length, after patrolling nearly the 
whole of the empty building to the echo of our own footsteps, we came to 
where the door of a cell, being partly open, gave us the sight of a monk 
within, seated at a table writing. He rose, and received us with much 
civility, and conducted us to the superior, who was reading in an adjacent 
cell. They were both rather young men, and, together with a novitiate 
and a lay-brother, who officiated as cook, formed the whole community of 
the convent. 

Don Juan Fernandez communicated to them the object of my visit, and 
my desire also to inspect the archives of the convent, to find if there was 
any record of the sojourn of Columbus. They informed us that the 
archives had been entirely destroyed by the French. The younger monk, 
however, who had perused them, had a vague recollection of various par- 
ticulars concerning the transactions of Columbus at Palos, his visit to the 
convent, and the sailing of his expedition. From all tiiat he cited, how- 
ever, it appeared to me that all the information on the subject contained in 
the archives had been extracted from Herrera and other well known au- 
thors. The monk was talkative and eloquent, and soon diverged from the 
subject of Columbus, to one which he considered of infinitely greater im- 
portance — the miraculous image of the Virgin possessed by their convent, 
and known by the name of " Our Lady of La Rabida." He gave us a 



462 APPENDIX. 

history of the wonderful way in which the k.iige liad hcen found buried in 
the earth, where it liad lain hidden for ages, since the time of the conquest 
of Spain by the Moors ; the disputes between the convent and different 
places in the neighborhood for the possession of it ; the mar elous protec- 
tion it extended to the adjacent country, especially in preventing all mad- 
ness, either in man or dog, for tliis malady was anciently so prevalent in 
this place as to gain it the appellation of La Rabia, by which it was origi- 
nally called; a name which, thanks to the beneficent influence of the 
Virgin, it no longer merited nor reUiined. Such are the legends and relics 
with which every convent in Spain is enriched, which are zealously cried 
up by the monks, and devoutly credited by the populace. 

Twice a year on the festival of our Lady of La Rabida, and on that 
of the patron saint of the order, the solitude and silence of the convent are 
interrupted by the intrusion of a swarming multitude, composed of the in- 
habitants of Moguer, of Huelva, and the neighboring plains and moun- 
tains. The open esplanade in front of the edifice resembles a fair, the ad- 
jacent forest teems with the motley throng, and the image of our Lady 
of La Rabida is borne forth in triumphant procession. 

While the friar was thus dilating npon the merits and renown of the 
image, I amused myself with those day dreams, or conjurings of the ima- 
gination, to which I am a little given. As the internal arrangements of 
convents are apt to be the same from age to age, I pictured to myself this 
chamber as tlie same inhabited by the guardian, Juan Perez de Marchena, 
at the time of the visit of Columbus. Why might not the old and pon- 
derous table before me be the very one on which he displayed his conjec- 
tural maps, and expounded his theory of a western route to India ? It 
required but another stretch of the imagination to assemble the little con- 
clave around the table ; Juan Perez the friar, Garci Fernandez the physi- 
cian, and Martin Alonzo Pinzon the bold navigator, all listening with rapt 
attention to Columbus, or to the tale of some old seaman of Palos, about 
islands seen in the western parts of the ocean. 

The friars, as far as their poor means and scanty knowledge extended, 
were disposed to do every thing to promote the object of my visit. They 
showed us all parts of the convent, wliich however, has little to boast of, 
excepting the historical associations connected with it. The library was 
reduced to a few volumes, chiefly on ecclesiastical subjects, piled promiscu- 
ously in the corner of a vaulted cham.ber, and covered with dust. The 
chamber itself was curious, being the nost ancient part of the edifice, and 
supposed tc have formed ])art of a temp b in the time of the Romans. 



APPENDIX. 463 



We ascended to the roof of the convent to enjoy the extensive pros- 
pect it commands. Immediately below the promontory on whicli it is sit- 
uated, runs a narrow but tolerably deep river, called the Dominjro Rubio, 
which empties itself into the Tinto. It is the opinion of Don Luis Fer- 
nandez Pinzon, that the ships of Columbus were careened and fitted out 
in this river, as it affords better shelter than the Tinto, and its shores are not 
so shallow. A lonely bark of a fisherman was lying in this stream, and not 
far off, on a sandy point, were the ruins of an ancient watchtower. 
From the roof of the convent, all the windings of the Odiel and the Tinto 
were to be seen, and their junction into the main stream, by which Colum- 
bus sallied forth to sea. In fact the convent serves as a landmark, being, 
from its lofty and solitary situation, visible for a considerable distance to 
vessels coming on the coast. On the opposite side I looked down upon 
the lonely road, through the wood of pine trees, by which the zealous 
guardian of the convent. Fray Juan Perez, departed at midnight on his 
mule, when he sought the camp of Ferdinand and Isabella in the Veo-a 
of Granada, to plead the project of Columbus before the queen. 

Having finished our inspection of the convent, we prepared to depart, 
and were accompanied to the outward portal by the two friars. Our cala- 
sero brought his rattling and rickety vehicle for us to mount ; at sight 
of which one of the monks exclaimed, with a smile, " Santa Maria ! only 
to think ! A calesa before the gate of the convent of La Rabida !" 
And, indeed, so solitary and remote is this ancient edifice, and so simple 
is the mode of living of the people in this by-corner of Spain, that the 
appearance of even a sorry calesa might well cause astonishment. It is 
only singular that in such a by-corner the scheme of Columbus should 
have found intelligent listeners and coadjutors, after it had been discarded, 
almost with scoffing and contempt, from learned universities and splendid 
courts. 

On our way back to the hacienda, we met Don Rafael, a younger son 
of Don Juan Fernandez, a fine young man, about twenty-one years of 
age, and who, his father informed me, was at present studying French and 
mathematics. He was well mounted on a spirited gray horse, and dressed 
in the Andalusian style, with the little round hat and jacket. He sat 
his horse gracefully, and managed him well, t was pleased with the 
frank and easy terms on which Don Juan appeared to live with his chil- 
dren. This I was inclined to think his favorite son, as I imderstood he 
was the only one that partook of the old gentleman's fondness for the 
chase, and that accompanied him in his hunting excursions. 



464 APPENDIX. - 



A dinner had been prepared for us at the hacienda, by the wife of t?ie 
capitaz, or overseer, who, with her husband, seemed to be well pleased 
with this visit from Don Juan, and to be confident of receiving a pleasant 
answer from the good-humored old gentleman whenever they addressed 
him. The dinner was served up about two o'clock, and was a most agree- 
able meal. The fruits and wines were from the estate, and were excel- 
lent ; the rest of the provisions were from Moguer, for the adjacent village 
of Palos is too poor to furnish any thing. A gentle breeze from the sea 
played through the hall, and tempered the summer heat. Indeed I do not 
know when I have seen a more enviable spot than this country retreat of 
the Pinzons. Its situation on a breezy hill, at no great distance from the 
sea, and in a southern climate, produces a happy temperature, neither hot 
in summer nor cold in winter. It commands a beautiful prospect, and is 
surrounded by natural luxuries. The country abounds with game, the ad- 
jacent river affords abundant sport in fishing, both by day and night, and 
dehghtful excursions for those fond of sailing. During the busy seasons 
of rural life, and especially at the joyous period of vintage, the family 
pass some time here, accompanied by numerous guests, at which times, 
Don Juan assured me, there was no lack of amusements, both by land 
and water. 

When we had dined, and taken the siesta, or afternoon nap, according 
to the Spanish custom in summer time, we set out on our return to Mo- 
guer, visiting the village of Palos in the way. Don Gabriel had been sent 
in advance to procure the keys of the village church, and to apprise the 
curate of our wish to inspect the archives. The village consists princi- 
pally of two streets of low whitewashed houses. Many of the inhab- 
itants have very dark complexions, betraying a mixture of African blood. 

On entering the village, we repaired to the lowly mansion of the curate. 
I had hoped to find him some such personage as the curate in Don Quix- 
ote, possessed of shrewdness and information in his limited sphere, and 
that I might gain some anecdotes from him concerning his parish, its 
worthies, its antiquities, and its historical events. Perhaps I might have 
done so at any other time, but, unfortunately, the curate was something 
of a sportsman, and had heard of some game among the neighboring hills. 
We met him just sallying forth from his house, and, I must confess, his 
appearance was picturesque. He was a short, broad, sturdy little man, 
and had doffed his cassock and broad clerical beaver, for a short jacket and 
a little round Andalusian hat ; he had his gun in hand, and was on the 
point of mounting a donkey which had been led forth by an ancient with- 



APPENDIX. 465 



ered handmnid. Fearful of being detained from his foray, lie accosted my 
companion the moment he came in siglit. " God preserve yon, Sefior Don 
Juan ! I have received your message, and have but one answer to make. 
The archives have all been destroyed. We have no trace of any thing 
you seek for — nothing — nothing. Don Rafael has the keys of the church. 
You can examine it at your leisure — Adios, cabaliero !" With these 
words the galliard little curate mounted his donkey, thumped his ribs with 
the butt end of his gun, and trotted off to the hills. 

In our way to the church we passed by the ruins of what had once 
been a fair and spacious dwelling, greatly superior to the other houses of 
tlie village. This, Don Juan informed me, was an old family possession, 
but since they had removed from Palos it had fallen to decay for want of 
a tenant. It was probably the family residence of Martin Alonzo or 
Vicente Yaiiez Pinzon, in the time of Columbus. 

We now arrived at tlie Church of St. George, in the porch of which 
Columbus first proclaimed to the inhabitants of Palos the order of the 
sovereigns, that they should furnish him with ships for his great voyage 
of discovery. This edifice has lately been thoroughly repaired, and, being 
of solid mason-work, promises to stand for ages, a monument of the di-s- 
coverers. It stands outside of the village, on the brow of a hill, looking 
along a little valley toward the river. The remains of a Moorish arch 
prove it to have been a mosque in former times ; just above it, on the crest 
of the hill, is the ruin of a Moorish castle. 

I paused in the porch, and endeavored to recall the interesting scene 
that had taken place there, when Columbus, accompanied by the zealous 
friar Juan Perez, caused the public notary to read the royal order in pre- 
sence of the astonished alcaldes, regidors, and alguazils ; but it is difficult 
to conceive the consternation that must have been struck into so rcuiete a 
little community, by this sudden apparition of an entire stranger among 
them, bearing a command that they should put their persons and ships at 
his disposal, and sail with him away into the unknown wilderness of the 
ocean. 

The interior of the church has nothingremarkable, excepting a wooden 
image of St. George vanquishing the Dragon, which is erected over the 
high altar, and is the admiration of the good people of Palos, who bear it 
about the streets in grand procession on the anniversary of the saint. 
This group existed in the time of Columbus, and now flourishes in reno- 
vated youth and splendor, having been newly painted and gilded, and the 
countenance of the .saint rendered peculiarly blooming and lustrous. 

VOL. m. 20* 



466 APPENDIX. 



Having finished the examination of the church, we resumed our scats 
in the calesa and returned to Moguer. One thing only remained to fulfill 
the object of my pilgrimage. This was to visit the chapel of the Convent 
of Santa Clara. When Columbus was in danger of being lost in a tem- 
pest on his way home from his great voyage of discovery, he made a vow, 
that, should he be spared, he would watch and pray one whole night in 
this chapel ; a vow which he doubtless fulfilled immediately after his 
arrival. 

My kind and attentive friend, Don Juan, conducted me to the convent. 
It is the wealthiest in Moguer, and belongs to a sisterhood of Franciscan 
nuns. The chapel is large, and ornamented with some degree of richness, 
particularly the part about the high altar, which is embellished by magni- 
ficent monuments of the brave fomily of the Puerto Carreros, the ancient 
lords of Moguer, and renowned in Moorish warfare. The alabaster effi- 
gies of distinguished warriors of that house, and of their wives and sis- 
ters, lie side by side, with folded hands, on tombs immediately before the 
altar, while others recline in deep niches on either side. The night had 
closed in by the time I entered the church, which made the scene more 
impressive. A few votive lamps shed a dim light about the interior ; their 
beams were feebly reflected by the gilded work of the high altar, and the 
frames of the surrounding paintings, and rested upon the marble figures 
of the warriors and dames lying in the monumental repose of ages. 
The solemn pile must have presented much the same appearance when 
the pious discoverer performed his vigil, kneeling before this very altar, 
and praying and watching throughout the night, and pouring forth heart- 
felt praises for having been spared to accomplish his sublime discovery. 

I had now completed the main purpose of my journey, having visited 
the various places connected with the story of Columbus. It was highly 
gratifying to find some of them so little changed though so great a space 
of time had intervened ; but in this quiet nook of Spain, so far removed 
from the main thoroughfares, the lapse of time produces but few violent 
revolutions. Nothing, however, had surprised and gratified me more than 
the continued stability of the Pinzon family. On the morning after my 
excursion to Palos, chance gave me an opportunity of seeing something 
of the interior of most of their households. Having a curiosity to visit 
the remains of a Moorish castle, once the citadel of Moguer, Don Fernan- 
dez undertook to show me a tower which served as a magazine of wine to 
one of the Pinzon family. In seeking for the key we were sent from 
house to house of nearly the whole connection. All appeared to be living 



APPENDIX. 467 



in that golden mean equally removed from the wants and superfluities of 
life, and all to be happily interwoven by kind and cordial habits of intimacy. 
We found the females of the family generally seated in the patios, or cen- 
tral courts of their dwellings, beneath the shade of awnings and among 
shrubs and flowers. Here the Andalusian ladies are accustomed to pass 
their mornings at work, surrounded by their handmaids, in the primitive, 
or rather, oriental style. In the porches of some of the houses I observed 
the coat of arms granted to the family by Charles V, hung up like a pic- 
ture in a frame. Over the door of Don Luis, the naval officer, it was 
carved on an escutcheon of stone, and colored. I had gathered many par- 
ticulars of the family also from conversation with Don Juan, and from the 
family legend lent me by Don Luis. From all that I could learn, it would 
appear that the lapse of nearly three centuries and a half has made but 
little change in the condition of the Pinzons. From generation to genera- 
tion they have retained the same fair standing and reputable name through- 
out the neighborhood, filling offices of public trust and dignity, and pos- 
sessing great influence over their fellow-citizens by their good sense and 
good conduct. How rare is it to see such an instance of stability of for- 
tune in this fluctuating world, and how truly honorable is this hereditary 
respectiibility, which has been secured by no titles nor entails, but perpet- 
uated merely by the innate worth of the race ! I declare to you that the 
most illustrious descents of mere titled rank could never command the 
sincere respect and cordial regard with which I contemplated this stanch 
and enduring family, which for three centuries and a half has stood merely 
upon its virtues. 

As I was to set off on my return to Seville before two o'clock, I par- 
took of a farewell repast at the house of Don Juan, between twelve and 
one, and then took leave of his household with sincere regret. The good 
old gentleman, w^ith the courtesy, or rather the cordiality of a true Span- 
iard, accompanied me to the posada, to see me off". I had dispensed but 
little money in the posada — thanks to the hospitality of the Pinzons — 
yet the Spanish pride of my host and hostess seemed pleased that 
I had preferred their humble chamber, and the scanty bed they had pro- 
vided me, to the spacious mansion of Don Juan ; and when I expressed 
my thanks for their kindness and attention, and regaled mine host with a 
few choice segars, the heart of the poor man was overcome. He seized 
me by both hands and gave me a parting benediction, and then ran after 
the calasero, to enjoin him to take particular care of me during my 
journey. 



468 APPENDIX. 



I 



Taking a hearty leave of my excellent friend Don Juan, who had been 
unremitting in his attentions to me to the last moment, I now set off on 
my wayfaring, gratified to the utmost with my visit, and full of kind and 
grateful feelings towards Moguer and its hospitable inhabitants. 



No. XXXIX. 

MANIFESTO OF ALONZO DE OJEDA. 

The following curious formula, composed by learned divines in Spain 
was first read aloud by the friars in the train of Alonzo De Ojeda, as a pre- 
lude to liis attack on the savages of Carthagena, and was subsequently 
adopted by the Spanish discoverers in general, in their invasions of Indian 
countries. 

" I, Alonzo de Ojeda, servant of the high and mighty kings of Castile and 
Leon, civilizers of barbarous nations, their messenger and captain, notify 
and make known to you, in the best way I can, that God our Lord, one and 
eternal, created the heavens and earth, and one man and one woman, from 
whom you, and we, and all the people of the earth, were and are descend- 
ants, procreated, and all those who shall come after us ; but the vast 
number of generations which have proceeded from them in the course of 
more than five thousand years that have elapsed since the creation of the 
world, made it necessary that some of the human race should disperse in 
one direction, and some in another, and that they should divide themselves 
into many kingdoms and provinces, as they could not sustain and preserve 
themselves in one alone. All these people were given in charge, by 
God our Lord, to one person, named Saint Peter, who was thus made 
lord and superior of all the people of the earth, and head of the whole 
human lineage ; whom all should obey, wherever they might live, and 
whatever might be their law, sect, or belief : he gave him also the whole 
world for his service and jurisdiction ; and though he desired that he should 
establish his chair in Rome, as a place most convenient for governing 
the world, yet he permitted that he might establish his chair in any other 
part of the world, and judge and govern all the nations, Christians, Moors, 
Jews, Gentiles, and whatever other sect or belief might be. This person 



APPENDIX. 469 



was denominated Pope, that is to say, Admirable, Supreme, Father and 
Guardian, because he is father and governor of all mankind. This holy 
father was obeyed and Iionored as lord, king, and superior of the universe) 
by those who lived in his time, and, in like manner, have been obeyed and 
honored all those who have been elected to the pontificate ; and thus it 
has continued unto the present day, and will continue until the end of the 
world. 

" One of these pontiffs, of whom I have spoken, as lord of the workh 
made a donation of these islands and continents of the ocean sea, and all 
that they contain, to the Catholic kings of Castile, who, at that time, were 
Ferdinand and Isabella, of glorious memory, and to their successors, our 
sovereigns, according to the tenor of certain papers, drawn up for tlie pur- 
pose (which you may see, if you desire). Tims his majesty is king and 
sovereign of these islands and continents by virtue of the said donation, 
and, as king and sovereign, certain islands, and almost all, to whom this 
has been notified, have received his majesty, and have obeyed and served, 
and do actually serve him. And, moreover, like good subjects, and with 
good will, and without any resistance or delay, the moment they were in- 
formed of the foregoing, they obeyed all the religious men sent among 
them to preach and teach our holy faith ; and these of their free and 
cheerful will, without any condition or reward, became Christians, and 
continue so to be. And his majesty received them kindl}'^ and benignantly, 
and ordered that they should be treated like his other subjects and vassals. 
You also are required and obliged to do the same. Therefore, in the best' 
manner I can, I pray and entreat you, that you consider well what I have 
said, and that you take whatever time is reasonable to understand and de- 
liberate upon it, and that you recognize the church for sovereign and 
superior of the universal world, and the supreme pontiff, called pope, in her 
name, and his majesty, in his place, as superior and sovereign king of the 
islands and terra firma by virtue of said donation ; and that you consent 
that these religious fathers declare and preach to you the foregoing : and 
if you shall so do, you will do well, and will do that to which you are 
bounden and obliged ; and his majesty, and I, in his name, will receive 
you with all due love and charity, and will leave you your wives and 
children free from servitude, that you may freely do with tiiem and 
w ith yourselves whatever you please and think proper, as have done the 
inhabitants of the other islands. And, beside this, his majesty will give 
you many privileges and exemptions, and grant you many favors. If you 
do not do this, or wickedly and intentionally delay to do so, I certify to yor 



470 APPENDIX. 



that, by the aid of God, I will forcibly invade and niaKe war upon you in 
all parts and modes that I can, and will subdue you to the yoke and obe- 
dience of the church and of his majesty ; and I will take your wives and 
children, and make slaves of them, and sell them as such, and dispose of 
them as his majesty may command : and I will take your effects, and will 
do you all the harm and injury in my power, as vassals who will not obey 
or receive their sovereign, and who resist and oppose him. And I protest 
that the deaths and disasters, which may in this manner be occasioned, 
will be the fault of yourselves, and not of his majesty, nor of me, nor of 
these cavaliers who accompany me. And of what I here tell you, and 
require of you, I call upon the notarj' here present to give me his signed 
testimonial." 



INDEX. 



Abibeyba, Caciqne, territories of, iii. 153. 

Acuna, Don Alonzo de, summons Columbus 
to give an account of liimselt', on his return 
from the New World, i. '253. 

Address of an Indian of Cuba to Columbus, 
i. 425. 

Adolantado, title of given to Christopher 
Columbus, confirmed by the king, ii. 93. 

Adrian de Moxica, ii. 194. 

Admiral, the, a title granted to Columbus and 
his descendants, ii. 92. 

Africa, essay on the navigation of, by the 
ancients, lit. 3()]. 

Aguado, Juan, recommended to the Spanish 
Government by Columbus, i. 346; appoint- 
ed commissioner to inquire into the conduct 
of Columbus, il. 60; arrives at Isabella, ii. 
(1-2 ; his insolent behavior, il. (13 ; his inter- 
view with Ciilumbus, ii. 65; the Caciques 
having preferred complaints against Colum- 
bus, he determines on returning to Spain, ii. 
67. 

Aijueybana, Caciqne of Pnrto Rico, prime 
mover in a conspiracy against the Spaniards, 
iii. 270 ; attacks the Spaniards, kills Soto- 
mayor, and fires the village, iii. 273 ; attacked 
by Juan Ponce, iii. 276 ; is killed, ib. 

Aguilar, conduct of at Yucatan, Iii. 250; sin- 
gular temptation of whde in captivity, ib. ; 
receives a letter from some of bis country- 
men, iii. 2.53; acts as mediator for the 
Cacique Ta.vmar, iii. 255; meets with Cor- 
tex, and is released, iii. 257; incident con- 
cerning his mother, iii. 257 ; his story, iii. 
2.58 ; a|>pointed Regidorof the city of Me.xico, 
iii. 259. 

Albitez, Diego de, iii. 131. 

Alea, town of, founded at Carefa. iii 229. 

Ale.vander VI., pope, character of, i. 279; fa- 
mous bulls of relative to the New World, 
i. '280 ; letter of Columbus to. ii. 300. 

Aliaco, Pedro, work of, referred to, ii. II. 

Alligators, found in great numbers at Puerto 
Bello, ii. 3:«). 

All Saints, discovery of the bay «{. iii. 335. 

Alonzo, Don, heir apparent of Portugal, his 
marriage with the princess Isabella, i. 98. 



Alpha and Omega, the extreme point of Cuba, 
i. 192, 395. 

Alva, duke of, Don Diego Columbus marries 
his daughter, iii. 297 ; he as.sists in obtaining 
justice for his son in law, ib. 

Alvaro, Don, de Portugal, attack upon, in the 
royal tent. i. 94, 

Amazons, an island of supposed, i. 233 ; war- 
like women of the Caribbee islands, i. 313, 
ii. 76-7.S. 

Amaziins, river of, discovered by Vicente 
Pinzon, ii. 277. 

Amber, specimens of, among the mountains 
of Cibao, i 362. 

Anacaona, wile to Caonabo, retires with her 
bmther Hehecio, after the great battle of the 
Vega, ii. 49 ; composes legendary ballads, 
ii. J40; her admiration of the Spaniards, 
ii. 141 ; counsels her brother to conciliate the 
friendship of the Spaniards, ib. ; her recep- 
tion of the Adelantado, ii. 143 ; her wonder 
and delight at seeing a Spanish ship, ii. 1.57; 
her grief at the departure of the Adelantado, 
ii. 158; her conduct in respect to her daughter 
and Guevara, ii 2it2 ; her admiration of the 
Spaniards turned into detestation, ii. 430; 
receives a visit from Ovando, Ii. 433 ; is 
seized, il. 433; carried in chains to St. Do- 
mingo, ii. 435; ami ignominiously hanged, 
ib.; her fine character, ii. 435-6. 

Anana, or the pine-ap])le, first met with, i. 308 

Angel, Luis de St., his remonstrance with the 
queen relative to the project of Columbus, 
i. Ill ; succeeds, i 112. 

Antigua, island of, discovered, i. 313. 

Antilles, the, discovered, i. 313; taken posses- 
sion of, ib. 

Apparitions, ideas of the Ilaytiens in respect 
to, i. 374. 

Appendix, containing illustrations and docu- 
ments, iii. 2^9, 

Arana, Diego <le, left in charge of Hispaniola, 
during the first absence of Columbus, i. 225 ; 
history of the disaster which occurred to him 
after the departure of Columbus, i. 323-45. 

Arano, Pedro de, commander of one of Colum- 
bus's ships on his third voyage, ii. 104. 
Arbolancha, Pedro de, sent by Nufiez to Spain 



472 



INDEX. 



to make known there the discovery of the 
Pacific Ocean, iii. 1U3 ; arrives there after 
Davila had left to succeed Nuiiez. iii. 111!). 

Architecture, first signs of sohd, found in the 
New World, iii. :«I, 

Areytos, or ballads, of the Haytiens, i. 376. 

Arguello, friend of Nuiiez, arrested by Pedra- 
rias, iii. 237 ; e.xecuted with Nufiez and 
others, iii. 24.5. 

Aristizabal, Don Gabriel de, solicits the re- 
moval of the remains of Columbus, iii 2!)l. 

Arria^'a, Luis de, is shut up within the walls 
of Magddlena, ii. 23. 

Astri/labe, the, applied to navigation, i. ri3. 

Astrology, superstition in, iii 137. 

Atalantis, I'latu's, observations on, iii 401. 

Audience, royal, court of, established, iii. 300. 

Augustine, St., his arguments against the ex- 
istence of Antipodes, i. 88. 

Augustine, St., Cape of, discovered by Piuzon, 
ii. 277. 

Aurea Chersoncsus, the place whence Solomon 
is supposed to have had gold, ii. 348 : suit- 
posed by Columbus that he had discovered 
it, iii. 59. 

Ayora, sent by Pedrarins to the provinces of 
the Southern Sea, iii. 209 ; his conduct, ib. 

Azores, the, when discovered, i 31); arrival 
at by Columbus on his return from his first 
voyage, i. 244. 

B. 

Babeque, a supposed island, Columbus goes in 
search of, i. J88, 3y8. 

Badajos Gonzalos, forages the country, iii. 
114. 

Bahama Islands, discovery of, i. 152 ; cruise 
among the, i. 104. 

Ballads of the Haytiens, i. 376, ii. .'52. 

Ballester, Miguel, his conduct during the con- 
spiracy of Roldan, ii. 167; receives a letter 
from Columbus, ii. 194 ; his character, ii. 
19.5 ; interview with Roldan, ib. ; second in- 
terview, ii. 202 ; sends advice to the admiral, 
ii, 203 ; is besieged in the fortress of Concep- 
tion, ii. 204 ; sails for Spam, ii. 216. 

Balsas, river of iii. 230 ; sudden rise of, iii. 
231 ; bridge of logs made by the Indians, iii. 
231. 

Barbas, Las, islands of, discovered, ii. 372. 

Barrantes, Garcia de, sails for Spain, ii 216. 

Barros, .loam de, his account of Columbus's 
proposition to John II. king of Portugal, i 63. 

Basil, St., his description of Paradise, iii. 441. 

Bast ides, Rodrigo, of Seville, explores the coast 
of Terra Firma, ii. 278 ; arrives at Hispani- 
ola, where he isimpri-oned by Bobadilla, ib., 
iii. 49 ; voyage of. iii. 47 ; loses his ships, iii. 
48 ; sent to Spain fur trial, iii. 49 ; rewarded 
by the crown, ib. 

Baza, surrender of i. 97. 

Beata, Cape, sailors of Columbus climb the 
rock of, ii. 125. 

Behem, Martin, his plaULsphere, i. 128 ; an ae 
count of, iii. 3.52 ; the assertion relative lo 
his having discovered the western world, 
urevious to Columbus considered, iii. 355. 



Behecio assists Caonaho. and kills one of the 
wives of Guacan.igari, ii. 27 ; the only Ca- 
citjue who does not sue for peace, ii. 4S ; re- 
ceives a visit from Bartholomew Columbus, 
ii. 14(1; his ^?ception of him, ii. 143; con- 
sents to pay tribute, ii. 145 ; invites the Ail- 
elantado to come and receive it, ii. 1.56 ; his 
astonishment at visiting a Spanish sbij), ii. 
1.57. 

Helen, river of, discovered, ii. 343 ; abounds in 
fish, ii. 350 ; Columbus commences a settle- 
ment on its banks, ii. 248. 

Bell of Isabella, the superstitious ideas of the 
Haytiens in respect to it, ii. 33. 

Belvis Pablo, sent to Hayti in the place of Fer 
min Cedo, ii. 61. 

Bentez Francisco, opposes the authority of 
Mescua, iii. 135 ; receives one hundred lashes, 
iii. 135. 

Berahoma, condemned to death fir having 
violated the wife of the Cacique of the Vega, 
ii. 162 ; is pardoned, ib. 

Berezillo, a famous dog-warrior of the Span- 
iards, iii. 274 ; sagacity of, iii. 275 and note. 

Bernaldez, Andrez, a short .account of his life 
and writings, iii. 429. 

Bernardo of Valentia, his conspiracy at Jamai- 
ca, ii. 402. 

Bicerra, Francisco, his expedition to Zenu, iii. 
226; 180 of his men lost, ib. 

Bimini, rejuvenating fountain of, iii. 279 ; ex- 
pedition of Juan Ponce to bathe in the wa- 
ters, iii. 281 ; Lland of, discovered by Perez, 
iii. 283 ; account of, iii. 2S4 

Biru, massacre at the village of a cacique 
named, iii. 222 ; Peru supposed to be named 
after this cacique, 222 ; 700 of his people 
killed by the Spaniards, ib. ; Indian prisoners 
slain by Morales, iii. 224. 

Bloodhounds, first use of in the New World, 
i. 400; employed by Columbus in his wars 
with the Haytiens, ii. 43, 47 ; terror of In- 
dians at. iii. 164 ; made by the Spaniards 
instruments of great cruelty, iii. 167. 

Bobadilla, Don Francisco de, charged with a 
commission to Hispaniola to inquire into the 
conduct of Columbus, ii. 243 ; his character, 
ib. ; instructions with which he is charged, 
ii. 245, 6 ; sails, ii. 247 ; arrives at St. Oo- 
mingo, ii. 248 ; his judfiment formed before 
lie leaves his ship, li. 2.50 ; assumes iiower 
on landing, ib. ; storms the fortress of St. 
Domingo, ii 252 ; assumes thegovernment be- 
fore be investigates the conduct of Columbus, 
ii. 253 ; seizes his arms, gold, secret papers, 
&c., ib. ; summons Columbus to appear be- 
fore him. ii. 2.55 ; his baseness in col'eciing 
evidence, ii. 2.56 ; put< Don Diego in chains, 
ii. 2.59 ; also Columbus, ii. 260 ; his fears in 
respect to the Adelantado, ii.26l; puts him 
in irons, ii 262 ; his maladministration, ii. 
285 ; a saying of his, ii. 286 ; imprisons 
Bastides, iii. 49 ; superseded in his govern- 
nent by Ovando, ii. 291 ; sails for Spain 
.^nd is lost, with all his crew, in a violent 
hurricane, ii. 311 iii. 49. 

Boca del Sierpe, ii. 113. 114. 



INDEX. 



473 



Borgonon, Juan, labors to convert the Ilay- 
tiens, ii. 149. 

Boiii|iun. see I'orto Rico, iii. -()2. 

Boyle, Bernardo, tVijir, a|ijioiiiteil apustolical 
vicar lor the New Wcirld. i.'2S4; his advice 
to Columbus in respect to Guacaua^ari, i. 
334 ; confirms the accounts sent home by 
Columbus, i. 348 ; consecrates the first church 
at Isabella, i. 350 : his character and con- 
duet, i. 382; his hatreil of Colnmbus, ii. 19 ; 
encourages the misconduct of Margarite, ii. 
^0 ; forms the plan of seizing Bartholomew 
Columbus's ship- and returning to Spain, ib.; 
sets sail, ii. 21 ; his accusations of Columbus 
at the court of Madrid, ii .")6. 

Brandan, St., imaginary island of. iii. 403. 

Brayoan, Cacique of I'orto Rico, his stratagem 
to test the immortality of the Spaniards, iii. 
2ti!) ; conspiracy of the natives, iii. '270. 

Brazils, the, discuvered by Vicente Pinznn, 
ii. 277 ; a part discovered and taken posses- 
sion of for the Portuguese crown by Cabral, 
ii. 279. 

Breviesca, Xinieno de, a worthless hire'ing, ii. 
99 ; his conduct and puni>hnient, ii. 99. 

Bridge of logs, made by the Indians, iii. 231. 

Bucklers, used by the natives of Trinidad, ii. 
111. 

Bull of Partition issued by Pope Martin V., i. 
278 ; relative to the New World, issued by 
Pope Alexander VI,, i. iiO. 

of Demarcation, i. SSd. 

Burgos, the court held at, ii. 90. 

Butios, the priests of the Haytiens. i. 370. 

Butlertlies, clouds of, seen on the southern 
coast of Cuba, i. 417. 

C. 

Cabot, Sebastian, discovers Labrador, suppo- 
sed to be the first that visited the main-land 
of the New World, iii. 34.5. 

Cabral, Pedro .Alvarez de, discovers part of the 
Brazils, and lakes possession of it in the 
name of the king of Porlugal, ii. 279. 

Cabron, Cape, or Capo del Enamorado, i. 232. 

Cacao, first known to the Spaniards, ii. 315. 

Caciques, seizure ol fourteen, in the night, by 
Bartholomew Columbus and his oflicers, ii. 
1.53 ; eighteen of thera put in chains by or- 
der of Morales and Pizarro, iii. 221 ; torn to 
pieces by bloodhounds, iii. 222 ; prayer of, 
iii. 187. 

Canaries, an optica! delusion seen by the peo- 
ple of the, i. 45 ; arrival of Columbus at, in 
iiis first voyage, i. 130. 

Canaveral, (^ape of, doubled by Ponce, iii. 282. 

Canoes, capable of containing 150 persons, 
seen at Puerto SantoT i. 191 ; large size of 
those at Jamaica, i. 401. 

Caonabo, character and conduct of. i. 327 ; 
takes the fortress at La Navidad. i.328 ; and 
massacres the Spaniards, i. 328 ; assembles 
his warriors, i. 381 ; Columbus leaves direc- 
tions with Margarite to surprise, i. 3H9 ; be- 
sieges Ojeda, ii. 25 ; gives up the siege and 
retires, ii. 27 ; forms a plan of extermina- 
ting the Spaniards, ii. 27 ; invades the terri- 



tories of Guacanagari, ii. 27 ; character of, ii. 
32 ; is visited by Ojeda, with a design to en- 
trap him, ib. ; agrees to wait upon Colum- 
bas, and sets forward, ii. 34 ; is taken by 
stratagem, ib. ; is chained, ib : his conduct 
when in the presence of Columbus, ii. 35, 3ti ; 
embarks for Spain, ii. 70; a Guadaloupe 
woman falls in love with him, ii. 79 ; dies 
on the voyage, ii. 80. 

Careta, Cacique of Coyba, hospitality of to the 
Spaniards, iii. 142; is visited bv Nuriez 
and made captive ; his adilress makes the 
humanity of Nuilez yield to him, iii. 143 ; 
daughter of marries Nnnez, iii. 144 ; returns 
to his territories, ib. 

Carocol, Island of, ii. 122. 

Cariari, transactions at, ii. 322-3. 

Caribbee Islands discovered, i. 305-6. 

Caribs, character of the, i. 309; origin of, i. 
317 ; cruelty to, iii. 301. 

Caravajal, Don Garcia Lopez de, his embassy 
to Portugal, i. 290. 

Caravajal, Alonzo de, commander of one of 
Columbus's shijis. on his third voyage, ii. 
104 ; arrives at llispaniola, ii. 190"; volun- 
teers to endeavor to bring the rebels of Xara- 
gua to obedience, ii. 191 ; his ship strikes on 
a sand bank, ii. 192 ; arrives at St. Domingo 
by laud, ii. 193 ; suspicious entertained 
against him, ii. 201 ; takes a letter from the 
admiral to Roldan, ii. 201 ; takes proposi- 
tions from Roldan to the admiral, ii. 208 ; 
another interview with Roldan, ii. 208; ap- 
pointed factor to Columbus, ii. 290 ; his evi- 
dence relative to the discovery of the coast 
of Paria by Cilumbus, iii 341. 

Carracks, description of, i. .301 ; see note. 

Carthagena, expedition to. iii (i9 ; natives of, 
ib. ; destroyed by the Spaniards in revenge of 
C( sa's death, iii. 78 ; magnanimous conduct 
of Ihe natives, iii. 118. 

Casas, L.as, his character of Don Diego Colum- 
bus, i 355 ; hi,.J obvervations relative to Hayli, 
i. 300 ; his account of two Spaniards, i. 385 ; 
his picture of the conserpiences of the admin- 
istration of Ovando, ii. 10, note ; his account 
of a combat between one Indian and two 
mounted cavaliers, ii. 439 ; is present at a 
battle in Higuey. ii. 448-9 ; his remark on 
the cold rece|ition <?f Columbus by the king, 
ii 471 ; his remark in respect to ihe injustice 
of Ferdinand, ii. 474 ; an account of, iii. 
415; his zeal in behalf of the slaves, iii. 
419; his dubious expedient to lessen the 
quantum of human misery, iii. 419; char- 
acter of his General llistiiry of the Indies, 
iii. 420. 

Carillo, Luis, associated wilhNniiezon tlie ex- 
pedition to Dobayha, iii. 213 ; is killed, iii. 
214. 

Castancda, Juan de, his disgraceful reception 
of Columbus on his return from the New 
World, i. 24t)-7 ; cause of his conduct, i.249. 

Catalina, a Carib, her admiration of Guacana- 
gari, i. 335 ; proposes to her captive compan- 
ions an attempt to regain their liberty, ib. ; 
escapes by swimming, ib. 



474 



INDEX. 



Catalina, a female Cacique, falls in love with 
Miguel Diaz, ii, 7] ; imparts loliim a knowl- 
edge of the gold mines of Hayna. ib. 

Cathay, accounts of Marco Polo, in respect 
to, iii. 394 ; of Sir .lohn Mandeville, ili. 
3!)!». 

Catherine, St., discovery of. i. 190. 

Cavaliers, calamities of, at Darien, iii. 2!)7-3 ; 
many of thorn return to Spain, iii. 209. 

Cavern, near Cape Francois, description of, 
i. 37-2. 

Caymans, islands of, ii. 373. 

Cedo, Fermin, his opinion in respect to the 
gold found in liis|)aniola, i. 352 ; Belvis sent 
in his place, ii. 01. 

Ceuta, the hishopof, his arguments against the 
proposition ol Columbus, i. (irt-i'y ; jjroposes 
to the council to keep Columbus in sus- 
pense, and in the mean time to send a ship 
in the route j)roposed, i. 68 ; this advice act- 
ed upon, ib. ; and I'ails, ib. 

Cheapes, consequence of; forbids the Span- 
iards to enter his territory, iii. 173 ; the en- 
counters with him, ib. 

Chanca, Dr , confirms the accounts sent home 
by Colurnbus, i. .348. 

Charles VIH. king of France, his kindness to 
Bartholomew Columbus, ii. 12. 

Charles V. succeeds his grandfather, Ferdi- 
nand, iii. .303; recognizes the innocence of 
Don Diego Columbus, ib. : acknowledges 
the right of Don Diego to e.\ercise the office 
of viceroy, ib. ; his orders in respect to 
the claims of Don Diego's wiilow, iii. 307 ; 
his ordinances relative to the slave trade, iii. 
418. 

Charlevoix, his description of the sea of the 
Antilles, i. 17.5-6. 

Chaufepie, Jacques George, a passage from, 
in respect to the Colombos, iii. 324. 

Christoval, St., fortress of, erected by Bartho- 
lomew Columbus, ii. 137; mountains of, ii. 
345. 

Chuchama, massacre of, iii. 221. 

Cibao, Columbus's e.vpedition to the moun- 
tains of, i. 363 ; meaning of the word Cibao, 
i. 362 ; Luxan's description of the moun- 
tains of, i. 366. 

Ciguayens, a warlike Indian tribe, account of, 
i. 233. 

Cintra, rock of, arrival at, by Columbus on 
his return from the New World, i. 252. 

Cipango (or Japan), Marco Polo's account of, 
iii. 397. 

Cities, island of the seven, iii. 410. 

Ciadera, Don Christoval, his refutation of a 
letter written by M. Otto, to Dr. Franklin, 
iii. 355 

C(jlon, Diego, acts as interpreter, i. 396 426 ; 
his speech to the natives of Cuba, i. 429 ; 
marries the daughter of the Cacique Gua- 
rione.\, ii. 31. 

Codro, Micer, the Italian astrologer, iii. 2.38 ; 
his firophecy concerning Nuiiez, iii. 239; 
death of, iii. 260 ; jjrophecy of, concerning 
Valenzuela, iii. 261. 

Colombo, the old Genoese admiral, convey 



the king of Poi'.ngal to the Mediterranean 
coast of Franco, . 31. 

Colombo, the youi-..jer (nephew of tlir nU ad- 
miral), a faniou* corsair, i. 31. 

, Balthazer, of ('uccaro, loses his 

cause in respect to the heirshiiiof Columbus, 
iii. 308. 

, Juan, commander of one of C.dum- 

bus's ships on his third voyage, ii. 104 

Colombos, the navigators, an account of. iii. 
323 ; capture of the Venetian galleys, iii. 
327. 

Columbus, Bartholomew, accom|)anies Bar- 
tholomew Diaz along the coast of Africa, ii. 
10 ; an account of his proceedings, ii. 10-1 1 ; 
arrives at Valladolid. ii. 12 ; sent to assist 
his brother with three ships, ii. 13 ; character 
of. ib. ; is invested by Columbus with the 
title and authority of .'\delantado, ii. 14; at- 
tends his brother in hise.\pedition against the 
Indians of the Vega, ii 44 ; goes to the 
mines of Hayna, ii. 72 : is invested with 
the command on the return of Columbus 
to Spain, ii. 75 ; takes Porras prisoner, ii. 
103; sails to meet his brother, ii. 126; ac- 
count of his administration during the ab- 
sence of Columbus, ii. 137 ; sends 300 In- 
dians to Spain to be sold as slaves, ii. 139; 
erects the fortress of San Domingo, ii. 140 ; 
j)ays a visit to Behecio, ii. 143 ; his recep- 
tion, ii. 144 ; demands a tribute, ii. 145 ; es- 
tablishes a chain of military posts, ii. 147 ; 
cau.ses several Indians who had broken some 
Christian images, &.C., to be burnt, ii, 150; 
marches against the Caciques, who had form- 
ed a conspiracy against the Spaniards, ii. 
152 ; causes them to be seized, ii. 1.53 ; par- 
dons most of them, ii. 1.54 ; again visits Be- 
hecio to receive the tribute of cotton, ii ]56 ; 
his skill in government, ii 159 ; a conspiracy 
formed against him by Roldan, ii. 160-2; 
narrowly escapes assassination, ii. 162; re- 
pairs to the Vega in relief of Fort Concep- 
tion, ii. 167 ; his interview with Roldan. ii. 
168 ; is shut up in Fort Conception, ii. 172 ; 
relieved by the arrival of Coronal, ii 173 ; 
publishes an amnesty to all who return to 
their duty, ii. 174 ; marches against Guario- 
nex who has rebelled, ii. 175 ; his campaign 
in the mountains of Ciguay, ii. 178 ; releas- 
es the wife of one of the Caciques whom he 
had taken with Mayobanex. ii. 183 : favora- 
ble consequences of this, ib.; his vigorous 
proceedings against the rebels engaged in the 
conspiracy of Guevara and Moxica, ii. 235 ; 
is put in irons by Bobadilla, ii. 2t)2 ; accom- 
panies Columbus on his fourth voyage, ii. 
306 ; waits on the governor of Ercilla, ii. 
306; lakes possession of Cape Honduras 
in the name of the sovereigns of Castile, ii. 
318 ; lands at Cariari, ii. 322, 7 ; forms a 
plan to seize Q.uibian, ii. 352, 3; does so, 
with bis wives and children, ii. 354 ; Q,ui- 
bian escapes, ii. 3.55 ; and attacks in return, 
ii. 3.58 ; is finally compelled to remove the .set- 
tlement to another place, ii. 361 ; is in great 
dange;, ib.; compelled to embark with his 



INDEX. 



475 



brother and all his men, ii. 3(;(5 ; sets sail from 
St. Domingo for Spain with his brotiier, li. 
47>H ; ])rocee(ls to court to urge the justice of 
the king, ii. 471 ; accompanies his brother to 
court, lb. ; goes to represent his hiother 
on the arrival of the new king and (jueen of 
Castile, ii. 477; is sent out to St. Dumingo 
by Ferdinand to admonish his nephew, Don 
Oiego, iii. '.ii\'i ; is presented with the proper- 
ty and government of Mona for life. Sic., 
iii. 3lll ; dies at St. Domingo, iii. 302; liis 
character, ib. 
L'olumhus, Christopher, account of his birth, 
jiarentage. and education, i. SJ-2 ; early life 
of, i. 23 ; his first voyage, i. 2.'^ ; engages in 
the service of Reinier, king of Naples, i.20; 
alters the point of the compa^s of his ship to 
deceive his discontented crew, i. 30 ; engaged 
in the Mediterranean and the Levant, i. 31 ; 
said to be appointed captain of several Ge- 
noese ships in the service of I.ouis XI., ib.; 
his gallant conduct when sailing with Co- 
lombo the younger, ib. ; goes to Lisbon, 
where he takes up his residence, i 32, 41 ; 
jiictuie of his person, i. 41 ; early character, 
ib.; becomes enamoured of Dona Felijia Mo- 
nis de Palestielli), whom he marries, i. 42 ; 
becomes [)Ossessed of his father in-law's 
charts, journals, &c., ib.; removes to the 
island of Purto Santo, i. 44 ; becomes ac- 
quainted with Pedro Correo, a navigator of 
note, ib ; is animated with a wish to make 
discoveries, ib.; grounds on which he founds 
his belief of the existence of undiscovered 
countries in the West, i. 4*^ ; correspondence 
of Columbus with Paulo Toscanelli, i. .17 ; 
makes a voyage lo (he north of Europe, i. 
.5!) ; the astrolabe having been applied to 
navigation, Columbus proposes a voyage of 
discovery to John II. king of Portugal, i. G3 ; 
this jiropositinn is referred to a junto charged 
with all matters relating to maritime disco- 
very, i. (55 ; wlio regard the project as vi- 
sionary, ib.; the king then reters it to his 
council, ib.; by whom it is condemned, i. 
Of*; a ship is secretly sent in the direction 
proposed, but returns, ib.; Columbus's indig- 
nation, ib.; loses his wife, i. (ii) ; quits Por- 
tugal, ib.; goes to Genoa and jiroposes his 
project to the government, i. 71 ; it is reject- 
ed, ib.; supposed by some to have carried 
his plan to Venice, i. 72 ; visits his i'ather, 
i. 7), 2 ; arrives in Spain, and requests a lit- 
tle bread and water at a convent of Francis- 
can friars, i. 102 ; the prior detains him as a 
guest, ib.; and invites Garcia Fern.andez to 
meet him, ib ; gives him letters of introduc- 
cion to Fernando de Talavera, queen Isa- 
bella's confessor, i. 104 ; sets out for Cordo- 
va, i. 73; arrives there, i. 79; finds it im- 
possible to obtain a hearing, ib.; the queen's 
confessor regards his plan as impossible, ib.; 
maintains himself by designing maps and 
charts, i. 99 ; is received into the house of 
Alonzo de Quintanilla, i. 79; introduced to 
the archbishop of Toledo, i. 81 ; who gives 
him an attentive hearing, ib.; becomes his 



friend and procures him an audience of the 
king, i. .-^i ; who desires the prior of Prado 
lo .•ls^elld)le astronomers, 4ic to hold confer- 
ence with him, ib.; Columbus appears be- 
fore the assembly at Sala:i anca, i. ^4 ; ar- 
guments against his theory, i. 8.'); bis reply, 
i. f(> ; the subject experiences pn crasiinalion 
and neglect, i. f^9 ; is compelled In follow the 
movements of the court, i. 9."> ; his plan re- 
conmiended by the marchioness of .Moya, i. 
95, 1(15. 112; receives an invitation to return 
to Portugal from John II., i. 95; receives a 
favorable letter from Henry VII. of Kng- 
land, i. 96 ; distinguishes hirnsell' in the cam- 
paign of 1489, and is impressed deeply with 
the arrival and message of two friars from 
the soldan of Egypt lelative to the Holy 
Land, i. 97 ; determines to devote the profits 
arising from his intended discovery to the 
purpose of rescuing the holy sepulchre from 
the hands of the infidels, i. 98; council of 
learned men again convened,!. 100; who 
pronounce the scheme vain and impossible, 
ib,; receives a message from the sovereigns, 
ib ; has an audience of the sovereigns, I. 
101 ; leaves Seville in disgust, ib.; forms a 
connection with Beatri.v Enri<piez, i. 80 ; ap- 
plies to the duke of Medina Sidonia, who re- 
jects his plan, i. 72 ; applies to the duke of 
Medina Celi, who is prevented from acceding 
to his plan from a fear of the court, ib.; re- 
turns to the convent of La Rabida, i. 102; 
Alonzo Pinzon oflers to pay his expenses in 
a renew ed application to the court, i. 104 ; 
returns at the desire of the queen, i. 105; 
witnesses the surrender of Granada to the 
Spanish arms, i. 107; negotiation with per- 
sons appointed by the sovereigns, i lOM ; his 
propositions are considered extravagant, i. 
109; are pronounced inadmissible, ib.; I •«■■ 
er terms are oft'ered him. which he rejects, i. 
110; the negotiation broken oH", ib.; quits 
Santa Fe, ib.; Luis de St. Angel reasons 
with the queen, i. Ill ; who at last consents, 
i. 112; a messenger dispatched to recall Co- 
lumbus, i. 113 ; lie returns to Santa Fe. ib.; 
arrangement with the Spanish sovereigns, i. 
114 ; his son appointed page to prince Juan, 
i. 118 ; he returns to La Rabida, i. 1 19 ; pre- 
parations at the Port of Palos, and appre- 
hensions there relative to the expedition, ib ; 
not a vessel can be procured, i. 121 ; they 
are at last furnished, ib.; Columbus hoists 
his flag, i. I J3 ; sails, i. 128 ; prologue to his 
voyage, i. 125; an account of Ihe map he 
had prepared previous to sailing, i. 128 ; diffi- 
culties begin to arise, i. 129 ; arrives at the 
Canaries, i. 130; comes in sight of Mount 
Tenerifle. ib.; arrives at Gomera, ib.; tlie 
news which reached him there, ib.; alarm of 
his sailors on losing all sight of land, i. 131 ; 
begins to keep two reckonings, i. 132 ; falls 
in with part of a mast, i. 133 ; notices a va- 
riation of the needle, ib.; his opinion relative 
to that phenomenon, i. 134; they are visited 
l)y two birds, i. 135 ; terrors of the seamen 
ib.; sees large patches of weeds, i. 130 ; bii 



476 



INDEX. 



situalion bocnmos nion- critical, i. 139 ; part. 
of his crew dcleniiiiic, should lie refuse to 
return, to throw liiiii iutu the sea, i 144; 
false appearance of land, i. 144, 145, 148; 
his crew become exceedingly clamorous, i. 
J49 ; the assertion that he capitulated with 
them disproved, ih.; his address to the crew, 
i. 151 ; sees a liglil, i. 152; land discovered, 
ib. ; the reward lor laud adjudged to him, ib.; 
lands on the island of St. Salvador, i. Lili; 
which he takes jrossession of in the name of 
tl'.e Castilian sovereigns, ib.; the surprise of 
the natives, i 1.57 ; gold tirst discovered, i. 
KiO ; reconnoitres the island, i. l(i'2; takes 
seven <if the inhabitants to teach them Spa- 
nish that they might become interpreters, i. 
103 ; discovers Santa Maria de la Concep- 
tion, i. 1('5; discovers E.xuma, i. lliT ; dis- 
covers Isabella, i. KHI ; hears of two islands 
called Cuba and Bohio, i. 170, 171 ; sails in 
search of the former, i. 172 ; discovers it, 
ib.; takes formal possession, i. 17,f ; sends two 
Spaniards up the country, i. IKO; coasts 
along tiie shore, i. 181 ; return of the S|)an- 
iards with their report, i lf>2, 3; goes in 
search of the supposed island of Babe(|ue, i. 
1&8 ; discovers an archipelago, to which he 
gives the name of the King's Garden, i. 189; 
desertion of Alonzo I'inzon, ib ; discovers 
St. Catharine, in which he finds stones 
veined with gold, i. 190; specimen of his 
style in ile,-cription, ib. ; reaches what he 
supposes to be the eastern extremity of Asia, 
i. 192; discovers Hispaniola, i. 193; its 
transcendent appearance, i. 194; enters a 
harbor, to which he gives the name of St. 
.Nicholas, ib ; a female brought to him who 
wore an ornament of gold in her nose, i. 195 ; 
coasts alonj; the shores, i 201 ; is visited by 
a Cacique, i. 202 ; receives a message from 
Guacanagaii, i. 205 ; his ship strikes upon a 
sand-bank in the night, i. 207, 8; some of 
his crew desert in a boat, i. 21,8 ; the ship 
becomes a wreck, and he lakes refuge on 
board a caravel, i. 209 ; receives assistance 
from Guacnnagari, ib. ; transactions with 
the natives, i. 21 J ; is invited to the residence 
of Guacanagari, i 212; his affectionate re- 
ception of him. i. 212, 13, 14 ; his people de- 
sire to have permission to remain in the island, 
i. 217 ; he forms the plan of a colony and 
the design of constructing a fortress, i. 218 ; 
and <if returning to Spain for reinforcements, 
ib. ; entertained in the most hospitable man- 
ner by Guacanagari, i. 220 ; who procures 
for him a great quantity of gold previous to 
his departure, i. 221 ; his address to the peo- 
ple, i. 224 ; gives a feast to the chieftains, 
i 225; .sails. i.22G; coasts towards the east- 
ern end of Hispaniola, i. 229 ; meets with 
Pinzon, i. 230; Pinzon's aptdogy, ib. ; ac- 
count of the Cignayens, i. 233 ; the first na- 
tive blood shed by the whites, i. 234 ; account 
of the return voyage, i. 238; encounters vio- 
lent storms, i. 239 ; the crew draw lots who 
shall perform pilgrimages, i.24I ; two lots fall 
■o the admiral ; vows made, ib. ; commits an 



account of bis voyage in a barrel to the sea, 
i. 243 ; laud discovered, i. 244 ; which proves 
to he the Azores, ib. ; transactions at St. 
IMary's, i. 240; receives supplies and a mes- 
sage fr<im the governor, ib. ; attempted per- 
formance of the vow made during the storm, 
i. 247 ; the seamen taken prisoners by the rab 
ble, headed by the governor ih. ; the cover 
nor's disgraceful conduct, i. 2-18 ; seamen 
liberated, ib. ; cause of the governor's con- 
duet, i. 249; violent gales, i. 2.'>0 ; lots for 
))ilgrimages again cast, i 251 ; arrivesoffCm- 
tra, in Portugal, i. 2.j2 ; writes to the sove- 
reigns and the king of Portugal, ib. ; is sum- 
moned by a Portuguese a<lmiral to give an 
account of him»elf, i. 253 ; eflect of his re- 
turn at Lisbon, ib ; receives an invitation 
from the king of Portugal, i. 254 ; interview 
with the king, ib. ; jealousy of the king ex- 
cited, i. 2.")5 ; a proposition to the king by 
some of his courtiers to a>sa-isinate Columbus 
and take advantage of his discoveries, i 2.5<i ; 
rejected by the king, i. 257 ; disgraceful plot 
of the king to rob Spain of the newly discov- 
ered possessions, ib. ; his interview with the 
queen of Portugal, i. 258 ; enters the harbor 
of I'alos, ib. ; account of his recejilion there, 
i. 2(i0 ; arrival of Pinzon. i. 21)2 ; receives an 
invitation fiom the sovereigns at Barcelona, 
i. 2(i5 ; his reception on the road, i. 2GI) ; is 
received in a magnificent manner by the 
courtiers, i. 268 ; and the sovereigns, ib ; his 
vow in respect to the holy sepulchre, i. 209; 
the manner in which his discoveries were re- 
ceived throughout Europe, i. 271 ; a coat of 
arms given him, i.273; the mnunerin which 
he receives the honors paid to him, i. 275: 
preparations for a second voyajre. i. 281 ; 
agreement made with the sovereigns, i. 285 ; 
powers with which he is invested, i. 286 ; 
takes leave of the sovereigns at Barcelona, 
ib. : arrives at Seville, i. 293 ; prepares for 
the voyage, ib. ; ideas (if Ccdunibus and the 
people relative to the New World, i. 294 ; 
in-olence of .luan de Soria, i. 297 ; conduct 
(if Fonscca, ib. ; depaiture on his second 
voyage, i. 300; anchors at Gomera, i. 303; 
gives sealed instructions to the commander 
of each vessel, ib ; sees a swallow, i. 304 ; 
encounters it storm, ib. ; sees the lights of 
St. Elmo, ib. ; discovers the Caribbee Isl- 
ands, i. 305 ; takes possession of them, i. 30(5 ; 
discovere Guadaloupe, ib.; transactions there, 
i. 300, 7, 8, 9 ; cruises among the Caribbees, 
i 313, 14, 15; arrives at Hispaniola, i. 319; 
at the gulf of Samana, i. 320; anchors at 
Monte Christi, ib.; arrives at La Navidad, 
i. 321 ; is visited by a cousin of the Cacique, 
ib. ; learns a disaster which bad occurred at 
the fortress, ib. ; visits Guacanagari, i. 330; 
abandons La Navidad. i. 337; founds the 
city of Isabella at Monte Christi. i. 339 ; 
falls sick, i. 3tl ; sends Alonzo de Ojeda to 
explore the interior of the island, i. .342; 
dispatches twelve ships to Spain, i. 345; 
requests fresh supplies, ib. ; recommends 
Pedro Margarite and Juan Aguado to th» 



INDEX. 



477 



patronage of the government, i. 340 ; reconi- 
niends a curious plan in respect to an e\- 
cliange of Caribs for livestock, i.347; recom- 
Mienilation of Columbus in respect to the 
("aribs, i. ib. ; his conduct in respect t> 
Diaz's mutiny, i 3.53 ; consequences, ib. ; 
sets out on an expedition to the mountains 
uf Cibao, i. 355 ; erects a fortres* of wood 
among the mountains, i. 3ti3 ; returns to 
Isabella, i. 3H(( ; receives unpleasant intelli- 
gence from Pedro Margarite, i.381 ; sickness 
in the colony, ib. ; puts his people on short 
allowance, i. 3f^'2 ; offends the Hidalgos, by 
making them share the common labors of 
the colony, i. 383; di.stributes his forces in 
the interior, i. ,387; gives the command of 
them to I'edro Margarite, ib. ; his instruc- 
tions to that officer, i. 388 ; instructs Mar- 
garite to surprise and secure Caonabo, i. 389 ; 
his conduct in respect to Haytien tliieves, 
ib ; sails for Cuba, i. .393, 4 ; visits La 
Navidad, i. 395 ; arrives at St. Nicholas, ib. ; 
lands at Guantanamo, ib. ; anchors at St. 
Jago, i. 398 ; sails in searcli of Babeque, 
ib ; discovers Jamaica, ib. ; received in a 
hostile manner, i. 400 ; takes possession of 
the island, i. 4fll ; amicable intercourse with 
the natives, ib. ; returns to Cuba. i. 404 ; 
lands at Cabo de la Cruz, il). ; encounter a 
storm, i. 405 ; becomes engaged in a most 
difficult navigation, ib. ; discovers an archi- 
pelago, to which he gives the name of the 
Clnecn's Gardens, ib. ; hears of a province 
called Mangon, which greatly excites his at- 
tention, i. 408, 9 ; coasts along the southern 
side of Cuba, i. 410; encounters adaugerous 
navigation in a white sea, i. 411 ; sends par- 
lies to explore the interior of the country, 
i. 412, 13, 14 ; deceives himself in respect to 
what he wishes, i. 416; fancies he has ar- 
rived on that part of Asia which is beyond 
the boundaries of the Old World, laid down 
by Ptolemy, i. 418; anticipates returning to 
Spain by the Aurea Chersonesus, Tapro- 
bana, the Straits of Babelmandel, and the 
Red Sea. or the Coast of Africa, i. 418, 19 ; 
returns along the southern coast of Cuba, in 
the assurance that Cuba was the extremity 
of the Asiatic continent, i 420, 1, 2; disco- 
vers the island of Evangelista, i. 422 ; his 
ship runs aground, i. 423 ; sails along the 
province of Ornofay, i. 424 ; erects cro.sses 
in conspicu.ius situations to denote his dis- 
coveries, i. 425 ; is addressed by an Indian, 
ib. ; takes an Imlian with him, i. 428; his 
ship leaks, ib ; reaches Santa Cruz, ib. ; 
coasts along the south side of Jamaica, i. 429 ; 
his ship visited by a Cacique and his whole 
family, ib. ; who otfer to aei'Ompany him to 
Spain to do homage to the king and queen, 
i. 431 ; he evades this offer, i. 432 ; coasts 
along the south side of Hispaniola, i. 43.J ; 
makes an error in reckoning, i. 435 ; arrives 
at Mona, i. 4'M; is suddenly deprived of all 
Ills faculties, i. 437 ; arrives at Isabella, 
ib. ; IS joined bv his brother Bartholomew, 
ii. 9; invests him with the title and au- 



thority of Adelantado, ii. 14 ; is visited by 
Guacanagari, who informs him of a league 
formed against him by the Havtien Caciquefi, 
ii. 29; his measures to restore the quiet of 
the island, ii. 29, 3(1; wins over (Juarione.x, 
and prevails upon hmi to give his daughter 
in marriage to Diego Colon, ii 31 ; builds 
Fort Conception in the territories of Gnario- 
nex. ib. ; Caonabo is delivered into his 
hands by Ojeda, ii, .34 : he puts him in 
chains, ii. 35; his interview with him, ii. 
35, 3U; his anxiety relieved by the arrival 
of Antonio de Torres, ii. 38; "sends home 
specimens of gold, plants, &c.. and five hun- 
dred Indian prisoners to be sold as slaves, ii. 
40 ; undertakes an ex|>edition against the 
Indians of the Vega. ii. 43 ; a battle en- 
sues, ii. 4(5; the Indians defeated, ii. 47; 
makes a military tour through various parts 
of the island, and reduces it to obedience, ii. 
48 ; imposes a tribute, ii. 50 ; refuses the otter 
of Guarionex to cultivate grain, instead of 
paying in golil, ib. ; erects forts, ii. 51; 
the natives having destroyed the crops, 
are bunted and compelled to return to their 
labors, ii ,53-4 ; account of the intrigues 
against Columbus in the court of Spain, ii. 
51) ; charges brought against him, ib. ; his 
popularity declines in consequence, ii. 57 ; 
measures taken in Spain, ii. .58 ; Aguado 
arrives at Isabella to collect information re- 
lative to the state of the colony, ii. 03 ; his 
dignified conduct at his first interview with 
Aguado, ii 66 ; the Caei(|ues preler com- 
plaints against him, ii 67 ; he resolves on 
returning to Spain, ib. ; a violent hurri- 
cane occurs previous to his departure, which 
sinks six caravels, ib. ; pleased with the 
discovery of the gold mine^of Hayna, ii.70; 
orders a fort to be erected, ii 73 ; invests his 
brother with the command, ii. 75; sails for 
Spain, ib. ; arrives at Guadaloupe, ii. 77 ; 
his politic conduct there, ib. ; leaves Gua- 
daloupe. ii. 79 ; a famine on board the ships, 
ib. ; his magnanimous conduct, ii. 80 ; 
arrives in Sjiain, ib ; his representation 
of things, ii. 83 ; writes instructions for the 
conduct of Bartholomew, ib. ; invited to 
court, ii. 83 ; favorably received, ii. 86 ; 
proposes a third voyage of discovery, ii. 86 ; 
the king promises him ships, ib. ; delays 
and their causes, ii. 8()-89 ; refuses the title 
of duke or marquess, and a grant of lands in 
Hispaniola. ii 91 ; terms on which he was 
to sail, ib. ; honors bestowed upon him, ii. 92 ; 
his respect and love for Genoa, ib. ; makes 
his will, ib. ; odium thrown upon his en- 
terprises, ii. 95 ; plan to which he was com- 
pelled to resort to procure men for his third 
voyage, ii. 96 ; in consequence of delays, he 
almost resolves to give up all further enter- 
prise, ii. 98 ; chastises a minion of Fonseca, 
ii. 99; consequencesof this chastisement, ii. 

100 ; seis sail. ii. 101 ; his opinion in respect 
to a continent in the Southern Ocean, ii. 

101 ; arrives at Gomera, ii. 103; retakes a 
S])anisli ship. ii. 104 ; is seized with a fit of 



478 



INDEX. 



tlie gout, ii. 10.1, arrives among the Cape 
de Verde Islands, ib. ; sees the island 
Del Fnego, ib. ; arrives under the line, 
ib. ; tlie heat becomes intolerable, and 
he ahers liis course, ii. KHi ; discovers Trini- 
dad, ii. lOH; discovers Terra Firma, ii.llO; 
steers along the co.ast of Trinidad, ib. ; 
difficulty in respect to a rapid current, ii. 1 12 ; 
enters the Gulf of Paria, ii. 1 14 ; sutlers from 
a coni|)laint in the eyes, ii. 1'2I ; discovers 
the Islands of Margarita and Cubagua, ii. 
123 ; e.xchanges plates, &c. for pearls, 
ib. ; his complaint in the eyes increases, 
ii. 124 ; arrives at lIis|ianiola, ib. ; 
his brother sails to meet him, ii. 120 ; his 
constitution seems to give way, ib. ; 
his speculations relative to the coast of 
Paria, ii. 1-8; polar star augmentation, ii. 
130; doubts tlje received theory of the 
earth, ib. ; accounts for variation of the 
needle, ii. 131 ; difierence of climate, &c. 
ii. 132 ; arrives at San Domingo, ii. 187 : 
state of his health, on arriving at Hispaniola, 
ib. ; state of the coli>ny, ii. 188-9; nego- 
tiates vvitli the rebels, ii. 1!)3 ; oft'ers free pas- 
sage to all who desire to return to Spain, ii. 
194 ; offers a pardon to Roldan, which is 
received willi contempt, ii. l'J.5-(J ; writes to 
Spain an account of the rebellion, &c and 
requi'cs a judge and some missionaries to 
be sent out. ii. 197 ; writes a conciliating 
letter to Roldan, ii. 201 ; interviews with 
Roldan, ii. 203; issues a proclamation of 
pardon, ii. 204 ; receives proposals, which 
lie accedes to, li. 2113 ; goes on a tour to vi- 
sit the various stations, ii. 207 ; receives a 
cold letter from the sovereigns, written by 
Fonseca. ii. 209 ; the former arrangement 
with Roldan not having been carried into 
effect, enters into a second, 11.209; grants 
lands to Roldaii's followers, ii. 212 ; consid- 
ers Hispaniola in the light of a conque-ed 
country, ii. 213 ; reduces the natives to the 
condition of villains or vassals, ii. 214 ; grants 
lands to Roldan, ii. 214 ; determines on re- 
turning to Spain, ii. 21.5 ; but is prevented 
by circumstances, ii. 21G ; writes to the sov- 
ereigns, entreating them to inquire into the 
truth of the late transactions, ii. 2Ui; re- 
quests that his son, Diego, might be sent out 
to him, ii. 218 ; sends Roldan to Alonzo de 
Ojeda, who has arrived on the western coast 
on a voyage of discovery, ii. 219 ; his indig- 
nation at the breach of prerogative implied 
by this voyage, ii. 224 ; hears of a consfpiracy 
entered into against him by Guevara and 
Mo.tica, ii. 230 ; seizes Mo.\ica, ii. 235 ; and 
orders him to be flung headlong from 
the battlements of Fort Conception, ib. ; 
vigorous proceedings against the rebels, 
ii. 230 ; beneficial consequences, ib. ; 
visionary fancy at night, li. 237 ; repre- 
sentalions at court against him, ii. 239 ; 
his sons insulted ;U Granada, ii. 241 ; 
the queen is offended at his pertinacity in 
making slaves of those taken in warfare, ii. 
242 ; and consents to the sending out a com- 



mission to investigate his conduct, ii. 243 ; 
Boliadilla is sent out, ii. 244 ; an<l arrives at 
St. Domingo, ii. 248; his judgment formed 
before he leaves his ship, ii. 2.")0 ; he seizes 
upon the government before he investigates 
the conduct of Columbus, ii. 2.>l-3 ; Co- 
lumbus is summoned lo appear before Boba- 
dilla, ii. 25.1 ; goes to St. Domingo without 
guards or retinue, and is put in irons and 
confined in the fortress, ii. 200 ; his magna- 
nimity, ib. ; charges against him, ii. 264 ; 
jubilee of miscreants on his degradation, li. 
265 ; his cilloqny with Villejo, previous to 
their sailing, ii. 267 ; sails, ib. ; arrives at 
Cadiz, ii. 209 ; .sensation in .Spain on his 
arrival in irons, ib. ; sends a letter to Don- 
na Juana de la Torre, with an acciunt of 
his treatment, ib. ; indignation of the sov- 
ereigns at reading this account, ii 271 ; is 
invited to court, ii. 272 ; his gr.acious recep- 
tion there, ib ; his emotion, ii 273 ; is pro- 
mised a full restitution of his privileges and 
dignities, ib. ; disappointed in receiving 
them, ii. 274 ; causes, ii. 283 ; his interests 
ordered to be resjiected in Hispaniola by 
Ovando, ii 289; remembers his vow to fur- 
nish an army wherewith to recover the Holy 
Sepulchre, ii. 293 ; endeavors to incite 
the sovereigns to the enterprise, ii. 294-5; 
forms the jilan for a fourth voyage, which 
is to eclijise all former ones, ii. 298 ; writes 
to Pope Alexander VII. ii. 300; manu- 
script copy of, ii. 301 ; takes measures 
to secure his fame by jilacing it under the 
gnardianshi|) of his native country, ii. 
303; sails from Cadiz, ii. 306; arrives at 
Ercillo, ib. ; at the Grand Canary, ib ; at 
St. Domingo, ii. 308 ; requests permission 
to shelter in the harbor, as he a|iprehends a 
storm, ii. 309; his request refused; a vio- 
lent hurricane soon after sweeps the sea, in 
which he and his property are preserved, 
and several of his bitterest enemies over- 
whelmed, ii. 311 ; encounters another storm, 
ii. 313; discovers Guanoga. ii. 314; a Ca- 
cique comes on board bis ship with a multi- 
tude of articles, the produce of the country, 
ib. ; selects some to send them to Spain, 
ii. 315 ; is within two days' sail of Yuca- 
tan, ii. 316; natives different from any he 
had yet seen, ii. 318; voyages along the 
coast of Honduras, ib. ; encounters violent 
storms of thunder and lightning, ib. ; voy- 
age along the Mosquito shore, ii. 321 ; pass- 
es a cluster of islands, to which he gives the 
name of I..emionares, ib ; comes to an isl- 
and, to which he gives the name of La 
llueria, or the Garden, ii. 322 ; transactions 
at Cariari. ii. 322-7 ; voyage along Costa 
Rica, ii. 329 ; speculations concerning the 
isthmus of Veragua, ii. 330; discovery of 
Puerto Bello, ii. 334 ; discovery of El Re- 
trete, ii. 336 ; disorders of his men at this 
port, and the consequences, ib. ; relinquishes 
the further prosecution of his voyage east- 
ward, ii. 337; returns to Puerto Bello, ii. 
339 ; encounters a furious tempest, ib. ; i. 



INDEX. 



479 



near being ilrowned by a watcr-spout, ii. 
;{4U ; returns tn Veragua. ii. H42 ; regards 
gold as one of the mystic tieasiires, ib. ; is 
nearly beini wrecked in port, ib. ; K'*es 
Ills name to I be mountains of Veragua, 
ii. 34.'i ; sends bis brother to e.xplore the 
country, ii. 347 ; wliicb appears to be im- 
pregnated with gold, ib. ; believes tliat he 
lias reached i;ne of the most favored ports 
of the .Asiatic continent, ii.'Ut'; commences 
a settlement on the river Belen, ii. :14!) ; de- 
termines on returning to Spain for reinforce- 
nieiLts, ib. ; is stopped by discovering a con- 
spiracy of the nativi'S, ii. H5i-3 ; sends his 
brother to surprise Quibian, ib. ; who is 
seized, ii. 3.i4 ; and afterwards escapes, ii. 
:)5.T ; disasters at the settlement slop his 
sailing, ii. 357 ; some of his prisoners escape, 
and others destroy themselves, ii. .SG4 ; bis 
anxiety produces delirium, ii. 3150: is com- 
forted by a vision, ii. 367 ; the settlement is 
abandoned, and the Spaniards embark for 
Spain, ii. 3()ti ; departure from the coast of 
Veragua, ii 371 ; sails for Hispanioia, ib. ; 
arrives at Puerto Bello, ii. 3^2 ; at the en- 
trance of the Gulf of Darien, ii. 372; at 
the Qneen's Gardens, ii. 373; encounters 
ani'ther violent tempest, ib ; arrives at Cape 
Cruz, ii. 374 ; at Jamaica, ii. 37.i ; runs his 
ships on shore ib. ; arranges with the na- 
tives for supplies of provision, ii. 377; his 
conversation with Diego iMendez to induce 
him to go in a canoe to St. Domingo, ib. ; 
Mendez ofiers to go, ib. ; Columbus writes 
to Ovando fur a ship to take him and 
his crew to Hispanioia, ii 3)^2 ; writes to the 
sovereigns, ib. ; Mendez embarks, ii 384 ; 
the Porras engage in a mutiny, ii. 387; the 
mutiny becomes general, ii. 390 ; is con- 
fined by the gout, ib. ; rushes t ul lo 
quell the mutiny, but is borne back lo the 
cabin by the lew who remain faithful, ii. 
3U2 ; the mutineers embark on bnard ten 
Indian canoes, ib ; provisions become ex- 
ceedingly scarce, ii. 3Uti ; employs a strata- 
gem to obtain supplies from the natives, ii. 
3y8 ; another conspiracy is formed, ii. 402. 
arrival of Diego de Escobar from Hispanioia 
on a mission from the governor, promising 
that a ship shall soon be sent to his relief, ib. ; 
overtures of the admiral to the mutineers, ii. 
413 ; not accepted ii. 414 ; they send a peti- 
tion for pardon, ii. 419 ; it is granted, ib. ; 
two ships arrive from Hispaniula, ii. 420; 
departure of Columbus, ii. 453 ; arrives at 
Beata, ii. 454 ; anchors in the harbor of St. 
Domingo, ii. 455 ; is enthusiastically received 
by the people, ib. ; is grieved at the desola- 
ti<m he sees everywhere around him, ii.4.')(j ; 
finds that his interests had been disregarded, 
ii. 457 ; sets sail for Spain, ii 4.18 ; encoun- 
ters several tempesis, ii. 4.59; anchors in the 
harbor of St. I. near. ib. ; finds all liis af- 
fairs in confusion, ii, 4fil ; is compelled to 
live by borrowing, ib. ; writes to king Ferdi- 
nand, ii. 4(i2 ; but, receiving unsatisfactory 
replies, would have set out from Seville, but 



IS prevented by his infirmities, ib. ; death of 
queen Isabella, ii. 4(if> ; is loft to the justice 
of Ferdinand, ii. 41)8 : emplovs Vespucci, 
ii 4G9 ; goes with his brother ti'i court, then 
held at Segovia, ii. 471 ; is received in a very 
cold manner, ib. ; Don Diego de Deza is ap- 
pointed arbitrator between the king and th« 
admiral, ii. 472 ; his claims are referred t( 
the Junta de Descargos, ii. 474 ; is confined 
with a \iolenf attack of the g.iut, ib. ; peti- 
tions the king that his son Diego ni.iy be ap- 
pointed, in his place, to the governineiit of 
which he had been so lung de))iived, ii. 475 ; 
his petitiiin remains unattended lo, ib. ; 
writes to the new king and queen of Castile, 
ii. 477 ; who promise a speedv and pn spe- 
rous termination to his suit, ii."478; his last 
illness, ib. ; writes a testamentary codicil on 
the blank page of a lillle bieviary, ii. 47!( ; 
writes a final codicil, ib. ; receives Ihe sacra- 
ment, ii. 481 ; dies, ib. ; his burial, ii 4.~2 ; 
his remains removed to Hispanioia, ib. ; di^in- 
teried and conveyed lo the Havana, ib ; epi- 
taph, ib. ; observ.atiiins on his character, ii. 
484 ; his remains removed with great cere- 
mony to Cuba, iii. 291 ; reflections thereon, 
iii. 294 ; historical account of his descendants, 
iii. 295 ; an important lawsuit relative to Ihe 
heirship (in the female line) t'l the family 
titles and property, iii. 3flH ; decided in favor 
of Don Nuno Gelves de Poitugallo, iii. 3U9 ; 
an account of his lineage, iii. 314; an ac- 
count of his birthplace, iii. 31(); an account 
of the ships he used, iii. 3(j4 ; an examination 
of his route in the first voyage, iii. 3lili ; the 
effect of Ihe travels of Marco Polo on his 
mind, iii. 384 ; his belief in the imaginary 
island of St. Brandan. iii. 4U3 ; an account 
of the earliest nanatives i/f his first and se- 
cond voyages, iii 481 ; his ideas relative to 
the silualion of the terrestrial paradise, iii. 
442, 3; liis will, iii. 444; his signature, iii. 
4.52. 

Columbus, Don Diego, character of, i. .355 ; 
intrusted with the command of the ships 
during the expedition of Columbus lo the 
mountains of Cibao, i. 3.55 ; made president 
of the junta, i. 391 ; reproves Pedro Marga- 
rite for his irregularities, ii. 19 ; Ihe Hiilalgos 
form a faction against him during the absence 
ot his brother, ii. 20; returns to Isabella, ii. 
03 ; a conspiracy formed against him by 
Roldan. ii. IliO ; left in command at St. Do- 
mingo, during Ihe four of Columbus, ii. 207 ; 
his conduct on Ihe ariival of Bobadilla, ii. 
250 ; seized by order of Bobadilla, thrown in 
irons, and confined on b..ard of a caravel, 
ii. 2.">9 ; settles the ilispute relative lo Jamai- 
ca, iii <Wi ; appointed Governor of St. Do 
mingo, iii. 2li(i ; refuses to put S. tniavor 
in possession of Boriquen, ib. ; appoints 
Juan Ceron, ib. 

, Don Diego, (son lo Christopher,) ap- 
pointed page to queen Isabella, ii.98; em- 
barks with his father on his second ex|>edi- 
tion, i. 3(12; left in charge of his father't 
intereiits in Spain, ii. 303 ; his ingratitude t« 



180 



INDEX. 



Mendcz, anil falsification of his promise, ii. 
421, liis character, iii. 2il.i ; succeeds to the 
rights of his father, as viceroy anil governor 
of the New Wo'-lil, ib. ; urges the king 
to give him those riglils, iii. ii'.Ki ; com- 
mences a process against the king before the 
council of the Indies, ib. ; the defence set up, 
ib. ; the suit lasts several years, ib. ; becomes 
enamoured of Doria Maria Ti ledo. iii. -'i)7 ; a 
decision, in respect to part of his claim, raises 
him to great wealth, ib. ; manies Doiia 
Maria, niece to the Duke nf Alva, ib. ; 
through tills connection he obtains the dig- 
nities and powers enjoyed by Nicnlas de 
Ovauilo, ib. ; embarks for Hispaniola, iii 
2'J8 : keeps up great state, ib. ; becomes em- 
broiled with some of his father's enemies, 
iii. 2'.l!) ; the court of royal audience estab- 
lished as a check upon him, ib ; opposes 
the repartiraientos, iii. 31)0 ; his virtues make 
him unpopular, ib. ; subjugates and settles 
the island of Cuba without the loss of n sin- 
gle man, ib. ; sails for Spain to vindicate his 
conduct, iii. 301 ; is well received, iii. ."ioa ; 
the death of Ferdinand, iii. 303 ; obtains a 
recognition of his innocence of all charges 
against him from Charles V., ib. ; and has 
his right acknowledged to e.\ercise the office 
of viceroy and governor in all places discov- 
ered by his father, ib. ; sails f.ir St. Domingo, 
where he arrives, ib. ; difficulties he has to 
encounter, ib. ; Afiican slaves having been 
introduced and most cruelly used, they revolt, 
ib. ; are subdued, iii. 304 ; is accused of 
usurping too much power, ib. ; receives in 
consequence a severe letter from the council 
of the Indies, iii. 305 ; and is desired to re- 
pair to conrt to vindicate himself, ib. ; sails, 
lands, and appears bel'ore the court at Vic- 
toria, ib. ; clears himself, iii. 3()l> ; prosecutes 
his claims, ib. ; follows the court from city 
to city, ib. ; is attacked by a slow fever, ib. ; 
dies, ib ; his family, ib. 

Columbus, Fernando, (son toChristoplier.) ac- 
companies his father on his fourth voyage, 
ii. 30G ; his father's encomium on liim. ii. 
•1fi8 ; embarks for Hispaniola with Don 
Diego, iii 208 ; an account nf him. iii. 310 ; 
writes a history of his father, iii. 311. 

Don Luis (Son to Dun Diego), pro- 
secutes the claims of his fatlier and grand- 
father, iii. 307; compromises all claims for 
two titles and a pension, ib ; dies, iii. 308. 

Comargre, Cacique of, his dwelling, iii. 14.'): 
advice of to the Spaniards on their quarrel 
abnut the gold, iii. 147; baptized as Dun 
l^arlo^, iii. 148 ; gives Nuiiez 4000 ounces 
of gold and si.\ty slaves, iii. 140; beverage 
made from maize, &c. ib.; preserved bodies, 
iii. 14lj. 

Commerce, despotic influence of the Spanish 
crown in respect to, i. 283, ii. 288. 

IJdtnpass, the, brought into more general use, 
i. 38. 

Conception, Santa iVIaria de la, discovery of. 
i. 1G5. 

Fort, erected by Columbus, ii. 

31 ; present state of, ii. 166. 



Contradictions, the coast of, \.942. 

Convicts who li,ad accoiwji^ied Columbus, 
conduct of, in lii.spanu)la, ii. 2-'fi. 

Copper hatchets seen aili,ong the Indians of 
Guanaca, ii. 314. 

Coral fonnil in Veraguay, ii. 332. 

Cormorants, large flights of, seen on the south 
coast of (Juba. i. 417. 

Coronel. Pedro Fernandez, sails for Hayti with 
two ships, ii. 97 ; arrives at St. Domingo 
with su|)plifs, ii. 174 ; is sent to persuade 
Riildan to return to his duty, ib 

Corral, Bachelor, overhears threats made b" 
Nicuesa and hastens b.ack to Darien, iii. 13i' 
takes part in the faction at Darien, and t^* 
sumes command with Perez, iii Ifil. 

Correo, Pedro, a navigator oinote, with whom 
Columbus becomes acquainted, i. 44. 

Cortez, Hernando, conduct of Fonseca to, iii. 
437. 

Costa Rica, Columbus sails along the, ii. 328. 

Cotabanama, Cacique of Higuey, ii. 18; mas- 
sacres eight Spaniards, ii 439 ; Ovando 
marches against him, ib. ; sues for peace, ii. 
440 ; visits the Spanish camp, ib ; another 
war ensues, ii 441 ; cruelty to his tribe, ii. 
446 ; takes shelter with his wife and children 
in a large cavern, ii. 447 ; his rencounter 
with Juan Lopez, ii 448 ; is overpowered 
and chaiRed, ii. 449; sent to St. Domingo 
and hanged, ib. 

Cotton, where first seen in the western hemi- 
sphere, i. 11)0 ; seen in large quantities in 
Cuba, i. 18.5 ; tribute of, ii. 50. 

Cranes, flocks of large, seen in Cuba, i. 41.5. 

Creatiiin, ideas in respect to the, entertained by 
the Haytiens, i. 371. 

Crocodiles Ibund at El Retrete similar to those 
of the Nile, ii. 336. 

Crosses erected by Columbus to denote his dis- 
coveries, i. 405. 

Crusade to recover the holy sepulchre proposed 
hy Columbus, ii. 2S)3. 

Cruz, Cabo de la, so named by Columbus, i. 
404. 

. Santa, settled, iii. .54. 

Cuba, island of, Columbus hears of, i. 170-1 ; 
sails in quest of it. i. 172; discovery of, 
ib. ; description of its appearance, i. 172-3; 
hurricanes seldom known in, i. 17G ; belief 
of the inhabitants in a future state, i. 187 ; 
Columbus revisits the coasts of, i. 404 ; na- 
tives of, i. 40()-7 ; Columbus coasts along 
the southern side, i. 410 ; natives, ib. ; 
subjugated and settled by Don Diego Colum- 
bus, iii. .302; the remains of Columbus re- 
moved to, iii. 291. 

Cubagua, Isle of, discovery of, ii. 123 ; natives, 
ib. ; pearl fisheries on the coast of, estab- 
lished, iii 302. 

Cubiga, a village in Veragua where the coun- 
trv of gold was supposed to terminate, ii. 
331. 

Cucumbers first seen in Hayti, i. 380. 

Cueybas, Cacique of Cuba, anecdote of, iii. 95. 

Currency, principles on which the sums men- 
tioned in this work have been reduced to 
modern currency, iii. 380. 



^ 



INDEX. 



481 



Dances of the Haytiens, i. 375. 
Dorien, gold taken at, iii. ]26 ; name of, 
changed to Santa Maria, iii. Vil ; faction 
at, ib. ; Zeniaco, Cacique of, iii. 126; 
farther factions at, iii. 138-159 ; plot of Ze- 
maco to destroy, iii. 156 ; lawyers not ad- 
mitted in the colony, iii 197 ; Martyr's ac- 
count of, iii. 1U9 ; malady at, iii. 207 ; fam- 
ine at. ib. ; 700 perish, ib. ; alarm at, 
concerning the Indians, iii. 227. 
arien, Gnlf of ii. 372. 
vjavila. Arias Don I'edro, sent as new governor 
to the Colony of Darien, iii. 191 ; his char- 
acter, ib. ; advocated by Fonseca, iii. 195; 
arrives at Darien, iii. 202 ; sends messengers 
to Nuiiez, ib. ; falls sick, iii. 207 ; jealousy 
of iii. 218 ; the daughter of, oflered in mar- 
riage to Nunez, iii. 227 ; Sosa sent from 
Spain to supersede, iii. 234 ; difficulties be- 
tween Nunez and Davila renewed, iii. 23t) ; 
Arguello, friend of Nunez, arrested, iii. 237 ; 
hypocrisy of, iii. 240 ; orders Nunez to he 
executed, iii. 242. 

Dead and dving, manner of treating the, by 
the Haytiens, i. 374. 

Delphin, "island of ii. 122. 

Deluge, universal, ideas entertained by the 
Haytiens in respect to, i. 373. 

Deza, Diego de, ciiaracter of. i. 91 ; coincides 
with Columbus at the council of Salamanca, 
ib. ; assists him with his purse, i. 99 ; made 
archbishop of Seville, ii. 460 ; is chosen arbi- 
trator between the king and Columbus, ii. 
472. 

Diaz, Bartholomew, account of his discoveries, 
ii. 12. 

, Miguel, his romantic history, ii. 70 ; dis- 
covers the gold mines of Hayna, ii. 72 ; 
commands the fortress of St. Domingo at the 
time Bobadilla arrives, ii. 252 ; his conduct 
on being desired to give up his prisoners, ii. 
253. 

de Pisa, mutiny of, i 351; confined on 

board one of the ships, i. 353. 

Disaster, river of, ii. 322. 

Discovery, progress of, under prince Henry of 
Portugal, i. 34. 

Dnbayba, account of the golden temple at, 
iii. 1.50-1. 

Dogs, dumb, found at Santa Marta, i. 407. 

Domingo, San, foundation of the city of, ii. 
140. 

Dominica, island of, discovered, i. 305. 

Doves, stock, presented to Columbus by the 
natives of Cuba, i. 408. 

Drogeo, a vast country, fabled to have been 
discovered by some fishermen of Friseland, 
iii. 359 

Dnim, a species of, used by the Haytiens, i. 
377. 

Dying, manner of treating the, i. 374. 

E. 
Ear, coast of the, ii. 318. 
Eden, garden of. speculation of Columbus in 
respect to, iii. 443. 
voi-.in. 21 



Egg, anecdote of the, i. 274. 

Egypt, soldan of, his message to Ferdinand 
i. 97. 

Elmo, St., electrical lights seen by Columbus 
i. 304. 

Enchanters, the natives of Cariari taken to be 
ii. 325. 

Enciso, Martin Fernandez de, appointed al- 
calde by Ojeda, iii .04 ; e.vpedition of, iii. 115 ; 
touches at Carthagena, iii. 110; magnani- 
mous conduct of the Indians, iii. 118 ; cru- 
sade against the sepulchres of Zenu, iii. 121 ; 
sacks them for gold, ib. ; his landing opposed! 
iii. 122 ; re.ids formula to the natives, ib. ; 
attacks them, iii. 123 ; returns to San Se- 
bastian, iii. 124; vessel strikes on a rock, 
vow made by, iii. I2tj ; establishes the seat 
of government at Darien, iii. 127, difficulty 
with Nufiez, iii. 138 ; imprisoned, iii. 139 ; 
returns to Spain, refiresents Nunez as gov- 
erning the colony by force and fraud, iii. 

English voyagers, Ojeda's mention of, iiL 

Enriqnez, Beatri.\, her connection with Co 
lumbus, i. 80 ; Columbus's legacy to ii. 
480. ' 

Escobar, Diego de, arrives at Jamaica on a 
mission to Columbus from the governor of 
Hispaniola, ii. 402 ; returns to his ship im- 
mediately, ib. 

, Rodrigo de, chief notary to Columbus's 

first e.vped it ion, i. 124. 

Escobebo, Rodrigo de, his conduct after the 
departure of Columbus, i. 328 ; death of, ib. 

Espinal, Antonio de, the first prelate sent to 
the New World, ii. 288. 

Espinosa. Caspar de. judicial afl^airs of the 
colony of Darien confided to, iii. 197; takes 
part against Nuiiez in his controversy with 
Davila, iii. 215 ; gives verdict against Nu 
flez, iii. 242. 

Esquibel. Juan de. employed against the na- 
tives of Higuey, ii. 440 ; his atrocious con- 
duct to his prisoners, ii. 415-7 ; causes the 
natives to be hunted like wild beasts, ib. ; 
sent to Jamaica to lake command, iii. 67 ; 
difficulty with Ojeda, ib 

Estotiland, a supposed island on the coast of 
North America, said to have been discovered 
by some fishermen of Friseland, iii 3.59. 

Eudoxus, remarks on his voyage, iii. 361. 

Evangelista, island of, discovered by Colum- 
bus, i. 422. 

E.vuma. discovery of, i. 107 ; named Fernan- 
dina by Columbus, ib. 



Famine at Darien, in which 700 perish, iii. 
207. 

Farol, Cape, at Jamaica, i. 433. 

Ferdinand, king of Aragon and Castile, cha- 
racter of i. 74 ; engagements of, on the arri- 
val of Columbus at Cordova, i. 79 ; lays 
siege to the city of Loxa, i. 80 ; grants an 
audience to Colombus, i, 81-2; desires the 
prior of Prado to assemble men of science to 



482 



INDEX. 



consider his plan, i. 83 ; attempt to assassi- 
nate him, i. SKJ ; takes Malaga, ib.; forms an 
alliance with Ilfnry VII. of England, i. 9(5 ; 
one of the rival kings of Granada surrenders 
his pretensions, i. !tT ; receives a message 
from the soldan of Egypt, ib ; his message 
to Columbus on learning the unfavorable de- 
cision of the council, i. KID ; refers his plan 
to persons of contidence, i. 108 ; his reluc- 
tance to the plan after the queen has con- 
sented, i. 114; his joy on learning the suc- 
cess of Columbus, i. 2(>5 ; his reception of 
him, i. 2(>5, f>, 7 ; prepares a second expedi- 
tion, i. 281 ; his negotiations with John II. 
in respect to the new discoveries, i. 287 ; lis- 
tens to the charges against Columbus, ii 57 ; 
his conduct, ib.; his reception of Columbus on 
liis second return, ii 8ti ; lays the tbundation 
of the power of C^harlesV., ii. ><7; promises Co- 
lumbus to furnish him with ships for a third 
voyage, ib.; disappointed that his newly dis- 
covered possessions have not become a source 
of profit, ii. 240 ; assaulted by the clamors 
of ruffians who had returned from Hispanio- 
la, ii. 241 ; his ingratitude to Columbus be- 
comes evident, ii. 242 ; listens to the rebels 
who had been permitted to return to Spain, 
ii. 243 ; sends out a comiuis^ii.n to inquire 
into the conduct of Colundjus, ii. 244; re- 
probates the conduct pursued against Colum- 
bus, and invites him to court, ii 272 ; pro- 
mises to restore him to all his rights and pri- 
vileges, ii. 273; his jealousy awakened at 
the discoveries r/f the English and Portu- 
guese, ii. 282 ; his ingratitude to Columbus, 
ii. 283 ; listens to the project of Columbus 
for a fourth voyage, ii. 309 ; his ingratitude 
more evinced on the return of Columbus 
from his last voyage, ii. 4(5.5. 72, 76; erects a 
monument over Columbus, ii. 482; cupidity 
of, iii. 59 ; favors the projects of both Nicu- 
esa and Ojeda, iii. til ; receives Cayzedo 
and Colmenares, iii, 195 ; dispatches a pow- 
erful armada for the colonies, iii. 200 ; orders 
an e.xpedition to scour the islands nf the Ca- 
ribs, iii. 285 ; his conduct to Don Diego, Co- 
lumbus's son, iii. 297 ; consents that Don 
Diego should commence a process against 
him before the council of the Indies, iii. 296 ; 
the defence setup, ib.; separates the Isthmus 
of Darien into two great ))rovinces, iii. 299 ; 
death, iii. 303. 

Fernandez, Garcia, physician of Palos, his ac- 
count of Columbus at the gate of the con- 
vent on his first arrival in Spain, i. 102, 3, 4 ; 
testimony of, relative to Pinzon, iii. 348. 

Ferrer, Jayme, an eminent lapidary, substance 
of his letter to Columbus, ii. 297. 

Festival, religious, of a Haytien Cacique, de- 
scription of, i. 368-9. 

Feveis, the aborigines' mode of treating, iii. 
24. 

Fiesco, Bartholomew, embarks with Mendez 
from Jamaica to Hispaniola, ii. 385 ; attends 
the last moments of Columbus, ii. 481. 

Fish, curious, i. 435. 

Fishing, curious method of, i. 407. 



Florida discovered, iii. 282. 

Fonseca, Juan Rodiiguez de, appointed super- 
intendent of Indian affairs, i. 281 ; his cha- 
racter, ib.; his difference with Columbus, i. 
297 ; impedes the affairs of Columbus, ii. 98 ; 
writes a cold letter to Columbus, by order of 
the sovereigns, ii. 2118 ; shows Columbus's 
letter to Alonzo de Ojeda, ii. 221 ; his base- 
ness fully displayed, ii. 222; supposed to 
have instigated the violent measures of Boba- 
dilla, ii 266 ; thri/Ws impediments in the way 
of Columbus's fourth voyage, ii. 302; re- 
commends the project of Ojeda to Ferdinand, 
iii. til ; supposed to have been the cause of 
Ovando's di>grace, iii 298 ; by order of Fer- 
dinand, establishes a court, called the Royal 
Audience, iii. 3110; becomes interested in 
continuing the slave trade, iii. 416 ; his op- 
jiosition to Las Casas, ib.; an account of, iii. 
434 ; character of, iii. 435 ; his conduct to 
Cortez, iii. 436 ; accused of having fomented 
a conspiracy to assassinate Cortez, iii. 437. 

Fountain of pure water in the sea, ii. 400. 

Fountain, rejuvenating waters of a, at Bimi- 
ni, iii. 279. 

Franciscans, the order first introduced into the 
New World, ii. 288. 

Friars, Jeronimite, sent to the colonies to re- 
medy abuses, iii. 237. 

Fuego, del, island of, seen by Columbus, ii. 
1(1.5 

Fulvia, reveals the plot of Zemaca to Nunez, 
iii 156. 



Galleys, Venetian, capture of, by Colombo the 
younger, iii 327. 

Gama, Vasquez de, doubles the Cape of Good 
Hope, and opens a new road for the trnde of 
the East. i. 39, ii. 279 

Garabito, Andres, sent by Nuiiez to Cuba, to 
enlist men for an e.xpedition, iii. 209 ; arrive.^ 
from, iii. 217 ; sent to Ada to reconnoitre, 
iii. 235; his difficulty with Nufiez, ib. ; sei- 
zure of, iii. 236; trial of, iii. 243; set at 
liberty, ib. 

Garcia, de Barranles, his conduct during the 
conspiracy of Roldan, ii. 165. 

Gardens, the, coast so called, ii. 117. 

King's islands, i. 189. 

Queen's, islands of, i. 405. 

the Hesperian, observations in respect 

to, iii. 439. 

Gato, Paulo, a species of monkey, ii. ]21. 

Genoa, Columbus shows great respect to, ii. 
93. 

Gentlemen, the paw of, a road so called, i. 357. 

Geraldini, Alexandria and Antonio, warmly 
enter into the views of Columbus, i. 80 ; 
they introduce him to the archbishop of 
Toledo, ib. 

Gnats, clouds of, seen by Nufiez in his expedi- 
tion to Dobavba, iii. 212. 

Gold (Western), discovered first in St. Salvador, 
i. i60; specimens of virgin ore found in the 
interior of Hispaniola, i. 344 ; particles found 
in the streams, i. 302 ; and jiieces, i. 364. 



INDEX. 



483 



Gold, of the temple, pruciired by Solomon, iii. 
59 ; spoils (ouiiil at ( 'artliagpiia, in the moun- 
tains and rivers of Zenu, iii. J2I , taken in 
nets, ib. ; taken at Darien, iii. 126. 

, tribute of, ii. .'jil. 

mine discovered in Ilayti, ii. "0 ; a solid 

mass of, which weighed 3(i()l( castellanos, ii. 
309; superstitious notions in resi)ect to, ii. 
343; gathered from the rcots of the trees in 
Veraguay. ii. 341!. 

Golden Castile, iii lOfi. 

Golden river, arrival at, in second vtiyage, i. 
320, 3(50. 

Gods of the Haytiens, i. 3r>S-y. 

Gomara, Fernando Lopez de, cxaminatinn of 
his charge relative to a pilot's having died in 
the house of Columbus, iii. 349. 

Gonzalez, Juan, attacked by the Indians and 
escapes, iii. 272. 

Gorvalane.vplores part of the interior of Hispa- 
niola, i. .'!44 ; return^ to Spain, i. 345. 

Gourds introduced into Hayti, i. 380. 

Gracias a Dios, cape of, ii. 320. 

, colony of, assigned to Nicuesa, 

iii. 62. 

Granada, discovery of, ii. 123. 

Grape-vines, very lu.NUriant, found in Cuba, 
i. 415. 

Greenland, assertions relative to its discovery 
by the Scandinavians, iii. 356. 

Granada, surrender of, i. 107. 

Guadaloupe, island of, discovered, i. 306; 
houses, furniture, &c of the natives, i. 307-8 ; 
supposed to be cannibals, i. 301) ; description 
of the island, ib. ; Columbus revisits it, ii. 
77 ; women of, ii. 78, 79. 

Guacanagari, Cacique of Hispaniola, sends a 
message to Columbus, i. 205; receives the 
Spaniards with great courtesy, ib. ; sheds 
tears on learning the shipwreck of Colum- 
bus, i. 209 ; his assistance, ib. ; and kind- 
ness, i. 211 ; invites Columbus to liis resi- 
dence, i. 212; manners of, ib ; hospitality, i. 
220; procures a great quantity ot gold for 
the Admiral previous to his departure for 
Spain,!. 221; sends his cousin to greet Co 
lumbus on his second arrival, i. 322 ; his 
suspicious conduct during the disaster 
at La Navidad. i. 328 ; visits Colum- 
bus's ships, i. 332; admires a captive Carib 
woman, i. 333-4-5; his flight into the in- 
terior, i. 336; his mysterious conduct con- 
tinued, i. 395 ; refuses to partake in the plan 
formed by Caonabo, of exterminating the 
Spaniards, ii 27; incurs the hostility of his 
fellow Caciques, ib. ; visits Columbus dur- 
ing his sickness, and informs him of a 
league formed against him, ii. 29 ; assists 
Columbus in his exjiedition against the In- 
dians of the Vega, ii. 45; is present at a 
battle, ii. 47 ; incurs the hatred of all the 
Caciques, ib. ; is nevertheless compelled to 
pay tribute, ii. .54 ; takes refuge in ihe moun- 
tains and dies in misery, ii. 55 ; his character, 
ib. 

Gnana, regarded with disgust by the Spaniards, 
i. 39C; they conquer their prejudice ii. 144. 



Guanaja, discovery of, i. 315. 

Guaora, Cacique, hunted like a wild beast, and 
afterwards hanged, ii. 436. 

Guarionex, Cacique of the royal Vega, ii. 16; 
visits Columbus, and is prevailed on to give 
his daughter to Diego Colon, the interpreter, 
ii. 31 ; permits Columbus to build a fortress, 
ib. ; character of, ii. 47; submits to tha 
domination of the Spaniards, ii. 48; com- 
pelled to pay tribute, ii. 49 ; offers to culti- 
vate grain, ii. .50; refused, ib. ; learns the 
Pater-noster, Ave Maria, &c., ii. 149; re- 
lapses, and the cause of it, ib. ; becomes in- 
censed at several Indians being burnt for 
destroying some images, ii. 150 ; takes arms, 
ii. 151 ; conspires to assassinate the Span- 
iards, ib. ; is seized, ii. 153 ; is pardoned, ii. 
1.54 ; enters into a conspiracy with Roldan 
against the Adelantado, ii. 175; puts a Ca- 
cique to death, ii. 176; flies to the mountains 
of Ciguay, ib. ; is compelled to retire into the 
most desolate places, ii. 179 ; is seized and 
taken in chains to Fort Conception, ii. 183; 
lost in a hurricane, ii. 312. 

Guatiquana, a Cacique of Hayti, puts ten 
Spaniards to death, and sets fire to a house, 
ii. 23. 

Guerra (Christoval), expedition of, iii. 34; 
lands at the Gulf of Paria, iii. 35 ; fights with 
the Caribs, ib. ; visits Margarita, iii. 36 ; re- 
turns to Spain, iii. 38; imprisoned, ib. 

Guerrero, Gonzalo, taken prisoner and marries 
an Indian princess, iii. 249 ; adopts the cus- 
toms of the Indians, and is tattooed, iii. 250. 

Guevara, Don Hernando de, falls in love with 
Higuamota, ii. 232 ; is seized in the dwell- 
ing of Anacaona, ii. 233 ; and sent to San 
Domingo, ib. 

Gulf stream, ii. 124. 

Gutierrez, Pedro, his conduct after the depart- 
ure of Columbus, i. 326-7 ; death of, i. 328. 

H. 

Hamacs, used by the natives of Gxuma, i. 167. 

Hanno, remarks on the Periplus of, iii. 362. 

Haro, Bernaldo de, his evidence relative to the 
discovery of the coast of Paria by Colum- 
bus, iii. ;»40. 

Harpies, seen near Dobayba, iii. 212. 

Hatchets of iron, said to be found at Guada- 
loupe. ii. 77. 

Hawk's bells, delight of the Haytiens on 
wearing, i. 21 1, 215. 

Hayna, mines of, discovered, ii. 70. 

Henry, prmce of Portugal, progress of discov- 
ery under, i. 34 ; account of, i. 35 ; consi- 
ders Africa to be circumnavigable, ib. ; con- 
ceives the idea of turning the trade of the 
East, i. 37 ; establishes a naval college at 
Sagres, i. 38 ; death, 1.39. 

Henry VII. of Fngland, writes a favorable 
letter to Columbus, i. 96. 

Herbs, European, introduced in Hispaniola, i. 
381. 

Herrera. Antonio de, a short account of hii 
life and writings, iii. 432 ; Vossius'seulogiura 
on, iii. 433. 



484 



INDEX. 



Herrera, Don Lepo de, his mission to the 
court of Lisbon, i. 288. 

Ilayti (see Hispaniola), discovery of, i. 193. 

Haytiens. description of their manners, cos 
toms, religion, &c., i. Sfirt ; their character, 
i. 377 ; defeated in the battle of the Vega, ii. 
45, 6, 7, 8, U ; subjugated, ii. 48-49 ; a tri- 
bute imposed upon them, ii. 50 ; their despair, 
ii. 51 ; they enter into an association to des- 
troy the criips, ii. 253 ; the evils fall upon 
themselves, ib. 

Hidalgos, compelled at Hayti to share the com- 
mon labors of the settlement, i. 383 ; char- 
acter of the, i. 384 ; form a faction against 
Diego Columbus, during the absence of his 
brother, ii. 20. 

Higuamota, daughter of Caonabo, falls in love 
witli Don Hernando de Guevara, ii. 232. 

Higuanama, a female Cacicpie, hanged by or- 
der of Ovando, ii. 440. 

Higuey, domain of, ii 17 ; character of its in- 
liabitants, ib. ; Ovando's war with the na- 
tives, ii. 2.38 ; martial character of the peo- 
ple, ib. ; multitudes of them destroyed, ii. 
439 ; sue for peace, ii. 440 ; again revolt, ii. 
441 ; and slaughter their tyrants, ib ; situa- 
tion of their towns, ib.; are defeated and 
compelled to conceal themselves in the fast- 
nesses, ii. 443 ; are hunted like wild beasts, 
ii. 445-6. 

Hipparchus, error of, in respect of Africa and 
India, iii. 363 

Hispaniola, discovery of. i. 193 : cause of its 
being so called, i. 195; description of the in- 
habitants, i. 195, 6, 7 ; of the country, i. 
201 ; transactions with the natives, i. 211 : 
form of government, i. 213 ; alarm created 
by a discharge of cannon, i. 214; general 
description of, i. 368, 9, 370, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 
6, 7, 8, 9 ; domains into which it was divided, 
ii. 16 ; made the metropolis of the New 
World, ib. ; thought to have been the an- 
cient Ophir, ii 73 ; an account of the num- 
bers of the natives who perished, victims to 
the avarice of the whites, ii. 428 ; ceded to 
the French, iii. 291. 

Honduras, cape of, discovered by Columbus, 
ii. 317 ; inhabitants, ii. 318. 

Honey and wa.\ found at GuadaIouj)e, i. 311, 
ii. 77. 
' Horses, fear of the Haytiens of, i. 381, 390; 
terror inspired by them at the battle of the 
Vega, ii. 47 ; a remarkable one which moved 
in curvets to the music of a viol, ii. 432 ; 
killed and salted for sea stores, iii 120 ; a 
horse drawn into the river by an alligator, 
iii. 80. 

Houses bnilt in the trees, iii. 153. 

Huelva, Alonzo Sanchez de, the pilot, fabled 
to have died in the house of Columbus, iii. 
349. 

Huerta, La, delightful island of, ii. 322 ; in- 
habitants of, ib. 

Humboldt, his account of the present condition 
of the southern side of Cuba, i. 41 1 ; 
account of the route of Columbus, iii. 
380. 



Hurtado, Bartolome, disaster of, at the Black 
River, iii. 1,55 ; sent to take the place of Nu 
fiez, in the expedition to the South Se:is, iii. 
240. 

Hurricanes, seldom known in Cuba, i. 170 ; a 
violent one in Hayti, ii. 67 ; reflections of 
the Haytiens previous to it, ii. 68, 69 ; severe 
one at Dobayba, iii. 212. 

L 

Iceland, Columbus supposed to have visited, i. 
59 ; assertions relative to its discovery by the 
Scandinavians, iii 3.56. 

Impressment resorted to on Columbus's third 
voyage, ii. 9(5. 

Indians, six taken from the New World ; arri- 
val of in Spain, i 2.53 ; are baptized, i. 285 ; 
killed by a foraging party, iii. .53 ; cabins set 
on tire by the S])aniards,females captured, ib. ; 
100 captured, and sent to Hispaniola to be 
sold, iii. 63 ; 70 made captives, iii. 73 ; Span- 
iards attacked by, ib. ; ambuscade of, iii. 81 ; 
dances of, in honor of the Virgin, iii. 94 ; 
captives sold as slaves by Nicuesa, iii. 132 ; 
preserved bodies at Comagre, iii. 146; order- 
ed to be torn to pieces by bloodiiounds. iii. 
J68 ; the sun supposed to be worshipped by, 
iii. 187 ; prayer of a Cacique, ib.; an Indian, 
of Jamaica, desires Columbus to take him to 
Spain, i. 402. 

Iron, a pan of, seen at Guadaloupe, i. 303. 

Isabella, discovery of the island of, i. 260, 

, princess, marriage of, with the heir 

ajiparent of Portugal, i. 98. 

, queen of Arragon and Castile, cha- 
racter of, i. 76 ; engagements of, on the ar- 
rival of Columbus in Spain, i. 79; repairs 
to the seat of war in Granada, ib. ; thence to 
Galliciaand Salamanca, i. 80, 1 ; an attempt 
to assassinate her, i. 94 ; Columbus recom- 
mended to her by the marchioness of Moya, 
i. 95 ; her ability in military aftairs, i 97 ; 
receives a letter from the prior of La Rabida, 
i. 104 ; invites Columbus to court, i. 105 ; 
Luis de St. Angel reasons with her, i. Ill ; 
signifies her assent, i. 112 ; declares her reso- 
lution to pawn her jewels to defray the ex- 
penses, ib. ; her enthusiasm in the cause, i. 
113 ; her motives, i. 1 17 ; her joy at learning 
the success of Columbus, i. 268 ; her recep- 
tion of him, i. 273 ; her zeal for the welfare 
of the Indians, i. 285 ; her anxiety in respect 
to the conversion of the Haytiens, ii ti2 ; 
humanely prevents the Ilaytien slaves from 
being sold to slavery, ib. ; orders them to be 
sent back to Hayti, ib. ; enters into the views 
of Columbus in respect to a third voyage, ii. 
90 ; her humane directions, ii. 95 ; death of 
her son. Prince Juan, ii. 97 ; makes Colum- 
bus's two sons her pages, ii. 98 ; begins to 
doubt the conduct of Columbus, ii. 241 ; of 
fended at his pertinacity in making slaves of 
the Indians taken in war, ii. 244 ; orders all 
those sent to S|)ain to be restored to their 
country and friends, ib. ; consents to the 
sending out a commission to investigate hii) 
conduct, ib. ; filled with sympathy and in 



INDEX. 



485 



dignation on reading Columbus's letter to 
Doiia de la Torre, ii. 'J70 ; invites him to 
court, ii. 272 ; is moved to tears at beholdin'r 
him, ii. 273; her concern for the welfare of 
the Indians, ii. 2f8 ; listens with compla- 
cency to the prci|)osition of Columbus for a 
fourth voyage, ii. 298 ; receives the news of 
the sanguinary acts of Ovando with horror 
and indignation, ii. J.58 ; exacts a promise 
from the king that he shall be superseded in 
the government, ib. ; causes of the melan- 
choly under which she labored, ii. 4G5 ; her 
death, ii. 4(i<) ; and character, ib. 



J. 



Jamaica discovered by Columbus, i. 398 ; the 
natives receive Columbus in a hostile manner, 
i. 400; Columbus takes possession of it, i. 
401 ; amicable intercourse with the natives, 
ib. ; their character, ib. ; their canoes, ib. ; 
subjugated by Don Diego, iii. 302 ; Esquibel 
made governor, iii. 07. 

, Caci(|ne I f, visits Columbus, and offers 

to go and do homage to the king and queen 
of Spain, i. 431 ; this offer evaded by Colum- 
bus, i. 432. 

Japan (Cipango), Marco Polo's accouut of it, 
iii. 397. 

Jasper, specimens found among the mountains 
ofCibao, ii.363. 

Jerez, Rodrigo de, sent up the island of Cuba 
by Columbus, i. 180 ; account of his jour- 
ney, i. 182. 

Jews not allowed to establish themselves in the 
colonies, or undertake voyages of discovery, 
ii. 288. 

Johnof Anjou, an account of his expedition 
against Naples, iii. 32.i. 

II. king of Portugal, the passion for 

maritime discovery revives under, i. 61 ; 
sends missions in qnest of Prester-John, i. 
02 ; receives a proposition of a voyage of dis- 
covery from Columbus, i. 03; refers it to a 
junto and his council, who report it to be 
visionary,! 05; consents to use an unwar- 
rantable stratagem, i. 08 ; desires to renew 
the negotiation with Columbus, i. 68; who 
refuses, and quits Portugal, i. 09; invites 
Columbus to Portugal, and promises protec- 
tiiin, 1.9.5; invites Culumbus on his return 
from the New World, i. 254 ; his jealousy 
excited, i. 2.55 ; his armament, i. 287; his 
negotiations with Ferdinand in respect to the 
new discoveries, i. 287-289 ; his idea in re- 
sjiect to a continent in the southern ocean, 
ii. 290-2. 

Josephus, his opinion relative to the gold used 
in the temple of Jerusalem, ii. 348. 

Juan, prince, his nuptials, ii. 90 ; his death, ii. 
97. 

Juana, qaeen of Castile, arrival of, ii. 478 ; 
promises a prosperous termination to the suit 
of Columbus, ib. 

Junta de Descargos, the claims of Columbus 
referred to the, ii. 474. 



Kings, Moorish, of Granada, one of them sur- 
renders his pretensions to Ferdinand, i. 97; 
the other surrenders Granada, i. 107. 

Kircher, Athanasius, his opinion relative to the 
travels of Marco Polo, iii. 393. 



Labrador, discovered by Sebastian Cabot, ii. 
279. 

Lactantius, passage quoted from, to prove the 
impossibility of their being antipodes, i. 86-7. 

Lapis lazuli, specimens found among the 
mountains of Cibao, i. 302. 

Ledesma, Pedro, his gallant conduct, ii. 364 ; 
involves himself in Porras's mutiny, and re- 
ceives a multitude of wounds, ii. 418 ; is as- 
sassinated, ib. 

Lepe, Diego de, voyage of, iii. 47 ; sets sail 
from Palos, ib. ; doubles Cape St. Angus- 
tine, ib. ; discovers more of the southern 
continent than any voyager of his day, ii. 

Lineage of Christopher Columbus, an account 

of, iii. 314. 
Lombards, the extent of their trade, i. 30. 
Lopez, Juan, his rencontre with Cutabanama, 

ii. 448. 
Lots for Pilgrimages, drawing of, i. 241. 
Luxan, Juan de, his excursion among the 

mountains of Cibao, i. 306. 



M. 

Macham, his discovery of Madeira, i. 34 ; an 
account of his adventures, iii. 412. 

Madeira, an account of the discovery of the 
island of, iii. 411. 

Magellan, electrical lights seen during his voy- 
age on the masts of ships, i. 304. 

Maguana, domain of, an account of, ii. 16. 

Mahogany, canoes marie of. i. 401. 

Maize, cultivated in Hayti, i 377. 

Maladies of the Spaniards in Ha;, i. 340,381. 

Malaga, siege and capture of, i 9.'> \. 

Maldonado. Don .Alonzo, appointed Alguazil- 
mayor in the place of Roldan, in Hispaniola, 
ii. 290. 

. Melchor, visits Guacanagari, i. 

330 ; proceeds along the coast, i. 337-8. 

Malte-Brun. his conjecture relative to Colum- 
bus considered, iii. 301. 

Man, oricin of, according to the Haytiens, i. 

Mangrove trees, iii. 7.') ; Ojeda seeks refuge from 
the Indians in one, iii. 7li. 

Manicaotex, succeeds Caonabo, ii. 43; com- 
mands in a battle, ii 4<) ; is conquered and 
sues for peace, ii. 48; compelled to pay half 
a calabash of gold every three months, ii. 
50 ; assembly of the Caciques at his house 
to prefer complaints against Columbus, ii. 67. 

Maudevdie. Sir John, a short account of hi» 
travels, iii. 398 ; held in great authority by 
Columbus, iii. 399. 

Mangon, a province of Cuba, i. 408-9. 



486 



INDEX. 



Map, Paulo Toscanelli's. used by Columbus 
on his first voyage, i. .57. 

Maps, a great improvement made in, I. 43. 

Marble, masses of, found among the moun- 
tains ofCibao, i. 303. 

Marcolini, his account of Estotiland and Dro' 
geo, iii. 360. 

Margarita, island of, discovery of, ii. 123. 

of Austria, her nuptials with prince 

Juan, ii. 90. 

Margarite, Pedro, recommended to a command 
by Columbus, i. 346 ; made commander of 
the fortress of St. Thomas, i. 307 ; sends an 
account of the conduct of his colony, &c., 
i. 381 ; is invested with the command of the 
forces, i. 387; disregards his instructions, i. 
389 ; his misconduct during the absence of 
Columbus, ii. 16, 17, 18 ; is censured by Di- 
ego Columbus, ii. 19; forms a plan of re- 
turning to Spain, ii. 21 ; sets sail, ib.; his 
accusations of Columbus at Madrid, ii. 56. 

Marque, Diego, missed at Guadaloupe, i. 309 ; 
his return, i. 311 ; is placed under arrest, i. 
312. 

Maria, Santa, discovery of, i. 313. 

Marien, domain, account of, ii. 16. 

Martin V., Pope, concedes to the crown of 
Portugal all the lands it might discover from 
Cape Bajadiir to the Indies, i. 278. 

Marta, Santa, discovery of, i. 407. 

Martin, San, island of, discovered, i. 313. 

Martyr, Peter, his account of Cuba, i. 187 ; 
his description of the natives of Hispaniola, 
i. 198 ; sent to the soldan of Egypt to make 
arrangements for the cunservatiiin of the ho- 
ly sepulchre, ii. 302 ; short account of his 
life and writings, iii. 423 ; passages from his 
letters relative to Culumbus, iii. 424 ; his cha- 
racter of Amerigo Vespucci, iii. 330. 

Marigalante, island of, discovery of, i. 306. 

Martin, Alonzo, the first European on the Pa- 
cific, in a vessel, iii. 174. 

Mateo, Juan, a Haytien converted to Christi- 
anity, ii. 149. 

Mauro, constructs a celebrated map, i. 43. 

Maya, province of Yucatan, natives of, can- 
nibals, iii. 24^. 

Mayobane.x, Cacique of the Ciguayens, i. 235 ; 
Guarionex flies to him for refuge, ii. 179 ; 
his answer to the Adelantado, when desired 
to give up Guarione.\, ii. 180; is deserted in 
his need, ii. 182 ; compelled to fly, ib.; is 
seized with his wife and children, ii. 183. 

Medina Celi, duke of, enteitains Columbus, i. 
72 ; application of Columbus to, ib.; writes 
to the queen, i. '3 ; account of, iii. 18. 

• , Sidouia, duke of, ap|)licatl(m of Co- 
lumbus to, i. 72 ; plan rejected, ib. 

Melons introduced into Hayti, i. 380. 

RIendez, Diego, his bold conduct at Veragua, 
ii. 3.50, .350 ; his reward, ii. 309 ; his me- 
ritorious conduct at Jamaica, ii. 3v8 ; his 
conversation with Columbus, ii 380; un- 
dertakes to go in a canoe to St. Domingo, ii. 
381 ; departs with one Sjianiard and si.v In- 
dians, ii. 382 ; narrowly escapes being mur- 
dered by the Indians of the coast and re- 



turns, ii. 384 ; account of his voyage, ii. 405 
sails for Spain, ii. 421 ; his subsequent histo- 
ry, ii. 423, and note. 

Mendoza, Pedro Gonzalez de, — see Toledo, 
Archbishop of. 

Meneses, Don Pedro de, his answer to the bish- 
op of Ceuta in respect to the projmety of 
maritime discoveries, i. 66. 

Mermaids, three supposed, seen by Columbus, 
1.231. 

Mexiatrillo, Rodrigo, commands the soldiery at 
the massacre of Xaragua, ii 433. 

Misa, Rio de la, so called from mass performed 
on its banks, i. 428. 

Monis de Palestrello, Dona Felipa, her mar- 
riage with Columbus, i. 42. 

Mcjnte Christi, description of, i. 338 ; Colum- 
bus founds the city of Isabella, i. 339. 

Montserrat, discovery of, i. 313. 

Moors, war against the, i. 79. 

, none permitted to establish themselves 

in the colonies or go on voyages of discovery, 
ii. 288. 

Morales, Caspar, e.xpedition of, to the Pacific, 
i. 21S. 

, Francisco, his evidence relative to the 

discovery of the coast of Paria by Colum- 
bus, iii. 340. 

Mother-of-pearl found on the coast of Paria, 
ii. 117. 

Mo.vica, Adrian de, conspiracy of, ii.230 ; me- 
ditates the death of the Admiral and of Rol- 
dan, ib.; is seized, ii. 235; and flung head- 
long from the battlements of Fort ('oncep- 
tion, ib. 

Moya, marchioness of, becomes a friend to 
("olumbus, i. 1)5 ; and recommends his suit to 
the queen, ib.; also, 105-112. 

Mulatas, islands of, discovered, ii. 372. 

Mules, the employment of, nnder the saddle 
prohibited in Spain, ii. 470. 

Music of the Haytiens, i. 376. 

Musicians sent to Hayti to enliven the spirits 
of the colony, ii. 99. 

N. 

Names, exchanging, an Indian leagae of fra- 
ternity, ii. 440. 

Navarrete, his opinion relative to the island 
first discovered by Columbus, iii. 368. 

Navasa, Island of, ii. 407 ; fountain near, ii. 
409. 

Navid:id, La, or the Nativity, construction ol 
the fortress of, i 223 : disasters at the for- 
tress, i. 322, 3, 4, 5 ; abandoned by Colum- 
bus, i. 337. 

Needle, variation of the, first noticed, i. 103 ; 
inclines a whole point, ii. J29 ; Columbus's 
speculation in respect to, ii. 131. 

Negroes of Africa introduced into Hispaniola, 
iii. 303 ; their first revolt, ib. 

Negotiations, diplomatic, between the courts of 
Spain and Portugal, with respect to the new 
discoveries, i. 287. 

Newfoundland, assertions relative to the dis 
covery of, by the Scandinavians, iii. 357. 



INDEX. 



487 



Nicholas, St., l.arbor of. i. 194, 

Nicuesa, Diego de, rival of Ujecia at the court 
of Ferdinand, iii. Gl ; character of, iii. &> ; 
Gracios k Dios assigneii to him by Ferdi- 
nand, ib.; captures JOO slaves and sends 
them to Hispaniola to be sold, iii. 63; 
feud with Ojeda, iii. (i5 ; evades the offer of 
Ojeda to settle by combat, ib,; harassed by 
duns, iii. 67 ; arrested, iii. 6,-' ; relieved by a 
stranger, ib.; arrives at coast of Carthagena, 
iii. 75 ; iRconciled with Ojeda. iii.78 ; destroys 
Carthagena, iii. 58 ; sails for the Golf of Ura- 
ba.iii. 80 ; arrives off the coast of Veragna, iii. 
102 ; vessel grounded, iii. 103 ; hardships of 

• crew, iii. 104 ; page killed by an Indian, 
ib. ; on a descdate island, iii. 109 ; causes 
Olano to be seized, iii. 110 ; 300 of his ar- 
mament who left with him on the expedition 
have perished, ib.; sufferings of his men ou 
the coast of the Isthmus, iii. Ill ; reaches 
Puerti. Bello — takes possession of Puerto de 
Bastiir-entos. 1 13 ; sent for to govern Darien, 
iii. 131 ; his threats, ib.; slaves sold by, iii. 
132 ; appears off Darien, iii. 134 ; threaten- 
ed with violence if he should land, ib.; lands, 
ib.; sets sail for Hispaniola and never heard 
of after, iii. 130 ; appointed governor of 
Golden Castile, iii. 301. 

Nino, Pedro Alonzo sails for Ilayti, ii. 83 ; 
undertakes a voy;yj of discovery, and re- 
turns from the pearl ;oast after a lucrative 
voyage, ib.; arrives 9: Cadiz from Hispanio- 
la, with a number of Indian prisoners, ii. 88 ; 
expedition of, iii. 34 ; lands at the gulf of 
Paria. iii. 35 ; fights with the Caribs, ib. ; 
visits Margarita, iii. 36 ; returns to Spain, iii. 
38 ; imprisoned, ib. 

Nombre de Dios, iii. 113. 

Noya, Juan de, his escape by diving, ii. 360. 

Nunez, Vasco. remains at the Isthmus, iii 1 12 ; 
character of, iii. 114; advice to Enciso, iii. 
126; takes part in the faction at Darien, iii. 
127 ; Nicuesa is threatened with violence if 
he should land, iii. 134 ; interposes between 
the people and Nicuesa, ib. ; visits the Ca- 
cique Carela. his humanity yields to the ad- 
dress of the Indian, iii. 143; marries the 
daughter of Careta, iii. 144; invades the 
territories of Ponca, ib.; receives gold from 
the cacique Coniargro, iii. 146 ; sends Valdivia 
to Hispaniola for provisions, iii. 149; expe- 
dition of, to the golden lemple of Dobayba, 
ib.; returns to Uraba, iii. 1.52; to Darien, 
iii. 154 ; discovers the plot of Zeniaco. iii. 
156; surprises the Indians, iii. 157 ; faction 
directed against, iii. Ifil) ; his conduct, iii. 
nil ; is recalled, ib.; made Captain General 
of the colony, iii. 162; receives unfavorable 
news from Spain, iii. 163 ; account of his 
expedition to the Pacific, iii. 165 ; liis cruel- 
ty to the Indians, iii. 167 ; discovers the Pa- 
cific, iii. 169 ; erects a cross, iii. 172 ; takes 
(lossession. iii. 175; adventures on the bor- 
ders, iii. 177-8 ; ventures out in canoes, iii. 
178; difficulties occur, iii. 179; finds abun- 
dance of pearls, iii. 1^0 ; sufferings of, iii. 
187 ; gold brought to him instead o ' provi 



sions, iii. 188 ; stratagem of, against Tnba- 
namh, iii. 189 ; the cacique refuses to disco- 
ver the mines, iii. 190; searches the rivers for 
gold, ib.; IS taken sick, iii. 191 ; his charac- 
ter, iii. 193 ; writes letters to the king, ib.; 
.sends a messenger to Spain to defend himi 
ib ; finds an advocate in Zamudio, iii! 
144 ; is superseded by Davila, iii. 194 ; order- 
ed to be deposed, iii. 198 ; the news of his 
discoveries received in England, iii, 199 
considered a worthy successor of Columbus, 
ib.; judicial inquiry concerning, iii. 209 ; se 
cond expedition to Dobavba, iii. 211 ; made 
adelantado of the South' Sea and governor 
of Panama and Coyba, iii. 215 ; is imprison- 
ed, iii. 218 ; offered the daughter of Davila 
in marriage, iii. 227 ; transports ships across 
the Isthmus, iii. 2;t0 ; cruise of, on the Paci- 
fic, iii. 2:13 ; finds whales in great numbers, 
ib.; lands on the coast, ib.; hears that Sosa 
is to supersede Pedrarias, iii. 234 ; his action, 
ib.; difficnlty between, and Pedrarias Davila 
renewed, iii. 236 ; prophecy of an astrologer 
concerning, iii, 239; returns to Ada, ib.; 
arrested and imprisoned by Davila. iii. 240 ; 
hypocrisy of Davila, ib.; reply of Nunez, iii. 
241-2 ; verdict against — condemned to be 
executed, iii. 242 ; is executed with three of 
his ofl[icers, iii. 245 ; property confiscated 
and his head placed on a pole, iii. 246 ; re- 
flections, ib. 

O. 

Ocampo, associate of Ojeda, iii, S-l. 

Ocean, line of demarkation of the, between 
Spain and Portugal, i. 300. 

Oderigo, documents in the possession of the 
family of, relative to Columbus, ii. 304. 

Ojeda, Don Alonzo de, account of, iii. 18 ; 
goes in search of Diego Marque, at Guada- 
loupe, i. 311 ; his expedition to explore the 
interi:ir of Hispaniola, i. 342 ; sallies from 
Isabella, i. 389 ; character of, ib.; his con- 
duct in respect to some Haytien thieves, ib.; 
character of, ii. 24 ; is besieged by Caonabo, 
ii. 25 ; anecdote of, ib,; undertakes to seize 
Caonabo, anddeliverhim alive intothe hands 
of Columbus, ii. 32; visits him, ib.; offers 
him the bell of Isabella, ii. 33 ; his strata- 
gem to take him off, ii. 34 ; conquers in an 
engagement with a brother of Caonabo, ii. 
37 ; his conduct at the battle of the Vcpa, 
ii. 47-9 ; arrives at the western )>art of His- 
paniola on a voyage of discovery, ii. 219 ; 
cause of his voyage, ii. 222 ; his mancEuvres 
with Roldan, ii. 227 ; leaves the island with 
a threat, ii. 228 ; returns to Spain with a 
drove of slaves, ii. 229 ; conceives projecfs 
of a voyage, iii. 20 ; obtains [)crmission 10 
make the voyage, iii. 21 ; as,sisted by the 
merchants of Seville, ib.; discovers Suri- 
nam, iii. 23 ; lands .it Maracapana, iii. 25 ; 
sails against the cannibals, iii. 26 ; battle 
with the Caribs, ib; discovers the Gulf of 
Venezuela, iii. 28 ; attacked by the Indians, 
iii. 29 ; at Maracaibo, iii. 30 ; abandons his 
voyage and sails for Hispaniola, iii. 32 ; is 



INDEX. 



obliged to leave by Columlwis, iii. 33; re- 
turns to Spain, ib.; second voyage of, iii. 
51 ; made governor of Coquibacoa, ib.; in- 
structions to, relative to tlie English, iii. 52 ; 
forages upon the n?itives, iii. 53 ; a plan laid 
to "titrao him, iii. 56 ; attempts an escape, 
iii. !•/ ; *nri1ic.t concerning strong-box given 
against, ib.; acipiitted, ib.; makes another 
voyage to Coquibacoa, iii. 59 ; chosen by 
Ferdinand to establish colonies in Veragua, 
iii. 60; offered assistance by Cosa, ib.; Ni- 
cnesa becomes his rival — Ferdinand favors 
both, iii. 6i! ; New Andalusia assigned to 
him, ib.; feud with Nicuesa, ib.; proposesto 
settle the dispute by combat, iii. 65 ; Cosa 
interposes, ib.; exploits of, on the coast of 
Carthagena, iii. 69 ; attacks the natives, iii. 
72 ; cabins of, set on fire by his order, iii. 73 ; 
valor of, iii. 74 ; escape of, iii. 76; reconcil- 
ed with Nicuesa, iii. 78 ; San Sebastian set- 
tled by, iii. 80 ; natives of, ib.; supposed by 
the Indians to have a charmed life, iii. 82 ; 
severely wounded, ib.; his remedy, iii. 83 ; 
superstition of, iii. 85 ; put in irons by Tala- 
vera, iii. 89; march of, through Cuba, iii. 
91 ; vow of — performs his vow iii. 94 ; pe- 
rilous voyage in a canoe, iii. 95 ; arrives at 
Jamaica, iii. 96 ; entertains fears of Enciso's 
safety, iii. 98 ; waylaid, iii. 99 ; defends him- 
self against a number, iii. JOO; turns monk 
and dies, ib ; character of, iii 101 ; appoint- 
ed governor of New Andalusia, iii. 301 ; 
fails in his undertaking to colonize that coun- 
try, ib. ; his evidence relative to the dis- 
covery of the coast of Paria by Columbus, 
iii. 341 ; manifesto of, iii. 468. 

Ojeda, Padre Alonzo de, iii. 19. 

Olano, Lope de, commands one of the squad- 
rons of Nicuesa, iii. 102 ; fears entertained 
of his safety, ib.; conduct of, iii. 108 ; Nicu- 
esa causes him to be seized, iii 1)0 ; his ad- 
vice to 'he colonists, iii. 131. 

Oro, Rio del, or Santiago, discovered, i. 231. 

Otto, Mons., remarks on his letter to Dr. Frank- 
lin relative to Martin Behem, iii. 355. 

Ovando, Don Nicholas de, chosen to supersede 
Bobadilla, ii. 281 ; character of, ib ; great 
privileges granted to, ii. 284 ; his fleet, ii. 
290 ; allowed to wear silk, precious stones, &c. 
ib.; sails, ii. 291 ; reaches St. Domingo and 
assumes the government, ii. 308; refuses to 
let Columbus take shelter, ib.; his mysterious 
conduct to Columbus in his distress at Jamai- 
ca, ii. 411-12 ; an account of his administra- 
tion and oppression, ii. 422; sufferings of the 
natives under the civil policy of, ib.; view of 
the military operations of, ii. 428 ; visits 
Anacaona, ii. 431 ; takes it into his head 
that she intends to massacre him and all his 
attendants, ii. 432 ; seizes Anacaona and 
burns all the Caciques, ii. 433 ; massacres the 
populace, ii. 433-35 ; and causes .\nacaona 
to be ignominiously hanged, ii. 436 ; his fur- 
ther atrocious conduct to the unfortunate 
Indians, ib.; founds Santa Maria in comme- 
moration of his atrocities, ib.; wages war 
against the natives of Higuey, ii. 438 ; causes 



many of them to be slaughtered and their 
chieftains to be burnt, ii. 4.')!< ; hangs a. fe- 
male Cacirjue of distinction, ii 440 ; causes 
600 Indians of Saona to be imprisoned in 
one dwelling and put to the sword, ib.; re- 
ceives Columbus on his arrival at St. Do- 
mingo with an hypocritical politeness, li. 
4,55 ; is superseded by Don Diego Columbus, 
bnt permitted to retain possession of all 
property, iii. 97. 

Oviedo, Gonzalo Fernandez de, a short ac- 
count of his life and writings, iii. 428. 

Oysters, in the Gulf of Paria, round the roots 
of the Mangrove trees, ii. 117-19. 

Ozema, river of, and the conntry through which 
it flows, ii. 139. 



Pacific Ocean, discovery of by NnSez, iii. 
169. 

Pascua, Florida, discovered, iii. 282. 

Palos, the port, whence Columbus sailed on bis 
first expedition, i. 119; present state of, i. 
264 ; visit to, iii. 4.54. 

Palms, Cape of, discovered, i. 177. 

Pane, Roman, labors to convert the Haytiens, 
u. 149. 

Paradise, observations on the situation of the 
terrestrial, iii. 438; of the Haytiens,!. 374-5. 

Paria, Gulf of, Columbus's voyage through the, 
ii. 114; description of the coast of, ii. 109; 
manners of the natives, ii. Ill ; current of 
the sea, ii 132. 

Parrots, first seen m the western hemisphere, 
i. 160; large flights of, seen, i. 169; found 
on the coast of I'aria, ii. 118. 

Partition, papal bull of, i. 280; line of re- 
moved, i. 300. 

Passamonte, Miguel, becomes an enemy to 
Don Diego Columbus, iii. 299. 

Pearls, the Gulf of, ii. 120. 

of Cubagua, ii. 118, 12.3. 

, abundance of on the coast of the Pa- 
cific, iii. 180 ; paddles of a canoe inlaid with, 
iii. 182; pearl islands, iii. 219; tribute of, 
iii. 220 ; of great value found, iii. 219 ; a 
Caciijue's remark about, ib. 

Pedrarias, see " Davila." 

Pelicans, iii. 282. 

Pepper, Agi. i. 238. 

Perez, Alonzo, discovers land in Columbus's 
third voyage, ii. 108 ; joins the faction at 
Darien, iii. 159 ,- thrown into prison, iii. 
160; liberated, ib. ; again assumes command 
of the faction, iii. 161. 

Juan, sent by Ponce on discoveries, iii. 

283 ; returns to Porto Rico, ib. ; finds Bimini, 
ib. ; see note, iii. 284. 

— Fray Juan, prior of the convent of La 

Rabida. entertains Columbus on his first en- 
try into S|iain, i. 102 ; gives him letters of 
introduction to the queen's confessor, and 
educates his son, i. 104 ; reception of Colum- 
bus, i. 102 ; writes to queen Isabella, i. 104 ; 
invited to court, i. 105 ; pleads the caose of 



INDEX. 



Columbus, ib. ; receives a visit Iroin Co- 
Iambus after his success, i. 119. 

Philip, king of Castile, listens to the request of 
Columbus, and promises a prosperous termi- 
nation to his suit. ii. 477. 

Pigeons, wood, vast numbers seen on the south 
side of Cuba, i. 417. 

Pilgrimages, lots for, drawing of, i. 241, i. 2.51. 

Pit. it, observations on the rumor of a pilot hav- 
ing died in the house of Columbus, iii. 343. 

Pineapple first met with, i. 3(H 

Pines, island of, discovered by Columbus, i. 
422 

Pinos, Isia de, discoxery of, ii. 314. 

Pinta, desertion of. i. 189. 

Pinznns. family of, they enable Columbus to 
offer to bear one-eighth of the charge of the 
expedition, and to add a third ship to the 
armament, i. ll.>; their activity and interest 
in the voyage, i. 121 ; furnish Columbus 
with money to defray the eighth share of the 
expense, ii. 122; account of their family, i. 
2r>4, note. 

Pinzon, Martin Alonzo, offers to bear the ex- 
penses of Columbus in a renewed application 
to the court, i. 104; his opinion relative to 
the nearness of land, i. 14.5; begins to luse 
confidence in the course they are pursuing, 
i. 147 ; crediting the ace )unts of the Indians 
in respect to a very rich island, deserts and 
goes in search of it, i IH9 ; Columbus meets 
him, i. 230 ; his apology, ib. ; account of 
his |)roceedings, ib. ; his duplicity becomes 
more evident, i. 232 ; his arrival at Palos, 
i. 2(>2 1 effect of his treacherous conduct, 
ib. ; his death, 263; reflectinns on. ib ; 
observations relative to the supjiosed idea of 
Colunibos owin^ toAim the success of his 
great enterprise, iii 34.5-6 ; his character, iii. 
348. 

, Vicente Vanes, obtains a license for 

voyages of discovery, ii. 59 ; sails on a voy- 
age of discovery, ii 276; discovers the Bra- 
zib, ii. 277, iii. 41 ; disc^ivers the river of 
Amazons, ib., iii. 43; is a'lowed. as a re- 
ward, to colonize and govern the lands which 
lie had discovered, ii. 277 ; armament of, iii. 
40; sails, ib. ; combat with the Indians, iii. 
42 ; loses two ships in a hurricane, iii. 44 ; 
returns to Spain, ib. ; ships seized by his 
creditors, iii. 4.5. 

Pizarro Francisco, sails for Carthagena, iii. 00 ; 
account of, ib. ; lieutenant of the colony of 
San Sebastian, iii. 8.^ ; arrives at Carthagena, 
iii. 119; sent to the province of Cayba for 
gold, iii. 141 ; is attacked by the Indians, ib. 

Planisphere of iMartin Behem, i. 128. 

Pliny, his notice of electrical lights on the 
m;ists of ships, i. 3(14. 

Poetry of the llaytiens, i 370. 

Polo, Nicholas and .Matteo. an account of their 
travels into the east, iii. .384 ; their lirst 
journey, ib. ; return, iii. 380 ; their second 
jiiurney. iii. :187 ; their return, iii. 390 ; in- 
vile their relatives to a splendid banquet, 
iii. 391. 

, Marco, influence of his travels upon the 

VOL. III. 21* 



nind of Columbus, i. 58, iii. 384 ; short ac- 
iDunt of his travels, iii. 384 ; his return, iii. 
385; commands a galley at the battle of 
Cnzzola, iii. .391 ; is taken pri-oiier and sent 
m chains to Genoa, ib. ; writes an account 
of his travels, ib. ; is lilwrated and returns lo 
Venice, iii. 392; an account of hi- work. iii. 
393. 

Ponca, Caciqne of, his territories and villages 
ravaged and sacked by Nufiez, iii. 144. 

Ponce, Juan de Leon, sent by Ovando to Hi- 
guey, iii. 263 ; accompanies Columbus on 
his second voyage, ib. ; expedition to Bo- 
riquen, ib. ; gold at. iii. 265; aspires to the 
government of Porto Rico or Boriquen, ib. ; 
appointed governor of Porto Rico by Ferdi- 
nand, iii. 267 ; sends Cenm and Diaz priso- 
ners to Spain, ib. ; appoints Sotomayer his 
lieutenant, who soon resigns, iii. 268 ; his 
treatment of the Indians, ib ; stratagems of 
against the Indians, iii. 274 ; sagacity of his 
dog, iii. 275 ; attacks the cacique Agueybana, 
iii. 270 ; receives a letter from the king, iii. 
2u ; subdues the island, iii. 278 ; resigns, ib. ; 
expedition of in search of the fountain in Bi- 
mini, the waters of which were said to be 
rejuvenating; sails from St. Germain, iii. 
281 ; discovers Turtle Island, iii. 282 ; dis- 
covers La Vieja, or Old Woman's group, iii. 
283 ; returns to Porto Rico, ib. ; returns to 
Spain, iii. 284 ; made Adelantadoof Florida, 
iii 285; ordered by the king to take com- 
mand of the expedition against the Caribs, 
ib. ; arrival at Guadaloupe, iii. 286 ; death 
of, iii. 2.?7 ; epitaph, iii. 288. 

Poncra, Cacique, a hideous deformity, iii. 186 ; 
torn to pieces by bloodhounds, ib. 

Porras, Francisco de, engages in a mutiny at 
Jamaica, li, 387 ; they embark with most of 
Columbus's crew in ten Indian canoes, ii. 
392 ; are driven back, ii. 394 ; and with their 
companions rove about the island, ii. ,395 ; 
refuses an offer of pardon, ii. 415; attacks 
the Admiral and .\delantado, ii. 417 ; taken 
prisoner, ib. ; is set at liberty by Ovando, ii. 
455 ; and sent to Spain to be examined by 
the Indian board, ii. 450. 

Porto-Rico, or Boriquen, discovery of, i.315, 
iii. 299 ; beauty of, iii. 262 ; natives of, iii. 
265 ; gold at, ib. ; wonderful river in, iii. 
279. 

Portugal and Spain, diplomatic negotiations 
between the courts of, with respect to the 
new discoveries, i. 287. 

Potato in Hayti, i. 377. 

Prado, prior of. — see Talavera. 

Prester-John. an im-aginary Christian king, i. 
62 ; account of. iii. 382. 

Priests of the Haytiens. i. 370. 

Ptolemy, difficulty at the council of Salamanca 
to reconcile the theory of Columbus with that 
of, i. 91. 

Puerto de B.-vstimento, harbor of, ii. 335. 

Bello, discovery of by Columbus, li. 

334. 

Santo, Columbus's description of, i 

190. 



INDEX. 



Qneen's Gardens, Columbus's arrival at, in his 
third voyage, ii. 313 ; arcliipelago of, discov- 
ered, i. 4(15. 

ftuestion, the territorial, how settled, i. 21)9 

Q.uibian, Cacique of Veragua, interview with 
Bartholomew Columbus, ii. 344 ; second in- 
terview, ii. 34.5 ; determines on preventing 
the Spaniards fnmi obtaining a settlement in 
his territories, ii. 346 ; conspires to burn their 
houses and murder them, ii. 350, 1 ; is seized 
by the Adelantado with his wives and child- 
ren, ii. 354 ; escapes in a very extraordinary 
manner, ii. 355-358 ; attacks the Spaniards 
and is defeated, ii. 359. 

Ciuinsai, Marco Polo's account of, iii. 396. 

Ciuintanilla, Alonzo de, receives Columbus 
into his house, i. 79. 

R. 

Rabida, La, convent of, Columbus is enter- 
tained at, on his first arrival in Spain, i. 102 ; 
present state, i. 264. 

Reeds, river of, i. 360. 

, immense, seen on the Mosquito coast, 

ii. 321. 

Reinier, king of Naples, Columbus engages in 
his service, i. 29. 

Religion of the natives of Hayti, i. 368, 9. 

Repartimientos, origin of, ii. 213 ; opposition 
of Don Diego Columbus to the, iii. 300. 

Requelme, Pedro, makes his house the head- 
quarters of the rebels at Hispaniola. ii. 194 ; 
made Alcalde by Roldan, ii. 215 ; joins in a 
conspiracy with Adrian de Moxica, ii. 230 ; 
is taken, ii. 235. 

Rewards and punishments, ideas of the Hay- 
tiens in respect to, i. 374. 

Rio Verde, or the green river, i. 360. 

Road, the first constructed by Europeans in 
the New World, i. 356. 

Rodriguez, Sebastian, takes a letter from the 
prior Perez to the queen, i. 104 

Roldan, Francisco, history and character of, 
ii. 160 ; an account of his conspiracy, ib. ; 
takes possession of Xaragua, ii 1*^9 ; his con- 
duct in respect to the ships sent forward by 
Columbus, ib. ; promises to rej)air to St. Do- 
mingo on the arrival of Columbus, ii. 192 ; 
his interview with Ballester, ii. 195 ; rejects 
an offer of pardon, ib, ; demands his dis- 
charge, ii. 203 ; his interview with Caravajal, 
&c., ii. 204 ; determines on going to the admi- 
ral, ii. 208 ; correspondence with the admiral, 
ii. 206; sends projiositions by Carvajal, ii. 

208 ; which are accepted, ib. ; circumstances 
prevent their being acted upon, ib. ; makes 
a second arrangement with the admiral, ii. 

209 ; is permitted to resume his office of Al- 
calde mayor, ii. 210; receives a grant of 
lands, ii. 214 ; visits his lands, ib. ; assumes 
new authority, ii. 215 ; is sent to meet Alon- 
zo de Ojeda, il. 219 ; his manojuvres with 
liim, ii. 224 — 229 ; his rivalship with Gue- 
vara, ii. 231 ; seizes him in the dwelling of 
Anacaona, ii. 233 : treated with confidence 
by Bobadilla, ii. 263 ; his conduct investi- 



gated by Ovando, ii. 208 ; sails for Spain, 
and is lost in a violent hurricane, ii. 312. 
Roman, Kriar, his account of the natives of 
Hispaniola, i. 369. 

S. 

Sabellicus, his account of the capture of the 
Venetian galleys, iii. 328. 

Saint Micliael, bay of, discovered, iii. 175. 

Salamanca, the learned assemble at, to c■ln^i- 
der the jjroposition of Columbus, i. b'4 ; pio- 
nounce the ])lan to be vain and impossible, 
i. 100. 

Salcedo, Diego de, arrives at Jamaica with 
succors from Ovando. ii. 4.54. 

Salvador, St., discovery of, i. 156; awe and 
surprise of the natives on first beholding the 
ships of Columbus, i. 157 ; description of 
them. i. 1.58 ; gold first discovered in this 
island, i. 160. 

Samana, Gulf of, discovered, i. 236. 

San Rafael, discovery of, i. 436. 

San Sebastian, settleil by Ojeda, iii. 80; con- 
duct of the natives at, ib. ; ambuscade of 
the Indians, ib ; tigers, panthers, and large 
venomuus serpents found at, ib. ; arrival of 
Talavera at, iii. 83 ; faction in the colony, 
iii. 87 ; Pizarro, first lieutenant of, ib. 

Sanchez, Juan, takes charge of Quibian. ii. 
355 ; who esca|ies, ib. ; killed in battle by 
the Adelantado, iii. 417. 

Sande, Don Ruy de, his mission to the Span- 
ish court, i. 287 

Santa Marta, island of, discovered, i. 407. 

Santa, La Isla, discovery of, ii 110. 

Santa Cruz, Island of, discovery of, i. 313, 

Santa Gloria (St. Ann's Bay), discovered by 
Columbus, i. 399. 

Santa Maria, seat of^vernment established 
at, Iii. 127 ; faction at, ib. 

Santiago. See Jamaica; letter of Heneken, 
i. 357. 

, river of, discovered, i. 231. 

Saometa, discovery of. i. 168. 

Saona, island of, discovered, i.435; difference 
of longitude between, and Cadiz, ib. 

Scandinavians, an essay relative to the voy- 
ages of, ill. 3.56. 

Schedel. remarks on an interpolation in his 
chronicle, iii. 354. 

Sea wolves, killed, iii. 282. 

Seneca, his notice of electrical lights on the 
masts of ships, i. 304. 

Serafin Point, i, 412. 

Sharks, a multitude of, seen on the coast of 
Veragua, ii. 341 ; curious method of taking 
them. i. 407 ; superstition concerning, ii 341. 

Shi[)S, observations relative to the size of those 
emjiloyed by Columbus, iii. 364. 

transported in pieces across the moun- 
tains at the Isthmus, iii. 230. 

Slaves, five hundred are sent to Spain, ii. 40; 
three hundred sent by Bartholomew Colum- 
bus, ii. 139; arrival in Spain, ii. 61 ; queen 
Isabella interests herself in their favor, ii. 62 ; 
orders them to be sent back to Hayti, ib. ; 
negroes first introduced to the New World 



INDEX. 



491 



ii. 289 ; revolt of, iii. 303 ; Hispaniola the first 
island to exhibit an awfnl retribution, ib. ; 
regulations in respect to, iii. 304. 
Slaves, one hundred captured and sent to His- 
paniola, iii. (J3. 

Solomon, the gold used in the temple of, ii. 73. 

Soria, Juan de, his insolence to Columbus i. 
i.>97. 

Sosa, sent to supersede Pedrarias Davila, iii. 
234 ; dies in the harbor, iii. i!36 

Sotomayor, Christoval de, arrives from Spain 
at Porlo Rico, iii. 266 ; builds a fortress, ib. ; 
Columbus refuses to put him in possession, 
apjioints Cenm and Diaz lieutenants, ib. ; 
a conspiracy formed against him by the na- 
tives, iii. 270 ; revealed to him by an Indian 
princess, iii. 271 ; he refuses to believe it, is 
attacked in the furest and killed, iii. 272. 

, village of, destroyed, iii. 273. 

Soul, ideas of the Haytiens in respect to the, 
i. 374 ; the after slate of, believed by the 
natives of Cuba, i. 42.5. 

Spain and Portugal, diplomatic negotiations 
between the courts of, with respect to the 
new discoveries, i. 287. 

Spotorno, Gio. publishes documents relative to 
Columbus, ii. 304, 

Sugar cane introduced into Hayli, i. 380. 

Sun, supposed to be worshipped by the In- 
dians, iii. 187. 

Superstition of St. Elmo lights, ]. 304. 

Swallow, a, encircles the ships of Columbus, 
i. .304. 



Talavera, Fernando de, prior of Prado and 
confessor to queen Isabella, i. 97 ; esteems 
Columbus's plan impossible, i. 100 ; he is 
desired by the king to assemble men of science 
to consider the matter, ib. ; reports to the 
king that the council had pronounced the 
plan vain and impossible, ib. ; takes a 
message from the king, ib. ; disgusted at the 
high terms insisted on by Columbus, i. 109. 

, pirates the ship of a Genoese, iii. 85 ; 

character of his crew, ib. ; arrives at San 
Sebastian in time to save the colony, ib. ; 
returns to Hispaniola, iii. 88; puts Ojeda in 
irons, iii. 89 ; is hanged by the order of Don 
Diego Columbus, iii. 99. 

Taxniar, cacique of Yucatan, iii. 249 ; his 
treatment of the Spaniards, iii. 250-2 ; ves- 
sels appear off the coast, ib. 

Teneriffe, fears of the crew at beholding 
Mount, i. 130. 

Territory, question of, how settled, i. 299. 

Thomas, St., fortress of. erected, ii. 303 ; see 
note, ib. ; conduct of the colonists there, i. 
381 ; attacks of, ii. 23 

Tigers and panthers at San Sebastian, iii. 80. 

Tobacco, first seen in the island of Cuba, i. 184. 

Tobago, discovery of, ii. 123. 

Toledo, archbishop of. his character, i. 81 ; 
gives Columbus an attentive hearing, ib. ; 
and procures him an audience of the king, 
i.82. 



Toledo, DoFia Maria de, Dun Diego Colum- 
bus becomes enamoured of, iii. '.'97 ; their 
marriage, ib. ; and embarkation lor Hispanio- 
la, iii. 298 ; is left as vicequeen ai St. Domin- 
go on the sailing of Don Diego for Spain, 
iii. 301 ; becomes a widow, iii. 30(i. 

Torre, Dona Juana de la, receives a letter 
from CiiUimbus with an account of his 
treatment, ii. 270. 

Torres, Antonio de, dispatched from Hispani- 
ola, with twelve ships, to Spain, i. 345; ar- 
rives at Cadiz, ii. 59 ; dismissed from of- 
fice, ii. 97. 

. Luis de, sent up the island of Cuba 

by Columbus, i. 180 ; an account of his 
journey, i. 182. 

Tortoises, sea covered with, on the southern 
coast of Cuba, i. 417 ; curious method of 
taking, i. 407 ; a living one taken out of the 
maw of a shark, ii. 341. 

Torlugas, beautiful island of, discovery of, i. 
201. iii. 282. 

Toscanelli, Paulo, his correspondence with Co- 
lumbus, i. 57 

Trade of the colonies monopolized by the 
crown of Spain, ii. 287 ; the Spanish sys- 
tem the scoff ofl" modern times, ii. 2,'<8. 

Trasierra. Juan de, ii. 258. 

Triana, Rodrigo de, first sees the land of the 
western world, i. 152; account of, i. 274. 

Tribute imposed upon the Haytiens, ii. 50. 

Trinidad, island of, discovered, ii. 108; de- 
scription of its appearance, ib. ; curious ac- 
count of the natives, ii. 110. 

Tristan, Diego, ii. .357, 8, 9 ; is killed, ii. 360. 

Tubananiil Cacique, his appeal to Nunez, iii. 
189 ; refuses to disclose where the mines lie, 
iii. 190. 

Tudela, Benjamin, travels of, i. 61. 

Tumaco, Cacique, encounter with Nunez, iii. 
180. 

Turk's island, observations relative to, iii. 368. 

U. 
Uraba, gulf of, settlement at commenced, 

iii. 70. 
Ursula, Santa, island of, discovered, i. 315. 

V. 

V'aldivia, fortunes of, iii. 247 ; sent to His- 
paniola for provisions, iii. 149. 

Valenzuela, vessel of, founders at sea, iii. 120. 

Valfermosn, coast of discovered, iii. 53. 

Vassals, natives of Hispaniola reduced to the 
condition of, ii. 213. 

Vega, Garcill.iso de la, his tale relative to a 
pilot having died in the house of Columbus, 
iii. 350. 

, river, i. 3G0 ; called by the native* 

Yagui, i. 3.57. 

, Real, the royal plain, i. 361, 378 ; ac- 
count of, see note ii. 16. 

Velasco, Pedro de, his voyage to Ireland, i. 

le. 

, Francisco, ii. 258. 

Velasquez, Diego, commands the soldiery at 
the massacre of Xaragua, ii. 433. 



492 



INDEX. 



Venezuela, gulf of, discovered, iii. 61. 

Vcr.-igua, coast of, discovery of, ii. 3:10 ; war- 
like spirit of the inliabilants, ib. ; soil ap- 
pears to be impegnated with gold, ii. ;147 : 
Golden Castile, iii. 299. 

Vera^uas, duke of. consents to have the re- 
mains of Columbus removed to Cuba, iii. 
292. 

. the heirship lo Columbus decided in 

his fa\or, iii. 30S) 

Verde, Cape de, discovery of, i. TO. 

Vergara forages for supplies, iii. ,'54 ; a caravel 
dispatched in search of, iii. 55. 

Vespucci, Amerigo, first notice of his expedi- 
tion, ii. 222; employed by Columbus at 
court, ii. 469 ; accompanies Ojeda, iii. 22 ; his 
description of the aborigines, iii. 23 ; his ac- 
count of the inhabilants of Curacoa, iii. 2H ; 
an account of, iii. 330 ; a summary view of 
his claim to the title of a discoverer, iii. 331 ; 
the voyage whence his name was given to 
the American continent, iii. 3,34; Colum- 
bus's letter to his son relative to the merit 
and misfortunes of, iii 335 ; Peter Martyr's 
character of, iii. 344; his letter to Rene, 
duke of Lorraine, iii. 337 ; observations re- 
lative to the points in controversy, ih. ; au- 
thor's conclusion, that the voyage asstrted 
to have been made by Amerigo Vespucci 
never took place, iii. ?A4. 

Vessel, stern-post of a, found in one of the 
houses at Guadaloupe, i. 308. 

Viega La, or Old Woman's group, discovered, 
iii. 283 ; sibyl of, ib. 

Villains, natives of Hispaniola reduced to the 
condition of, ii. 213. 

Villego, Alonzo de, appointed to carry Colum- 
bns to Spain, ii. 2fiC ; character of, ib. ; his 
colloquy with Columbus previous to their 
sailing, ii. 267. 

Vines introduced into Hayti, i. 380. 

V'inland, a supposed discovery, iii. 3.'>6. 

Vipers, rocks of, iii. 247. 

Virgin, dances of the Indians in honor of, iii. 
94 ; anecdote, of Cueybas. iii. 95. 

Virgins, the eleven thousand, islands of, disco- 
vered, i. 315. 

Vows made by Ojeda, iii. 91. 

- — — m.ide by Enci.so, iii. 126. 

made in a storm by Columbus and his 

crew, i. 241 ; attempt at fulfilment, i. 247. 



Waterspout, a remarkable, seen on the coait 

of Veragua, ii. 340. 
Wa.\, cake of, presented to the sovereigns by 

Columbus, i. 191. 
Wheat introduced into Hayti, i. 380. 
Wolves, sea, several killed on the coast of 

Hispaniola i. 434. 
Woman, account of a very strong, of Guada- 
loupe, ii. 77 ; taken to Columlius's ship, ii. 

78 ; falls in love with Caonabo, and refuses 

to return on shore, ii. 79. 
Women, origin of, according to the Haytiens, 

i. .372. 
Writing, fear of the Indians of Cariari at seeing 

the Spaniards write, ii. 324. 

X. 

Xagua, gulf of, i. 411 ; coast of, once popu- 
lous, now a desert, iii 173. 

Xaragua, domain of, an account of, ii. 17 ; 
description of its inhabitants, ib. ; Roldan 
takes possession of, ii. 189 ; massacre at, ii. 
429. 

Xerif al Edrizi, his description of the Atlantic, 
i. 20. 

Ximenes. cardinal, iii. 303 ; prohibits licenset 
to import slaves from Africa to the colonies, 
iii. 419-20. 

Y. 

Yanique, river of, i. 363. 

Yuca, groves of, fruit in, iii, 264. 



Zamaco, Cacique of Darien, iii. 126 ; lays in 
ambush, attacks the Spaniards, iii. 141 ; 
stratagem of, iii. 1.52; waylays the Span- 
iards, iii. 155 ; plot of to destioy Darien, iii. 
l.'ifi ; is surprised by Nul^ez. iii. 157. 

Zamudio, advocates Nuiiez at court, iii. 194. 

Zemes, inferior deities of the Haytiens, i. 369. 

Zeno, Nicolo, an account of his claim to the 
first discovery of the American continent, 
iii. 217. 

Zenu, mountains and rivers of, contain gold, 
iii. 121 ; gold taken in nets at, ib. 

Zipanga (,lapan), Marco Polo's account of, 
iii. 397. 

Zones, the, observations relative to, iii. 400. 



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